Those whose hearts are pure are temples of the Holy Spirit. —St. Lucy
Started by Geremia, February 26, 2019, 03:34:41 PM
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QuoteNo one may be disturbed for his opinions, even religious ones, provided that their manifestation does not trouble the public order established by the law.
QuoteThe free communication of [true and false!*] thoughts and opinions is one of the most precious rights of man: any citizen thus may speak, write, print freely, except to respond to the abuse of this liberty,** in the cases determined by the law.
QuoteCongress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, ...
Quote from: Paul_D on September 25, 2023, 07:26:22 AMChristopher Ferrara's 600 page book, Liberty: The God that Failed
Quote from: fn. 9Phrases such as, "Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," or "Life, liberty, or estate," "more disposed to suffer than right themselves," are all found in Locke's Second Treatise.
Quote from: Paul_D on September 25, 2023, 07:51:25 PMFr. Hunter is still defending the Founding Fathers as using Catholic principles, even using Robert O'Reilly's America on Trial (Ignatius Press, 2020) as proof.
Quote from: Paul_D on September 27, 2023, 03:48:00 PMI think some one else did in a post concerning this, defending Fr. Hunter's viewpoint.
Quote from: Geremia on September 27, 2023, 05:25:46 PMQuote from: Paul_D on September 27, 2023, 03:48:00 PMI think some one else did in a post concerning this, defending Fr. Hunter's viewpoint.Who is this "some one [sic] else"?
QuoteI have always understood the thought of the Founders as a complex amalgam of Protestant Christianity, Scottish Enlightenment moral philosophy, Baconian and Newtonian natural philosophy, and the Renaissance tradition of civic humanism. It is hardly an accident that we have a senate and a capitol, or that the young nation filled its new Rome along the banks of the Potomac with Greek and Roman temples. Nor is it an accident that the Founders did not build in Gothic; this fact alone ought to call into question Reilly's inordinate stress on the medieval Christian origins of the American Founding. "If any one cultural source lay behind the republican revolutions of the eighteenth century," Gordon Wood writes, "it was ancient Rome—republican Rome—and the values that flowed from its history." If anything, Reilly's account of the Founding's Christian, natural law origins understates the Founders' neo-classicism in forming their republican imagination. The warnings of of Cicero, Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus against the corrosive effects of luxury and decadence fueled the Founders' own suspicions of the corrupting effects of "interest"—defined, in Madison's words, as "the immediate augmentation of property and wealth." Roman history would also provide the archetypes after which they patterned themselves: Cato, sacrificing his life for his country; Cincinnatus, laying aside his commission to return to his farm. Jefferson hoped, rather romantically, that the yeoman farmers he imagined would populate his empire of liberty would be such high-minded, disinterested men." " 'Ours,' he informed Crevecoeur in 1787, 'are the only farmers who can read Homer.' " Though the radical liberty advanced by Jefferson and Thomas Paine would contribute to the dissolution of this republican vision even within the Founders' lifetimes, in their minds it also served as the precondition for any possible realization of that disinterested ideal. " 'Interest,' many of them said, 'is the greatest tie man one man can have on another' "; by contrast, the "classical ideal of disinterestedness was based on independence and liberty. Only autonomous individuals, free of interested ties and paid by no masters, were capable of such virtue." The demise of this neoclassical vision and the dramatic transformation of the new nation into "a scrambling business society dominated by the pecuniary interests of ordinary people" prior even to the adoption of the Constitution, raises the enduring question of whether the Founders' republican ideal could survive the corrosive effects of Lockean liberty and its metaphysical underpinnings. That it has not survived is beyond debate.
QuoteBen Franklin's Autobiography would've done, or Jefferson's Bible, which he hoped would "prepare the euthanasia for Platonic Christianity." Apparently, Jefferson forgot that "Nature's God" "reveals himself as the divine Logos."In extracting the pure principles which [Jesus] taught, we should have to strip off the artificial vestments in which they have been muffled by priests, who have travestied them into various forms, as instruments of riches and power to them. We must dismiss the Platonists and Plotinists, the Stagyrites, and the Gamelielites, the Eclectics, the Gnostics and Scholastics, their essences and emanations, their Logos and Demi-urgos, Aeons and Daemons male and female with a long train of Etc. Etc. Etc. or, shall I say at once, of Nonsense.
QuoteThis is why Lockean liberalism—with the mechanical world it presupposes and the Baconian world it sets in motion—more perfectly realizes Hobbes' absolutist ambitions than Hobbes himself does. Why repress the Church when you can entice Catholics to think like Protestants, or even like atheists, without knowing it?
Quote from: Geremia on September 25, 2023, 05:26:10 PMGrant's CFN article "St. Robert Bellarmine: Herald of Republics? — Part II" mentions:Quote from: fn. 9"Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," [...] [is] found in Locke's Second Treatise.
Quote from: fn. 9"Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," [...] [is] found in Locke's Second Treatise.
Quote from: Ed FeserTo be sure, Jefferson's formulation [in the Declaration of Independence] is by no means entirely Lockean in content. Locke would, for reasons we will examine presently, be more inclined to speak of rights to one's "life, health, liberty [and] possessions" (T II.6), though the pursuit of happiness is not entirely outside the range of his concern.
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