BÉRULLE AND THE FRENCH SCHOOL SELECTED WRITINGS EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY WILLIAM M. THOMPSON TRANSLATION BY LOWELL M. GLENDON, S.S. PREFACE BY SUSAN A. MUTO PAULIST PRESS NEW YORK · MAHWAH Cover Art: Frank Sabatté, C.S.P., received his B.A. in art from U.C.L.A. in 1973, studying under James Valerio, Lee Mullican and others. He has been a campus minister since 1979 and an illustrator for Paulist Press since 1977. In 1986-87 he served as vice-president of the Liturgical Arts Guild of Ohio. Scripture citations in the Introduction are from the Ne»·’ American Bible translation. Copyright © 1989 by William M. Thompson All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without permission in writing from the pub Usher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-PubHcation Data Bérulle and the French School: selected writings/edited with an introduction and notes by Wilham M. Thompson; translated by Lowell M. Glendon; preface by Susan A. Muto. p. cm.—(The Classics of Western spirituality; Texts translated from French and Latin. Bibliography: p. Includes index. ISBN 0-8091-0426-1: $19.95 (est.).—ISBN 0-8091-3080-7 (pbk.): $16.95 (est.) 1. SpirituaEty—France—History. 2. Bérulle, Pierre de, 1575-1629. 3. SpirituaHty—CathoHc Church—History. I. Bérulle, Pierre de, 1575-1629. II. Thompson, William M. III. Glendon, Lowell Μ. IV. Series. BX1529.B46 1989 24810944—dc20 89-3283 CIP Published by PauHst Press 997 Macarthur Boulevard Mahwah, New Jersey 07430 Printed and bound in the United States of America CONTENTS Foreword Preface Abbreviations AN INTRODUCTION TO THE FRENCH SCHOOL I. Historical Aspects of The French School II. Theology and Spirituality in The French School III. The French School: Retrospect and Prospect IV. Comments on die Texts THE TEXTS Translator's Foreword xi xv xix 3 32 77 97 105 Piem de Bérulle Discourse on the State and Grandeurs of Jesus The Life of Jesus 109 159 Elevation to Jesus Christ Our Lord Concerning the Conduct of His Spirit and His Grace 17° Toward Saint Magdalene Pièce 891: A Letter on the Priesdiood 1g 3 Notes 186 Madeleine de Saint-Joseph The Spiritual Letters of Madeleine de Saint-Joseph 191 Notes 213 -viiJean-Jacques Olier Introduction to the Christian Life and Virtues 217 The Christian Day 277 Notes 288 Jo/w Eudes The Life and Kingdom of Jesus in Christian Souls 293 The Most Admirable Heart of the Most Sacred Mother of God 326 Notes 334 Selected Bibliography 335 Indexes 351 -V111- Editor and Author of the Introduction WILLIAM M. THOMPSON is professor of theology at Duquesne University, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. A native of Boise, Idaho, he received the Ph.D. in theology from the University of St. Michael's College, Toronto, having written a dissertation on Karl Rahner's thought. He is an associate editor of HORIZONS, a member of The American Academy of Religion and on the board of directors of The Catholic Theological Society of America. Professor Thompson specializes in the classical themes of systematics, especially Christology and soteriology, hermeneutics, and the contemplative-spiritual dimensions of theology. His major Christological-soteriological works are Christ and Consciousness: Exploring Christ's Contribution to Human Consciousness, Jesus, Eord and Savior. Λ Theopatbic Christology and Soteriology and most recently The Jesus Debate: A Survey and Synthesis. His recent Fire and Eight: The Saints and Theology represents his first sustained exploration of theology's roots in spiritual-mystical experience. The study of theology's and religion's foundations in human experience has also led him to a continual study of die works of Eric Voegelin. Dr. Thompson is active in the Eric Voegelin Society, and one of his more important studies on Voegelin, edited with John Kirby, is T- Pegelin and the Theologian: Ten Studies in Interpretation. Professor Thompson's studies on the French School are directly linked to his stress upon the experiential-mystical foundations of theology. Among those studies are "The Christie Universe of Pierre de Bérulle and die French Schoo" in The American Benedictine Review, "A Study of Bérulle's Christie Spirituality" in his Jesus, Ford and Savior, and "Oiler's Ea journée chrétienne as a Guide for Today's Theology" in the Bulletin de Saint-Sulpice. Translator of This Volume LOWELL M. GLENDON, S.S., is a member of the American Province of die Society of Saint Sulpice and director of St. Mary's Spiritual Center in Baltimore. He has a long-standing interest 111 the French School. His doctoral dissertation from Fordham University (1983) studied Olier's theological and spiritual anthropology. He has also written "Jean-Jacques Olier's Shifting Attitude Toward the Human" for the Bulletin de Saint-Siilpice as well as An Annotated and Descriptive Chronology of the Important Events in the Life of Jean-Jacques Olier (1608-1657). He has served as a resource person in French School Spirituality for his community in the United States, Canada and France. He is presently employed on the faculty of the Loyola Pastoral Counseling Program, Columbia, Maryland. Father Glendon is currently writing a book on spiritual direction. -ixDR. SUSAN A. MUTO, a native of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, is executive director of the Epiphany Association, an ecumenical lay formation center, and an adjunct professor of literature and spirituality at the Institute of Formative Spirituality, Duquesne University. She is also the author of six books exploring the art and discipline of formative reading and the related themes of silence, meditation, prayer, contemplation and action. Dr. Muto teaches courses at Duquesne that focus on the writings of the masters of Western spirituality and other great faith and formation traditions. Her books, fourteen in total, include Blessings That Make Us Be: A Formative Approach to Tiring the Beatitudes and Meditation in Motion. Her current projects entail co-authoring a book on adult Christian formation and readying a contemporary commentary on die collected works of St. John of the Cross to coincide with die four-hundredth anniversary of his death (1591-1991). FOREWORD One feels particularly blessed, but not quite worthy, to be a part of this project that introduces, in a somewhat new way, the French School of Spirituality to the readers of this series. One feels blessed, for surely here one finds rich and daring explorations of die movement of the spirit— "elevations," to use a term beloved to the School—which transport one into familiar and fascinatingly unfamiliar territory. One also feels not quite worthy, for this school pulsates with an ardor and passion—-with a "fire," to use Father Olier's favored metaphor—that few would dare to claim as their normal possession. Illumination and passion, light and fire, insight united with heart—tiiese are the ingredients of what the French School calls the "science of the saints." In its own time—the exciting yet turbulent seventeenth century —the wedding of "science" with "sanctity" created by the mystics of the French School was an effective way to make the gospel contemporary. There is surely die element of science, in the French School's sense: the rich theological heritage, the awareness of new challenges from Reformers and Renaissance thinkers, an attempt at a new apologia of Roman Catholicism, a refusal to hide behind simplistic and overly pious slogans. But there is also the element of sanctity: an intense desire to ground theological science in living experience or in an experiential faith, which expresses itself most passionately on both the personal and the ecclesial-social levels. The reader of this volume, then, can expect to oscillate between daring, "metaphysical" speculations and glowing and "burning" outbursts of mystical love. I suspect that the mixed genre, which the "science of the saints" is, will be the key characteristic that powerfully commends this School -xito our contemporary period. It seems that our very experiential age longs for a deep and renewed sense of adoration, reverence, God- centeredness, transcendence and die overcoming of narcissism, yet not without sensing how all of tiiese great virtues are the deepest meaning of human experience. The rich explorations of human experience provided by the great mystics in this volume will, hopefully, confirm for the reader the belief that human experience opens out, in and through God, to a Mystery inviting adoration. This intersection between human experience and Divine Mystery is something of a master key in the French School, unlocking the meaning of humanity and indicating why our French mystics had such a concentrated fascination for tile mystery of the Incarnation (for our mystics, die most intensive and unsurpassable expression of that intersection). The French School as a term can be used rather loosely to embrace all those who have been deeply influenced by the founding mystics of that School. Even a sampling of texts from all such spirituals would be impossible in one volume, for this School's influence extends well into our own century. We have chosen to concentrate upon die glowing center of die School, the founders and foundress. By undisputed consensus Cardinal Pierre de Bérulle is the originating influence. Jean-Jacques Olier and John Eudes drink deeply from Bérulle's well, but they are never mere imitations; their creative adaptations also serve as sources for the later followers. Readers normally think of Charles de Condren as belonging to the founding circle too, and we would agree, but the paucity of writings by Father Condren has led us to emphasize the other "principals." If you will, Father Condren surfaces chiefly through those whom he influenced. Somewhat new is die attention given Mother Madeleine de Saint- Joseph, the first French prioress of the Great Carmel in Paris. She was enormously influenced by Cardinal Bérulle, and also seems to have exercised considerable influence over the Cardinal. Something of Father Condren also radiates out from the Mother. Clearly she belongs to the foundational center and deserves to be more commonly recognized in this capacity. At the same time, she somewhat represents the very important contribution women have always made to the thought and vitality of the French School. In die end, die French School is its own best introduction. The reader won't be into die text for very long before being transported into a world of daring, challenge and love. One suspects that Cardinal Bérulle was listening to his felt experience when he showed a special fondness for the metaphor of "elevation." -xiiNumerous people deserve to be thanked for their assistance in this project. I must especially thank Fatiier Raymond Deville, the Superior General of St. Sulpice; Fathers Edward Frazer and Gerald Brown, former and current provincial of die U. S. Sulpicians, respectively ; Sulpician Fathers Irénée Noye, Raymond E. Brown, Cale Crowley, Gerald Coleman, James Fredericks, William Tee, John Bowen, Joseph Bonadio, Frederick Cwiekowski, Gilles Chaillot, Vincent Eaton, Peter Chirico, William Morris, Raymond Hesler; Father Louis Levesque, Assistant Provincial of the Eudists m Quebec ; Father John Sullivan, of the Institute of Carmelite Studies; Father Bonaventure Hayes, O.F.M.; Brothers Michael J. McGinniss, F.S.C., and Francis Huether, F.S.C.; Fatiier Francis X. Malinowski, C.S.Sp., Chair of the theology department at Duquesne University, especially for his enthusiasm for die French School and for his meditative reading of the texts with me; and thanks, too, to my colleagues here at Duquesne University, for their encouragement. A very special thanks to Mary Ellen Lewis, Marybeth I fensberger, Father Jason DelVitto, Sister Margaret Ayers, O.S.B., Andrea Mallek, and Fatiier William Rademacher for assistance with checking the texts and to Harry Hutchinson and Patricia O'Kane of the Duquesne University Library. And warm thanks, too, to the priests, staff and community of die Pittsburgh Oratory, for their support and encouragement, especially Father Drew Morgan, C.O. The greater debt, however, is owed to my wife, Patricia Kobielus Thompson, for her encouragement, her helpful and also meditative reading of the texts with me, and her patience; to Susan A. Muto, for her inviting Preface to this volume, and to Father Lowell M. Glendon, S.S., the translator for this volume, for his perseverance, his stunning competency, his humor and support, and his love for die French School. Affection and competence are die characteristics of the scholarly method he has displayed throughout this project. -xiiiPREFACE Western Catholicism boasts of a number of special schools of spirituality named after founders or associated with rules of religious life. A few of the most notable are the Augustinian, die Benedictine, the Franciscan, the Dominican, the Ignatian and die Carmelite. Special schools are also designated by location as, for example, the English School (Richard Rolle, Walter Hilton, the anonymous author of The Cloud of U.nknomng, Julian of Norwich); the Rhineland School (John Ruusbroec, Henry Suso, John Tauler); and, of course, the French School, which is the focus of this edition of the Classics of Western Spirituality. In die Roman Catholic tradition a special school represents and articulates the common ways of the faith—repentance, prayer, meditation on scripture, devotion to the sacraments—but its expression of these foundations includes a distinctive typology of styles and emphases. Special schools thus contain the essentials of a gospel, a Christian and a church-oriented spirituality, but they enable people so attracted to them to personalize these basics in a special, even intense manner that at once awakens them to God in a new way and facilitates their ongoing formation. This book delineates the specific typology of the French School, revealing its place in die Catholic mainstream and disclosing its characteristic attitudes and applications. I would like to highlight a few key aspects of this spiritual doctrine and then encourage the reader to savor them more fully in the writings of the masters of this school: Pierre Cardinal de Bérulle, Jean-Jacques Olier, John Eudes and Mother Madeleine de Saint-Joseph. It is die basic assumption of the French School of Spirituality that we are created by God and formed in God's image; we come from -xvhim, as Augustinian exemplarism suggests, and it is to him that we must return. Thus our lives on earth ought to be pathways and pointers to what we shall be eternally in heaven. The first emphasis of our journey has to be on adoration, a habitual state of soul that consists in acknowledging always and everywhere the greatness and divine goodness of God. This state of adoring love, proceeding from the core of one's being (one's heart of hearts) calls for an attitude of abasement before the supreme majesty, for a posture of deep humility as we creatures bow before our Creator in an act of unending oblation and surrender, expressing with our whole being the praise God alone ought to receive. To live in this state of adoring and self-emptying love, die Christian must imitate in his or heteveryday spiritual life three facets of Jesus' own love for the Father. We must adhere to Jesus, the Father's perfect adorer, whose attitudes, virtues and transcendent willing each disciple must reproduce by rejecting sin and remaining open to grace. Like Jesus, the Christian must also annihilate all traces of self-interest and act only and always to glorify God. We must, in Olier's words, "live entirely for God in Christ Jesus," becoming "annihilated" in regard to our own plans and committing ourselves as disciples to Jesus, who is in us in order for us to live wholly with the Father. As Jesus accepted God's will in everything, so must we say with unceasing faithfulness: Not my will but thine be done. The most vivid exemplar of this profound surrender is Mary. She is the model of the third facet, abnegation. Jesus will live in us, as he dwelt in Mary's womb and in her heart, only to the degree that we joyfully "disappropriate" ourselves, that is, renounce proprietorship over ourselves and become God's servants. In so doing we let go gradually, with the help of grace, all that is contrary to tile Christ- form of our soul. We submit our pride and every tentacle of sin to Christ's regenerating, redeeming renewal. Thus strengthened by grace and responsive to the call of the Spirit, we can accept and worthily fulfill our apostolic duty to teach all nations and to build up the body of Christ in his holy church. Once we allow our frail, human hearts to become more and more like die adoring, adhering, annihilated, abnegated hearts of Jesus and Mary, we can carry out the work we are called to do "on earth as it is in heaven." In this way we become children of God, paradoxically liberated by renunciation, elevated by humility, and illumined by the night of faith. Purified thus in heart and mind, we cannot help but be pleasing to God. -xviThis theme of spiritual childhood, taken up so powerfully by Saint Thérèse of Lisieux, finds its seeds in the French School. Bérulle, Olier, Eudes and Mother Madeleine capture in prose and poetic prayers the soaring freedom of soul that can be ours if we willingly let go of the egocentric gratification, greed and grandiosity that separate us from God. Christ cautioned that unless we become as little children, abandoned, trusting, joyful, we cannot enter into the fullness of the reign of God. The founders and followers of the French School would resonate, therefore, with these words of Olier: "I feel that die Child Jesus has given me the grace to be like a small child, without any will of my own. He has also given me the grace of joyful abandonment and so abandoning myself to God, I place all my trust in him. To put it ... in a single sentence: I am as carefree as a child." This spirit of freedom, far from paralyzing productivity actually enhances the depth and effectiveness of Christian commitment. It is a tribute to the French School that it has made a lasting impact on Catholic spirituality in the Modern Period. Its special emphases serve as reminders of what is most essential to a Christian way of life: openness to the inspirations of the Spirit and a willingness to incarnate these directives in daily life. -xviiABBREVIATIONS Le coeur admirable de la très sacrée mère de Dieu (Eudes) c Cat Coll CB DC DS E El I J M233 Ma Mars Me Mém Mémor N OC OP OR RHE -xix- R Le catéchisme chrétien pour la vie intérieure (Olier) Collationes (Bérulle) Correspondance du Bérulle Discours de controverse (Bérulle) Dictionnaire de spiritualité Traité des energumènes (Bérulle) Elévations (Bérulle) Discours de l’estât et des grandeurs de lésas (Bérulle) Introduction à la vie et aux vertus chrétiennes (Olier) Lajournée chrétienne (Olier) Pans, Archives nationales, carton M. 2 3 3 (papiers Bérulle) Elévation sur saincte Magdelaine (Bérulle) Marseille, Bibliothèque municipale ms. 467 (microfilm) (Bérulle) A later copy of Mém (Olier) Mémoires autographes (Olier) Mémorial (Bérulle) Narré (Bérulle) Oeuvres complètes (Eudes) Oeuvres de piété (Bérulle) Textes (Dupuy, Bérulle et le sacerdoce) Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 57 (1962): 813-62 (Bérulle) Ta vie et le royaume de Jésus dans les âmes chrétiennes (Eudes) J T Traité des saints ordres (Olier) I I le de Jésus (Bérulle) Note: See Bibliography, under "Primary Sources," for all sources of the citations from Bérulle. Madeleine, Olier and Eudes. M reference to Lettres, without any volume number being indicated, always refers to the Serouet edition of Madeleine de Saint-Joseph's letters. N reference to Oller’s Lettres (Levesque edition, two volumes) will indicate the appropriate volume. -XX- AN INTRODUCTION TO THE FRENCH SCHOOL I. Historical Aspects of The French School The Larger Context: Some Dimensions The period between Pierre de Bérulle's birth (1575) and John Eudes' death (1680) witnessed seismic transformations on the European continent in all the major areas of human concern : politics, economics, culture and religion. The phenomenon that was seventeenth-century France and the "child" it birthed—the French School of spirituality—needs to be set against this larger horizon of experience. If we begin with the political theater, this was the era of the newly emerging "middle-sized" sovereign monarchies/states. Power now was beginning to concentrate at relatively few urban centers, like Spain, or Sweden, or France. The crumbling of die earlier medieval jurisdictions set the stage for diis. But die more immediate catalyst was the new military technology arising to meet the needs generated by the always-present feuding. That technology required an urban population sufficiently developed to offer die necessary artisan shops, manufactories, mining and metallurgical entrepreneurs, capitalists and bankers. Historian William McNeill suggests diat this kind of technology was simply too complex for die smaller nobilities or principalities or cities. But it was also too delicate and sophisticated for the more "universal" sovereignties like Papacy and Empire.1 France clearly was able to supply the necessary powder and shot, -3the transportation for heavy artillery, and die military skills needed for the making of a new European power-center. So unnerving, in fact, was diis new French power becoming that the Dutch and English, with die Hapsburgs, found it necessary if distasteful in 1689 to enter into an alliance to check Louis XIV's expanding power. A growing conflict with traditional powers like die Papacy and the Holy Roman Empire (the Hapsburgs) was a price to be paid by the new power centers. The period 1500-1648 (especially the years 1618-48, the Thirty Years War) is particularly illustrative of the new tensions. The Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 finally brought some easing of tensions by acknowledging die political and religious sovereignties beyond the Empire's borders. This kind of tension is a great theme in Cardinal Bérulle's career. He wanted France to remain loyal to Papacy, Catholicism and Empire. Richelieu, however, was more pragmatic and less principled, working for France's dominance, even if this meant coming to terms widi Protestantism. It might be well for us to take a closer look at this Bérulle-Richelieu condiet, for it is a very relevant illustration of the new kind of struggling emerging on the European scene. Richelieu, for example, had already criticized Bérulle and the "devout party" to which he belonged in 1620 through several anonymous pamphlets. The latter had backed die new Emperor Ferdinand in his struggle with die Protestant Elector Palatine Friedrich V and had even succeeded in convincing the Royal Council to oppose the Elector. Another conflict is especially revealing. Bodi Bérulle and Richelieu favored the marriage of Henriette of France to Charles I of England, but for quite different reasons. Bérulle hoped it might help salvage something of English Catholicism. Richelieu wanted to weaken Spain (the Empire) through an alliance with England. Both were disappointed in the end. Richelieu removed the aspects of the marriage contract favorable to Catholicism, which stung Bérulle, surely. But Richelieu had to turn toward Protestant Germany for his alliance. Bérulle and his "devout party" continued to exercise important influence at court. The struggle with Richelieu intensified. And Bérulle's receiving die cardinalate in 1627 did not ease matters. The final blow came on 15 September 1629, when Bérulle refused to sanction the Treaty of Susa, a treaty that was ultimately harmful to France's alliance with England. Slighdy earlier Richelieu, against Bérulle's recommendation, convinced the Royal Council to back die Duke of Mantua, Charles de Nevers, who was being attacked by die -4- Spanish. The result of all of this was the famous political disgrace of Bérulle in 1629. Richelieu had hoped to remove his rival by making him the French Ambassador to Rome, but Bérulle's death cut off that possibility. But such political maneuverings, which die Bérulle-Richelieu conflict pointedly exemplify, were but one of the enormous transitions of die time. Surely the shock of the Protestant Reformation was another. As die Treaty of Westphalia illustrates, the older Catholic tradition, like it or not, had to arrive at some kind of setdement with the Reformers. In France that meant with Reformed or Huguenot tiieology and practice. Not a little of die French School of Spirituality is a response to the challenges of the Reformation. Echoes of the Reformers' thinking are quite evident in Bérulle, and still present in Olier and Eudes, but less intensively. There is a significant collection of "works of controversy" directed explicitly against especially Calvin's thought in Bérulle's collected works. Topics like the Eucharist, especially die sacrificial character of the Mass, the notion of heresy, the nature of justification, and even the infallibility of the church are taken up in response to die "new doctors," as Bérulle likes to call the Protestant Reformers. One can sense something of the pressures of die Reformation in Oiler's stress on die sacrificial nature of die Eucharist, and rather more positively in his trying to work out criteria for discerning a true priestly vocation. John Eudes repeatedly had to deal with the Huguenot alternative on his many missions. To the Reformation we must add die Renaissance. Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo Buonarroti, Copernicus and Rabelais are only slightly earlier than our precise period of focus (from Bérulle's birth to Eudes' death). Many Renaissance "greats" fall precisely within the period. Cervantes (d. 1616), Shakespeare (d. 1616), Velazquez (d. 1660), Rembrandt (d. 1669), El Greco (d. 1614) and Rubens (d. 1640) were giving shape to a new kind of national literature and style of painting in die new urban centers. Nicholas Copernicus (d. 1543) and his heliocentric system of astronomy, arguing for a circular rather than an elliptical orbit for the planets, deserves special mention. As we will see, he caught the imagination of Bérulle, who imaginatively and hauntingly compares his new style of Christ-centered spirituality to a kind of "Copernican Revolution" in the second discourse of die Grandeurs. There are many more scientific greats of the Renaissance falling within our precise period of focus. Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) -5defended the Copernican astronomy. William Harvey (d. 1657) studied the heart's role in die circulation of blood. The interest in the sacred heart may have something to do with this. In any case, John Eudes' tiieology and spirituality of the sacred hearts of Mary and Jesus were brilliant ways of rendering the gospel contemporary. Ljohannes Kepler (d. 1630) discovered a madiematical formula exactly describing die elliptical motion of each separate planet, thus correcting Copernicus and removing an important objection to his views. Newton (1642-1727) formulated his law of universal gravitation, and Francis Bacon (d. 1626) formulated an empirical criterion of scientific knowledge. To all of this we might add die important inventions, still with us, of die telescope (c. 1608), microscope (c. 1590), pendulum clock (c. 1656), thermometer (c. 1654) and barometer (c. 1643). As we will see, one of the enduring debates is the precise nature of the influence of die Renaissance upon die French School. But that there was a definite influence can hardly be doubted. McNeill sums up this entire period under die label "cultural pluralism." ^Clearly Europe was experiencing a new kind of diversity and stretching of horizons. If we were to follow Karl Rahner s lead we could describe this as a qualitatively new kind of pluralism, for the new methods of inquiry, intellectual disciplines, and changing presuppositions about the nature of reality were making it almost impossible for any one person to truly master all the new discoveries. Mt seems plausible to think that at least the beginnings of this kind of pluralism were making themselves felt. And as we well know from the intensified experience of our own pluralistic situation, die results can be ambiguous. Such richness of experience can lead to greater depth of insight. It can also lead to fear, insecurity, narrow- mindedness, totalitarianism (to restrain the new querying) and other simplistic solutions. In some ways it is all rather like a "dark night." Is it any wonder that sensitive souls like Bérulle, Oller and Eudes speak of anéantissement (abasement) so frequently? Surely the passage through all of this was something like an annihilation of former modes of thought and behavior. The times themselves were a superb analogy for the more difficult side of the spiritual ascent, and sensitive mystics like our three "greats" knew this quite well. If we follow Yves Congar, theology at this time was on the way toward becoming rather arid, uncreative and "scholastic" in the rather pejorative sense. (_The notion of a "dogmatic" theology, tied to an exposition of church doctrines and thus free of theological -6disputes, was coming into its own. Here the new pluralism seemed to foster a style of theology free from too much intellectual "insecurity." In illustration, Congar cites Noel Alexandre's definition of dogmatics (1693): [We understand as] dogmatic and moral, theology in which, having set aside all Scholastic questions and omitted questions of positive theology ... only those things are treated which were defined or handed out as dogmas in the Council of Trent, or explained in die Catechism of this same council. 2 The abandoning of the technique of die medieval quaestio and its replacement by a simple method of doctrinal exposition is a perfect illustration of this state of affairs. We all remember some of the great breakthrough thinkers like Aquinas and Scotus who put the quaestio to powerful use. But who can recall a great breakthrough systematician of the seventeenth century? Louis Cognet, in his penetrating survey of systematic theology in die France of our period confirms Cougar's more general assessment of Catholic theology as a whole. Theologians were, he says, "frequendy influenced by the deteriorating Scholasticism of the waning Middle Ages." — Philippe de Gamaches (1568-1625), who held one of the two chairs at the Sorbonne established by Henry IV for "positive" theology, is a good example. He is also a quite relevant one, for he taught Bérulle and Condren (the next general of the Oratory founded by Bérulle) and had a profound influence on die former. Gamaches knew the patres and cited diem frequently, but in the more "dogmatic" style coming into favor. The fathers were not part of a creative return to the sources but proofs and illustrations for a Catholic doctrine assailed by the Reformers. André Duval, the occupant of the other Henry IV chair, did show some originality in his creative use of Platonic themes and the mysticism coming from Ruusbroec and Harphius. But in the main he followed an ahistoric and deductive method. Cognet rather wittily says that even Bossuet didn't bother to keep his notes of the lectures from his days at the College de Navarre! 11 Moral theology followed suit, growing ever more abstract (removed from people's experience) and even casuistic. Cognet comments: "To a certain extent this development was even demanded by die need to reform the clergy as well as by die necessity to educate sufficiently well-instructed confessors." — The "regular" school theology did generate something of a reaction, which can partly explain the phenomenon that is the French School of Spirituality. Louis Bail (1610-69) issued, in four parts, his Théologie affective on saint Thomas en meditations between 1638 and 1650. The Dominican Guillaume de Contenson (1641-74) surpassed this attempt to unite theology and spirituality witii his Theologia mentis et cordis, issued between 1668 and 1687. Here speculative "scholastic" analyses of doctrine (speculationes) are followed by spiritual applications (reflexiones). This newer kind of "contemplative" scholasticism was in many ways a continuation of Gerhard Groote's attempt to wed mysticism to scholasticism in the fourteenth century. The Sorbonne had endorsed by official statute this kind of theology by 1600. — We find much more creativity in the development of historical theology. This was partly a response to the Reformers, who would only listen to the scriptures and die patres, not die medieval scholastics. Thus the Bibliotheca patrum of Marguerin de la Bigne from 1575 on, as well as the editions of the patristic sources coming from the Benedictines of Saint-Maur, came into being. At first, as Cognet indicates, this réssoiircement was more polemical, as Bérulle's controversial discourses with the Huguenots indicate. In time it would create the foundations for a new theological specialization in its own right. u Some highpoints of tins patristic renaissance are worth underscoring. The Dominican François Combefis published an impressive edition of St. Maximus Confessor in 1675. The reformed Benedictines of Saint-Maur (Maurists), of course, continued to issue their high-quality editions. For example, Dom Jean Mabillon gave us an edition of the works of St. Bernard in 1667, and Dom Thomas Blampin (1640-1710) directed the edition of St. Augustine. Comprehensive syntheses of the tyz/zwwere contributed by the Jesuit Dems Petau in his Dogmata theologica (164450) and by the Oratorian Louis Thomassin's Dogmata theologica (1680-84). Biblical studies, too, were undergoing something of a profound transformation and renewal, which would eventually bear fruit in today's historical-critical approaches to die scriptures. Richard Simon (1638-1712), a member of the Oratory founded by Cardinal Bérulle, is widely credited with being the originator of modern biblical criticism. He wrote works on both testaments, but unfortunately aroused the wrath of the likes of Bossuet. The Oratonans, -8despite their tradition of scholarship, were forced to expel him m 1678. But the Oratonans contributed other "proto-critics" of the scriptures: Jean Morin and Bernard Lamy. At the same time, as Cognet puts it, die "tradition of spiritual, moral, and even allegorical exegesis no doubt continued to be widespread." 1Ί Bossuet's Apocalypse avec une explication of 1689 might serve as an example of this kind of exegesis. The mystics of the French School, I might suggest, tend to be in the tradition of a more spiritual-contemplative exegesis. But more tenuous forms of allegory are missing, in the main. Perhaps something of the Renaissance critical spirit served as a modulating force in this regard. — One of die greatest sources of renewal, and the one with the most direct importance for our study, must be, of course, die breakthroughs in mystical and spiritual diought and practice. On one level, surely, this mystical renaissance can be seen as a creative alternative to the dogmatic aridity of the prevailing school theology. It represents a deep effort to remain in tune with the experiential sources of faidi and theology. On anodier level, too, it can be seen as a reaction against what is perceived to be an excessively humanistic trend in the Renaissance period. In other words, this mysticism is a tension-filled reality moving between two extremes. At times it fell into those extremes. The extent to which this creative tension is maintained rather dian collapsed is one of the great debates among scholars of the French School, as we shall see. In some sense, of course, the patristic and biblical renaissance rehearsed already forms a part of this renewal of mysticism and spirituality. The Johannine and Pauline texts, so beloved to die French School, are die biblical texts that easily lend themselves to a more inward, contemplative reading. The patres, too, practiced a form of dieology wedded to spirituality and mysticism. The "theological" reappropriation of them was, then, a kind of reappropriation of spirituality. )J_The popularity of Dionysius the Areopagite meant the popularity of his brand of apophatic mysticism. The dissemination of Augustine's writings meant that the Augustinian inwardness and ChristianPlatonic mysticism were making diemselves felt, and both of these left a great impression upon Bérulle and the entire French School. Bishop Zamet, in approving Bérulle's Grandeurs, said that he found within it "the spirit of the great apostle of France, Saint Denis and his Divine Hierarchy." _^_The historian Jean Dagens has this to say about Bérulle's Augustinianism: -9It is beyond doubt that he receives die tone of his elevations, of his contemplative meditations, from Saint Augustine.... The powerful speculations on the Trinity and Incarnation, which form the beauty of the Grandeurs de Jésus, are of Augustinian inspiration; in the sweeping view of universal history which is that of the I z? de Jésus, one perceives the vestiges of the City of God. — Alongside this, however, there was an increasingly appreciated literature of spirituality and mysticism penetrating France. After Dionysius must surely come the Rheno-Flemish writers: Harphius and Blosius in the late 1500s; and in the seventeenth century the greater writings: The Pearl of the Gospel, and Ruusbroec's Ornament of the Spiritual Espousals, translated into French by the Carthusian Dom Beaucousin. At about the same time appeared the translations of the Spanish and Italian mystics: Luis de Granada, Juan de Avila, the great St. Teresa of Avila, then St. John of the Cross and St. Catherine of Genoa. At the same time, of course, St. Francis de Sales and St. Jane Frances de Chantal were forging a uniquely Christian and French form of "everyday mysticism," which would have an effect upon Olier and John Eudes at a later time. Bérulle probably absorbed much of this spirituality through frequenting Mme. Acarie's celebrated circle of friends, which included Dom Beaucousin, die Capuchin Benet of Canfield, the Sorbonne theologian Duval, the Jesuit Coton, the secular priest Gallemant and the Marquise de Maignelay. He was her cousin (she later became the Carmelite Marie de l'incarnation at Pontoise, eventually receiving beatification), and one of his early works—Bref Discours de l'abnégation intérieure—reflects the kind of mysticism characteristic of the Rheno-Flemish writers and Catherine of Genoa. Often called abstract mysticism, it emphasized a transcending of all concepts and images as die sign of the deepest mystical union with the Divine. Oftentimes even Jesus' humanity was seen as one of die earthly realities needing to be transcended. In time, this "bypassing" of Jesus' humanity would find its corrective in the likes of Teresa of Avila and the later Bérulle. Somewhat earlier, even Canfield was pressured by his Capuchin superiors to add some chapters on the contemplation of Jesus' passion in the second edition of his Eide of Perfection. Bérulle's Bref Discours also has some references to Jesus' life and passion as an exemplar of die mystic's way. zlAs we will see, mysticism went through a number of modulations as it was received -10in France and as people began to explore the spiritual life and the kind of theology most congenial to that life. In many ways it seems to have been a self-correcting or self-enriching reality. — Finally, in this brief overview of historical trends, mention should be made of the enormous pastoral renewal occurring. If you will, this was the praxis dimension of the various kinds of renewal and reaction coming into being. There was a kind of interchange among theology, spirituality and pastoral action that makes of this age a rather fascinating precursor of our own. For example, despite Richelieu's tendency to use die monasteries for monetary gain, abbeys like Cluny, Citeaux and Premontré did strive to be centers of spiritual renewal. What we today might call basic communities frequently gathered at die reformist convents of Port-Royal, Val-deGrace, the Carmelites, the Visitation nuns and at the equally reformist monasteries of La Trappe and Rancé. — A particularly active area of renewal, and one with profound consequences for the French School, was die embattled terrain of priestly reform. Quite clearly a crucial strategy for renewing the church, regardless of how one might define renewing—and we will see that that was a contested issue—is to concentrate on the transformation of the ecclesial leaders. In the seventeenth century, that meant die priests. zlThe Council of Trent had legislated the foundation of seminaries, but this never became law in France, despite die initiatives of people like La Rochefoucauld. The situation was quite desperate. Listen to St. Vincent de Paul's castigation: The Church has no worse enemies tiian her priests. Heresies have come from them ... and it is through them that heresies have prevailed, that vice has reigned, and that ignorance has established its tiirone among the "poor" people; and this has happened because of their undisciplined way of life and refusal to oppose those three torrents now inundating the eardi with all their might. ~ Vincent clearly has in mind the Protestant Reformers when he speaks of heresies. When he speaks of vice, he has in mind the immorality of all kinds widely characteristic of die clergy. The large numbers ordained in die various sacred orders, despite their lack of training and the church's lack of need, as well as die piling up of benefices—diese are what Vincent probably has in mind. After all, the life of die clergyman offered an easy career in a culture where -11careers were hard to come by, especially for the less privileged. And die more privileged could gain quick income through the technique of piling up benefices. Cognet tells us that "virtually all monasteries and priories were benefices and many of their titulars were mere tonsured people less than twenty years of age." And he adds that the kings "used diem unscrupulously for the purpose of rewarding loyal servants and supporting artists and literati." 35 When he speaks of ignorance, he has in mind the lack of preparation and training characteristic of the secular clergy. As we saw, seminary education had not yet taken hold. Adrien Bourdoise (1584-1665) is considered die pioneer in French seminary education. He formed a society for priestly candidates in 1612 at Paris, and by 1643 his seminary experiment, as Cognet calls it, was finally approved officially. Cognet continues, His example was emulated: between 1622 and 1680 there appeared in twenty French towns seminary societies of this type.... Initially Bourdoise's enterprise required true courage, for at that time even La Rochefoucauld did not dare open a seminary either in Clermont or in Senlis, the diocese he was given later on. Bourdoise's influence was to prove vital in connection with other foundings, such as the Oratory and Saint-Sulpice. — Unfortunately he limited the preparation to practical matters for the most part. Little education in theology and spirituality transpired. Learning from Bourdoise, partly building upon his labors but really creating an alternative style of seminary education, was Bérulle's Oratory, Oiler's Company of Saint-Sulpice, and Eudes' Congregation of Jesus and Mary. Here die aim was to develop a secular clergy that might serve as a paradigm and example of what the priesthood should really be. Not a religious order in vows (although the French School adapted the religious orders to their own ends), but the "order" of priests of Jesus and the apostles, which could in turn educate aspirants coming to live with and learn from them. Perhaps one of the reasons Olier maintained cumulative benefices, a practice in violation of canon law, was precisely so that he would have an institutional-parochial basis from which to launch his program of priestly renewal. — The Oratory had seventy-one houses by 1631. Obviously it met a real need. But under its second general, Charles de Condren (1588- 1641), the Oratory ceased to make an effort to promote seminary -12education in its houses. The leadership in seminary education passed to Olier and his new Company of St. Sulpice, which became a veritable model of seminary training. John Eudes' new Congregation also took up the task of such training, as we will see. These efforts were profoundly lasting programs of ecclesial renewal, only really coming under serious question again around the time of tire Second Vatican Council. When we add these breakthroughs in seminary education to the renewal among tire aristocracy (as the beata Mme. Acarie and her circle partially illustrate) and to tire extensive mission work of tire time (think of St. Vincent de Paul, but also of die extensive missionary work of the Oratonans, Sulpicians and Eudists), we can begin to imagine the kind of irruption of pastoral praxis that was beginning to transform die French church. — Bérulle, Olier and Eudes: A Brief Chronology As we can see, the above forms the horizon of experience of our three founders of the French School. Each enters into it, contributes to it and significantly alters it in common yet unique ways—commonly enough to make it plausible to call them a school, I believe. But like all living schools, it is a commonality which preserves and even fosters creativity and uniqueness. There is something irreducible about Pierre de Bérulle, Jean-Jacques Olier and John Eudes. The Oratory, Saint-Sulpice and the Eudist Congregation are a kind of monument to this diversity-in-oneness. The future Cardinal Bérulle was born at Certify (Yonne) in 1575 and studied philosophy and theology at the College of Clermont, being ordained a priest in 1599. He had already published his Bref Discours (1597), was participating in Mme. Acarie's mystically inclined circle, and perhaps had taken Dom Beaucousin for his spiritual director in 1596. In 1602 he made die Ignatian exercises under P. E. Maggio, which possibly sensitized him to the "Christological gaps" of the abstract mystics. His growing involvement with the Carmelites probably deepened this sensitivity. In 1603, by papal bull, he was named the third co-superior of the French Carmelite sisters (Mme. Acarie is usually considered their foundress) and helped escort Spanish Carmelite nuns to France for their founding of the Carmel of the Incarnation in Paris (1604). The following year Mother Anne of Jesus (one of the original Spanish nun-foundresses in Paris) den -13ounced abstract forms of mysticism that ignore Jesus's humanity, and we know that Cardinal Bérulle grew decisively Christocentric about this time (1605-10) as evidenced in his writings of this period. With the foundation of die Oratory by Bérulle (1611), its papal approbation two years later, and Bérulle's papal appointment as perpetual visitator of the Carmelite nuns in 1614 (there were not yet Carmelite priests in Paris), he became a more public, powerful, and also controversial figure. In the latter year he inaugurated die feast of Jesus' solemnity and proclaimed, against Dionysius the Areopagite, a "reversal of the hierarchies" that Dionysius had explored in Neoplatonic fashion in his writings. Henceforth, for Bérulle, all the hierarchies of angels will adore Jesus, the God-man. The Cardinal, as we shall see, never stopped drinking at die well of Dionysius, but he surely modified him in a Christocentric way. 30 For Bérulle, Jesus Christ is God's unique and highest revelation. But it is Bérulle's role as Carmelite visitator that seems to have spawned die greatest controversy in his career to this point. We are referring to die delicate, complex issue of the vows of servitude to Mary and Jesus, vows he proposed both to his fellow Oratorians and then to die Carmelite nuns between 1615 and 1616. He actually "imposed" one to Mary upon the Carmelites of Chalons-sur-Saône in 1615. He could not know that these vows would thrust him into highly controversial waters for almost a decade. Why was he a partisan of tiiese vows? Bérulle, it seems, had encountered the tradition of professing vows to Mary, the perfect example of servitude, during a mission to Spam in 1604 for die Carmelites. Such vows can be dated back to Ildephonse of Toledo in 667. And, of course, such vows are a common Catholic tendency, perhaps especially in an anti-Protestant period. They were also congenial to the Dionysian horizon of thought: Reality was to be structured in various orders, the nature of one's vow expressing die order to which one belonged. The scholar Paul Cochois suggests that those professing die two vows of servitude to Mary and Jesus would, in Bérulle's plan, "form a choir and an order, capable of diffusing upon the inferior hierarchies the deifying light that they themselves received by means of the Virgin and die incarnate Word from the fontal deity of die Father." JfyMost important, these vows gave expression in an intensified way to the new Christocentric tone developing in Bérulle's experience. In any case, Bérulle's desire to have the Carmelite nuns profess the -14vows—Marie of die Trinity professes one formulation of them in 1616—inaugurates a grand controversy of multiple dimensions. One suspects a certain jealousy in die attacks from the male Carmelites, perhaps displeased by Bérulle's influence with die nuns (lais position had been reconfirmed by Pope Paul V in 1620). The Sorbonne professor Duval, also a co-superior of the nuns, viewed the vows as fourth, non-canonical vows. Meanwhile Mme. Acarie, now a sister, expressed disapproval of them. Bérulle began only to recommend them, but troubles continued. A defective copy of die vow found by the Carmelites in 1620 caused more misunderstanding. And some expressions in die vow were capable of receiving Nestorian or Monophysite interpretations. Bérulle's approach to Jesus' humanity led some to think that he was personalizing the human nature (in the School theology die human nature subsists in die Word's person; there is a human nature, not a human person). Odiers feared the monophysitic drowning of humanity in divinity. It is possible that vowing servitude to a "deified humanity" or a "humanized divinity"—to use the expressions in question—can be bent in heretical directions. And sadly, the defective copy of the vow was indeed censured by die theological faculties of Douai and Louvain, and by P. Lessius. (Mint interestingly, Lessius himself writes that his action was uncharitable and unjust, and that the formula of the vow could be given an orthodox interpretation. ^_In any case, no further official action was taken, Bérulle did make clear tiiat die vows were a prolongation of die baptismal vows (not uncanonical fourth vows), and most crucially, he wrote his great Grandeurs in 1623 at least partly as an apologetic defense of this entire episode. Let me end this chapter in Bérulle's life by citing his reformulation of the vows in die form of "elevations" from the Second Discourse of the Grandeurs: I praise you [the holy humanity of Jesus] in the infinite dignity and in all the powers and offices which you receive in this quality; in the relation, rights, and appropriation which you maintain toward die Holy Trinity; toward the Father, in the filiation of die humanized Word proceeding from him; to the Son, in die subsistence which you receive from him; to the Holy Spirit in the operation by which he produces you and unites you to the Word! And finally I praise you in the supreme, wholly divine, and completely admirable state which you have entered through the hypostatic union, and in all the consequences, rights, and obligations owing to this divine state, according to the order of die -15Power of Wisdom and the good will of the eternal Father towards a nature nearer and more intimate to him than any other, according to its essence, because it is intimate with and conjoined to his subsisting Son. — Urban VIII was elected pope in 1623, and by personal decision (20 December) he put an end to die controversy associated with Carmel. Bérulle only had six more years to live, and he spent them working on both a theological-spiritual and more "political" front. He wrote his beautiftil three elevations on the Trinity, Incarnation and Marian mystery (1625), which can be considered a concentrated summary of his thought. His meditative, less apologetic (than the Grandeurs) I de de Je'sus appeared in 1629, preceded two years earlier by the elevation on Mary Magdalene, and he devoted a number of important writings to die Oratory's work of spiritual direction and seminary renewal. This was also a particularly active period for Bérulle in the political sense, as we have already noted. It was between 1624, when Richelieu became chief of the Royal Council, and 1629, the year of Bérulle's "disgrace" by Richelieu, that the great struggles occurred. Bérulle's cardinalate (1627) was something of a consolation during this trying time. Pope Urban VIII was clearly a supporter of Bérulle, reportedly naming him "the apostle of die incarnate Word." Jean-Jacques Olier, like Bérulle, was born to die aristocracy; his father was a councillor of Parliament at Paris. The fourth of eight children, he was born in die year 1608. The first period of his life might be said to culminate in his attraction to die renewal work of St. Vincent de Paul and his priestly ordination in May of 1633. His parents did favor him with die usual kinds of ecclesiastical benefices: tonsured at eleven, and receiving the priory of Bazainville and the abbey of Pebrac. He also earned the bachelor's degree in theology at the Sorbonne (1630). The atmosphere of spiritual renewal greatly inspired him (not surprising for one who had known St. Vincent de Paul and St. Francis de Sales!) He was even thinking of joining die Carthusians. The year 1630 was important for another reason: Olier was healed from a condition of eye deterioration, a healing he attributed to his "first conversion" to a serious life of holiness through the Blessed Virgin's intercession. A second period of Olier's life and work saw him exploring the consequences of his commitment to spiritual and churchly renewal. -16He collaborated with St. Vincent in a series of missionary endeavors (such endeavors were enormously important to the entire pastoral effort of the time): near his own abbey (1634), then in Auvergne (1636-37), near Nantes and at Montdidier (1638-39), and finally in the Diocese of Chartres (1639-41). Apparently Olier was becoming something of a star, for Bishop Zamet of Langres wanted to make him his successor (and Olier was only 26!). It was the advice of Charles de Condren, die Oratory's new superior general, which kept Olier from accepting the episcopacy. The following year Olier asked Condren to be his spiritual director. In this way the developing heritage of the French School began to shape Olier deeply. The climax and even culmination of this second period must surely have been the "great trial" Olier underwent from 1639 to 1641. This is probably one of the more controversial aspects of Olienan scholarship, but the new critical work being done on Olier's Mémoires is bringing us to greater clarity on the matter. ^Apparently tins trial was a kind of total, somatic-spiritual ordeal and transformation. Nothing was spared! On a physical level basic bodily functions were lost: I cannot even move my arms, legs, head, eyes or tongue without dus dependence which is within. That which I depend on is in die depth of my soul, and swallows up my natural powers. It is stronger dian I am for it is the absolute master not only of this but capable of bestirring and moving die whole world as it does at each instant. a And there was a psychological dimension: That which God's goodness brought about in my body he also caused in my soul. For he took away the strength from its natural faculties, leaving me languishing in foolishness, stupidities, and imbecilities which only those who have experienced it can understand — Apparentiy even his mother began to wonder whether he were fee- bleminded, and die leader of the mission he was on advised him to give up his benefices and to "hide [himself] in a hole." — Along with this went an experience of his profound sinfulness: After original sin, left to ourselves, we are only self-centeredness, incapable of raising ourselves to him. We are only dryness, restlessness, frivolity, blindness, in short, misery. And by misery, I mean -17nothingness and sin. But on the other hand through his Spirit we are forever lifted up and attentive to God. He alone can accomplish this in us, beyond our • 4Π capacity. — It is unnecessary to view this entire episode simply as a neurotic breakdown, as Henri Bremond was inclined to do. 41 It is quite possible for a spiritual breakdown and breakthrough to occur through human experiences of suffering, tragedy and neurosis. The one explanation is not incompatible with the other, especially if one is persuaded of die plausibility of an incarnational notion of divine causality, whereby the Divine operates through die human. Bremond seems to create a dichotomy, whereas the Mémoires seem to give expression to a mystical experience of purgation and die dark night, an interchange between human suffering and Divine illumination. Sometime in 1641 Olier experienced great peace. While praying to St. Anne at Chartres he experienced an "unparalleled peace" from her words in die "depths or fond of his soul." Earlier he had been given to understand that the Eord wanted him to learn to love with a kind of pure love: "Do it out of love, not only justice, for it is sweet to please one so beautiful." ^Finally he wrote of a great deliverance from the ordeal, which he experienced on the Octave of Corpus Christi, 6 June 1641: O my God, I thank you for placing in my Jesus praises so worthy to be presented and offered to you.... O my God how pleased I am to know what he is; to know all he is for your glory, for it seems to me that nothing could be more lovable than to exist completely for your glory. O glory a thousand and a million times more cherished than my own glory.... In this way you delivered me from my ordeal, O my God, when you so grandly illumined my spirit ... this light gave me an ardent desire for your great glory and my abasement [anéantissement, and die abasement of all the world. — Here we can see that die breakthrough to a deeper and purer love, and the peace it brings, is the brighter side of the breakdown caused by self-doubt and self-absorption expressing itself in the psychosomatic symptoms so powerfully experienced in Olier's spiritual itinerary. — The experience at Chartres of 1641, which signals the beginnings of Olier's recovery from the dark night, occurred at the same time that a group of missionaries, led by Denis Amelote and including -18Olier, was attempting to found a seminary for the reform of the clergy. This work of ecclesial and priesdy renewal and reform occupied the final period of Olier's life. Partly influenced by the pious widow Marie Rousseau, pardy by Condren, and pardy by his own interior movements, he founded a seminary near Paris at Vaugirard at the end of 1641, transferring it a year later to the parish of Saint- Sulpice, where he had become pastor. He served as pastor for the next ten years, profoundly influencing die well-meaning parishioners through his preaching and liturgical leadership as well as his spiritual direction. He experienced heavy opposition from die newly emerging Jansenists, from die Huguenots, and from the simply frivolous. He was able to influence the aristocracy in an especially deep way. As we have seen, the seminary work became quite successful too. Between 1649 and 1657 Olier founded, with his "Sulpician" companions (die Society of St. Sulpice was formally founded in 1645), seminaries at Nantes, Viviers, SaintFlour, Magnac, Te Puy, Clermont and Amiens. Before his death on 2 April 1657, Olier had successfully turned over his parish to Bretonvilliers, launched a mission to Montreal, co-founded a congregation of women religious (which did not endure), and written some of the masterpieces of the French School. Bremond suggested that Olier's "special grace and mission was, not exacdy to popularize Bérullism, but to present it with such limpidity, richness of imagination and fervour that its apparently somewhat difficult metaphysics are placed invitingly in the reach of most readers." 45 The seventeenth-century scholar Louis Cognet did say, as if confirming Bremond's judgment, that Olier's Journée chrétienne "enjoyed rare success." 46 Olier's life and work comes home as hauntingly real and manifoldly rich. — Saint John Eudes (1601-80) lived during most of Bérulle's life and during all of Olier's. He knew them both, and there can be little doubt that the growing spirituality of the French School reached something of a concentrated pitch in the heart symbolism, devotion and theology gradually explored and quite originally carved out by him. It is, says die Eudist scholar Paul Milcent, "a transcription of die more basic thinking of Bérulle anci De Condren, and of the Pauline theme of life in Jesus Christ." — We can conveniently speak of John Eudes' early period as diat of his formation in tire Oratory and its mission. Unlike Bérulle and -19Olier, John was born of a peasant family the first of seven children. He did some of his studies at the Jesuit College at Caen. Deciding to become a priest, he entered the Oratory, studying under both Cardinal Bérulle and Charles de Condren (1623-27). After priesdy ordination (1625), he devoted his time to die kinds of missionary endeavors that tire Oratonans engaged in, working in Normandy (his native area), Brittany, die Ile-de-France, Bourgogne, and even giving three missions in Paris at Louis XIVs court. Toward the end of diis period (1641) he also encountered Marie des Vallées (1590-1656). The bishop of Coutances wondered whedier she might not be possessed and invited John Eudes to examine her case. John became convinced that she was a woman of profound holiness and derived much comfort from her. It is tire shift in attention to seminar)’ work that enables us to speak of a second period in John's career. His missionary work had steadily convinced him of die need for the clergy's reform, if die seeds of renewal begun during die missions were to take hold. Tike die other Oratorians, John found himself attracted to die formation of priests through seminary work. Unlike the model envisaged by the Council of Trent—namely, the training of adolescents John, as some others (Sulpicians, the Vincentians, some Oratorians), developed the model of associating with themselves older candidates and even priests in an intensive period of spiritual and pastoral renewal. Such seminary work would almost define die future work of John Eudes. Here we touch upon one of the more obscure and controversial areas of Eudist scholarship. Paul Milcent speaks of François Bourgoing's opposition to this work (Bourgoing was die superior­ general of the Oratory at the time) being based upon "reasons which are not clearly known." Was Bourgoing more comfortable with the Tridentine model, well-known to the Oratory?49 Clément Guillon, another Eudist scholar, also speaks of the difficulty of clarifying die nature of Bourgoing's opposition. ^_In any case, on 25 March 1643, John Eudes founded, with some other like-minded priests, the Congregation of Jesus and Mary (the future Eudists), which took priestly formation and the missions as its work. This began at Caen, followed by the founding of seminaries at Coutances (1650), Lisieux (1653), Rouen (1659), Evreux (1667) and Rennes (1670). During this same period, he founded the Religious of Notre Dame of Charity to work with young girls experiencing serious difficulties. Eventually this -20group developed into two congregations: Our Lady of Charity of Reftige and Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd. — We can, perhaps, speak of two great climaxes in this second period of John's life and work. On the one hand, perhaps partly in response to the growing rigorism of Jansenism, his thought moved toward die developing of an impressive heart theology centered on the love of Mary and Jesus. As we will see, he worked out a mature synthesis of his own form of Bérullism around tills metaphor of the heart. Coupled with this was his liturgical expression of tins heart tiieology in feasts of Mary's (beginning in 1648) and Jesus' sacred hearts (about 1668). On the other hand John experienced his own form of die "great trial" through increasing opposition on a number of fronts. Jansenists smarted from John's opposition and disliked his supposedly insufficiently rigorous spirituality. Some of his former Oratorian colleagues opposed his new congregation. A mysterious "Letter to a Doctor of the Sorbonne" (circulating around 1674) attacked John's friend Marie des Vallées and the heart devotion as he had developed it. The dark night grew increasingly darker. Particularly painftil, to judge from John's letters, was his disgrace in the eyes of King Louis XIV, lasting from 1674 to 1679. ^Apparently one of John's well-intentioned supporters in Rome expressed John's fidelity to the papal authority in such a way that King Louis interpreted it as a threat to John's fidelity to himself as John's monarch. By royal command John had to leave Paris, and the survival of his fragile congregation was in question for some time. This was a period of disintegrating relations between France and Rome, a period fertile for the emergence of Gallicanism. John finally had to appeal personally to the monarch for forgiveness. As we have indicated, the king did, in the end, receive John in audience and promise him the royal support he needed. John Eudes wrote much throughout his career. His The Life and the Kingdom ofJesus in Christian Souls, written already by 1637, is widely recognized as his basic work. It manifests, with some Eudist touches we will examine later, the spirituality of Bérulle and his "school." Perhaps his most original and synthetic work is The Admirable Heart of the Most Sacred Mother of God or the Deration to the Most Sacred Heart of Maty, finished only a few weeks before his death in 1680. The spirituality found here was both the cause of, and die greatest consolation in the midst of, die great trials. Upon his -21beatification in 1909 Pope Pius X called him the "father, doctor and apostle of the liturgical cult of the hearts of Jesus and Mary." Pius XI canonized him in 1925. Now perhaps we understand something of why Jean-Jacques Olier called him "this great preacher, the Père Eudes, the wonder of his time." — A Woman's Perspective: Madeleine de Saint-Joseph One cannot study the French School for long without being struck by the important, even critical role that women played throughout. The phenomenon of Cardinal Bérulle is very bound up with die Christocentric spirituality of die great St. Teresa of Avila, with the mystical aspirations of Mme. Acarie and her circle, with St. Catherine of Genoa's thought, with the work of the French Carmelite nuns in Paris, and especially with die Venerable Madeleine de SaintJoseph, the first French prioress of Paris' Great Carmel. So, too, biographers of Olier stress the crucial role of women in his evolving spirituality. One thinks of Marie Rousseau's important role in helping Olier through his dark night and in his seminary reform work. One thinks, too, of die Mère de Bressand, Mère Agnes, and especially of Marguerite de Saint-Sacrement. All played important roles in Oiler's life. John Eudes was also deeply impressed by Marguerite's holiness, particularly her devotion to Jesus' infancy. And who can forget the important bonds he had with Marie des Vallées? — As feminist theological criticism is beginning to teach us, much of the contribution of women to theology and spirituality in general is only now beginning to receive the attention it has always deserved. As an aid in sensitizing us to this need and desire to surface more fully the critical role of women in the story of our French School, we will single out Mother Madeleine de SaintJoseph. If you will, perhaps she can serve as a representative for us of the rich amount of theology and spirituality awaiting the critical scholar. Let us introduce her by a citation from Louis Cognet: [Her] outstanding holiness irradiated the whole world of the devout. An intimate confidante of Bérulle, she no doubt influenced the evolution of the great spiritual master, who had die highest esteem for her revelations and mystical states. Warmly attached to Bérullian spirituality, she fought untiringly to defend it, to extend it in the Carmels and to -22lessen the influence of die abstract school. But her Bérullism assumes a mystical form in many respects original and very attractive: it is a great pity that her writings, but for some very short fragments, have not yet been published. — Venerable Madeleine du Bois de Fontaines was a contemporary of Bérulle, being born in 1578 at Fours, die sixth child in her family of fifteen children. She lived until 1637 (Bérulle died eight years earlier). She entered the Great Carmel at Paris only a few weeks after its founding and quickly became an important figure in the Carmel's development. She made her profession on 12 November 1605, and soon became a Mistress of Novices. She was elected prioress at the age of 30. Between 1615 and 1617 she assisted in die founding of Carmels at Tours and Lyon, returning to Paris to found a Second Carmel there, where she served as superior for another six years. Again, rather remarkably, she returned to the Great Carmel (at Paris), and found herself again the prioress for another eleven years (1624-35). It is in titis last period that Mère Madeleine became an intimate confidante of Bérulle. One can realistically speak of a kind of two- way spiritual direction, and die evidence is strong that she influenced the theological evolution of Bérulle's spirituality in important ways. She had apparently played a decisive role somewhat earlier in the founding of the Oratory, for Bérulle sought her counsel on die matter and was encouraged by her support. 56 She also supported Bérulle on die matter of the vows of servitude at die Great Carmel. At die time when Mme. Acarie and the theologian Duval were attacking his views on the vow, Madeleine wrote Bérulle (in 1616) that die thought of being in servitude to the Virgin in the Order had aided her immensely. 57 Cognet. basing himself on her correspondence of 1623-25, thinks she may have been die major influence behind Bérulle's great "Elevation on Mary Magdalene." She speaks of her own great troubles and promises him die help of die "great Saint Magdalene." — Perhaps one of die most fascinating aspects of Mère Madeleine is her own theology of love, which Cognet suggests may have been quite influential on Bérulle. There does seem to be a tendency on Bérulle's part to stress love more fully at the very time that he is getting to know the Mother more intimately. Her letter 144 seems especially important in this regard. "Adoration not only cannot be -23perfect without love, but it doesn't even deserve the name of adoration ... unless love is its soul and life," she tells us. Bérulle's I-7? de Jésus, written in 1627, stresses an adoration always developing in love, unlike some of Bérulle's earlier thought, which seems to present love more as a gateway to adoration. Another text of Bérulle's distinguishes among three types of honoring the "uncreated, incarnate, and crucified life of Jesus: ... first by adoration, which is an act of reverence, secondly by love, and then in a third way by an adoring love, that is to say, loving while adoring." — After Bérulle's death, Modier Madeleine found herself having to clarify and even reject some aspects of die "abstract spirituality" that had been fashionable in Mme. Acarie's circle. Anti­ mysticism was becoming more useftil to the political forces opposed to the policies of die devout (namely, to Richelieu's camp). Further, the tendency to diink that one can achieve sublime mystical states and revelations is always somewhat dangerous, bodi because it can be easily subject to illusion, and because it can be threatening to a religion like Catholicism, which stresses the mediation of revelation through Jesus and through the ecclesial structures. We should think, too, of Madeleine's Carmelite tradition: Teresa of Avila very strongly critiqued any bypassing of Jesus' humanity in the spiritual life. There are ample letters from Madeleine's correspondence that illustrate this growing concern for the abstract school, at least in its extreme tendencies. At one point she criticizes Mère Agnes, a cherished confidante of Condren and Bishop Zamet, for being in "a profound illusion." At another point in her life she was very opposed to die notion of withdrawing (désappliquer} from Jesus' humanity in die spiritual journey, a term dear to Condren's austere spirituality of sacrifice. Some circles, after Bérulle's deadi, did try to associate his name with a kind of crusade against Benet of Canfield's abstract spirituality. Is this the source of die pressure that caused Mère Madeleine to say that Bérulle's zeal for an abstract spirituality caused her great pain? Did the Mother not understand die Cardinal's careful critique of this abstract spirituality in his later Jesus­ centered theology and spirituality? Or was she simply pointing to a danger always in need of critique in die spiritual life? Bérulle, as we shall see, never completely abandoned the abstract spirituality stemming from Dionysius. He integrated it with a Christocentrism. Judging from the Mother's acceptance of the Bérullian theology of anéantissement, -24she, too, did not completely disown the "Dionysian moment" in Bérullian spirituality. — The Modier died on 30 April 1637. During her life she had published a study of die mystic Sister Catherine of Jesus. But her letters are the particularly crucial sources for her developing thought and work. Given the critical role of the Great Carmel in the renewal taking place in France, and given her own contribution to die French School, she deserves to be considered one of die great initiators of the kind of spirituality we are studying here. The French School has a foundress as well as founders. Alerting ourselves to the role of women in die history of the French School seems an appropriate place to say something about the theology of woman present there too. So far as I know, no studies exist on this issue, and we must rely upon educated guesses stimulated by die newly emerging feminist criticism of theology. If we borrow a clue from Rosemary Ruether and speak of three basic "types" of understanding of women-patriarchal, androgynous and liberationist/the-refusal-to-stereotype—then we might suggest that the French School seems predominantly influenced by the androgynous viewpoint. By androgyny we mean the tendency to associate certain characteristics with either males or females. Both characteristics may be present in males and females in varying degrees, but die crucial facet of androgyny is to name a certain set of characteristics properly male or female. This is the source of the so-called masculine and feminine archetypes. Olier employs them frequently, it appears. God is like a mother who nourishes her son, and in imitation of this the church's prelates are like mothers who engender and nourish their babes. Spiritual directors are like fathers in their force, courage and ability to correct; like mothers in their tenderness, patience and compassion. They "enter into the two great qualities of Our Tord ... [who] is truly father and mother." )J_Is this androgyny behind Bérulle's great elevation on Mary Magdalene, in which her founding of a school of love is contrasted with the Beloved Disciple's founding of a school of knowledge of the Lord? She has more fervor and love; he, more discernment and light. — One senses that much of die Marian theology and piety characteristic of die French School particularly lends itself to an androgynous viewpoint. Mary is, after all, the great example of servitude to die -25Lord through her maternity and virginity. "The great desire of the Mother of God is to see her son perfectly loved," says Mère Madeleine. ^_This Marian piety lends itself to a stress upon the mothering, nourishing aspects of woman. And yet Mary's servitude is her elevation, just as Jesus' servitude is his elevation. And, in line with this, Bérulle speaks of Mary Magdalene as the first to witness the Risen Jesus; indeed, as one who did not dee from die cross, but who was strong. "The first bull and patent" die Risen Jesus issued was to Mary Magdalene "making her an apostle, but one of life, of glory, and of love; and an apostle to the apostles." ^_Do these texts indicate that the French School was perhaps on the way to breaking out of the limiting, androgynous viewpoint? Androgyny seems too limiting a framework for this kind of experience and spirituality. Could we perhaps sum up by saying that despite an occasional patriarchal text, misogynist in viewpoint, the French School leans more in the direction of androgyny, yet with indications of a move toward a more liberationist perspective? Much more research needs to be done, but for a first and tentative approach, this conclusion seems legitimate. — -26NOTES 1. William H. McNeill, A World History (New York: Oxford, 1979), p. 311; cf. pp. 295-326, 359-76 for the basis of much of the following. 2. Ibid. p. 316. Some key dates and facts: Henri IV of France is assassinated in 1610, succeeded by Louis XIII (with Anne of Austria); 1624, Richelieu becomes chief minister; 1642, Mazarin succeeds Richelieu; 1643, Louis XIV succeeds under regency of his mother until Mazarin's death in 1661, and then he assumes full powers, ruling until 1715 (72-year reign). His wife was Marie Thérèse. 3. Cognet is the great church scholar on our period. See Louis Cognet, "Ecclesiastical Life in France,” in History of the Church 6: The Church in the Age of Absolurism and Enlightenment, ed. Hubert Jedin and John Dolan, trans. Gunther J. Holst (New York: Crossroad, 1981), pp. 3-106 at p. 13. 4. Cf. Bérulle Oeuvres complètes 2 vols., ed. François Bourgoing (Villa Bethanie, Montsoult Seine-et-Oise: Maison D'Institution de L'Oratoire, 1960), Vol. 1, pp. 35-115; Vol. 2, pp. 679-743, esp. p. 742; see below on Olier and Eudes. Translations in the introduction are by me. 5. Cf. Paul Milcent, S. Jean Eudes: un artisan de renouveau chrétien au XVIIe siècle, Semeurs (Paris: Cerf, 1985), p. 450. 6. McNeill, pp. 325-26. 7. Pluralism involves complex ambiguities. Cf, for example, Karl Rahner's very suggestive "A Small Question Regarding the Contemporary Pluralism in the Intellectual Situation of Catholics and the Church," in Theological Investigations 6, trans. Karl-H. and Boniface Kruger (Baltimore: Helicon, 1969), pp. 21-30. 8. We lack a sustained study of seventeenth-century theology. See Yves Congar, A History of Theology, trans, and ed. Hunter Guthrie (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1968), pp. 177-81; the small amount of space Congar devotes to seventeenth-century theology says something about the era's (systematic) theological creativity. 9. Congar, p. 178, citing Alexandre's Theologia dogmatica et moralis (1693), 1, praef. 10. Cognet, p. 93. 11. See Cognet, pp. 94-101, for much of this detail. 12. Ibid. ρ. 95. 13. See Jean Dagens, Bérulle et les origines de la restauration catholique -27- (1575-1611) (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1952), pp. 39-40; see pp. 16-103 for an overview of the times similar to Cognet. 14. Cognet, p. 97; cf. pp. 97-101 for what follows. 15. Ibid. p. 99. 16. It is quite possible that the French School's "new" emphasis upon Jesus' humanity served as a kind of bridge toward a growing appreciation of the historical dimensions of scripture. 17. See, for example, Harvey Egan, Christian Mysticism: The Future of a Tradition (New York: Pueblo, 1984), p. 375, and Hans Urs von Balthasar, "Theology and Sanctity," in Word and Redemption, Essays in Theology 2, trans. A. V. Littledale, in cooperation with Alexander Dru (New York: Herder and Herder, 1965), pp. 49-86. 18. Dagens, p. 31. 19. Ibid. p. 36. 20. Bérulle, Oeuvres complètes 2, pp. 650, 657, 662-63. 21. On all this see Dagens, pp. 103-32, 249-69, and Louis Cognet, Post-Reformation-Spirituality, trans. R. Hepbume Scott (New York: Hawthorn, 1959), pp. 56-68. Also see Henri Bremond, A Literary History of Religious Thought in France 2: The Coming of Mysticism (1590-1620), trans. K. L. Montgomery (London: SPCK, 1930), pp. 145-94, for an engaging treatment of Mme. Acarie. 22. Helpful here is Cognet, "Ecclesiastical Life in France," p. 20. 23. Milcent has suggested that at least the nobility were regarded like priests, given their sacred character at the time (p. 257), and we have seen the spiritual renewal among them. 24. André Dodin, ed., Entretiens spirituels aux missionaires (Paris: Seuil, 1960), p. 502, my translation. 25. Cognet, "Ecclesiastical Life in France," p. 8. 26. Helpful here is Michel Dupuy, Se laisser à l'Esprit: itinéraire spirituel de Jean-Jacques Olier (Paris: Cerf, 1982), pp. 17-28. 27. Cognet, "Ecclesiastical Life in France," pp. 20-21. 28. Cognet, "Ecclesiastical Life in France," p. 8, mentions the cumulative benefices of Olier. 29. Cf. Cognet, "Ecclesiastical Life in France," pp. 20-22, on much of this; also Dupuy. 30. Cf. Jean Orcibal, Le cardinal de Bérulle: évolution d'une spiritualité (Paris: Cerf, 1965), p. 80, referring to Bérulle's Coll 245. For Bérulle's life, see the critical study by Dagens, especially pp. 13-245. Cf. Henri Bremond, A Literary History of Religious Thought in France 3: The Triumph of Mysticism, trans. K. L. Montgomery, (London: SPCK,'1936), pp. 1-222. 31. Paul Cochois, Bérulle et l'école française, Maîtres spirituels Series (Paris: Seuil, 1963), p. 33; see pp. 30-43 for this entire controversy. Cf. Dagens, pp. 205-28. -2832. Orcibal, p. 154, calls this Formulaire III of the vow. 33. See CB 2, P. 341, p. 245. 34. G 2, 4, p. 174. Cf. Bérulle's N for his own defense, appended to the G. 35. See Dagens, p. 291. 36. This remarkable document of around three thousand pages, written from 1642 to 1652, is available through important selections in Dupuy, which is the modem, critical study of Olier's life. See also Bremond 3, pp. 359-434. 37. Cf. Lowell M. Glendon, "Jean-Jacques Olier's View of the Spiritual Potential of Human Nature" (Ph.D. diss., Fordham, 1983), p. 82, for this and subsequent citations; this one is from Mém 1:117. 38. Mém 1:214-15; in Glendon, p. 83. 39. Mém 1:95; Me 1:86 (a later copy of Mém); in Glendon, pp. 83-84. 40. Mém 1:128; in Glendon, p. 87. 41. Cf. Bremond 3, pp. 359-91. Interestingly, St. Thérèse of Lisieux suffered a remarkably similar illness in 1883, when she was ten. "I appeared to be almost always delirious, saying things that had no meaning.... I often appeared to be in a faint, not making the slightest movement." (Story of a Soul, trans. Jolui Clarke [Washington, D.C.: Institute of Carmelite Studies, 1975], p. 62). Hans Urs von Balthasar, relying upon P. Roquette, who considers these illnesses mystical experiences, notes this similarity among Thérèse, Olier and Surin in his Thérèse of Lisieux: The Story of a Mission, trans. Donald Nicholl (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1954), p. 280. 42. Mém 1:192, in Dupuy, p. 112; Lettre 69, 1, p. 149; Mém 1:149; in Glendon, p. 90. 43. Mc 1:85; in Glendon, p. 91. 44. See Gilles Chaillot, "Les premières leçons de l'expérience mystique de Monsier Olier," Bulletin du Comité des Etudes 40 (1962): 501-43. 45. Bremond 3, p. 393. 46. Cognet, "Ecclesiastical Life in France," p. 78. The Journée chrétienne went through six editions in the seventeenth century, three in the nineteenth century, and three again in our own. The lack of eighteenth-century editions may have been owing to biases against mysticism in the church in general (information courtesy of Irénée Noye). Besides the major works of Oiler referred to throughout these pages, mention should be made of his venture in "spiritual exegesis," L'explication des cérémonies de la Grande Messe (1657). 47. Besides Dupuy's critical life, see also Frédéric Monter, Vie de JeanJacques Olier (Paris: Poussièlgue, 1914). 48. Paul Milcent, "Jean Eudes (saint)," Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 8, ed. M. Villcr, et at. (Paris: Beauchesne, 1972), cols. 488-501 at 498. 49. See Milcent's Saint Jean Eudes: introduction et choix de textes, -29Témoins de la foi Series (Paris: Bloud and Gay, 1964), pp. 15-16, for an explanation; the phrase "not clearly known" is my rough translation of "Pour les raisons qui restent mal connues ... ," in Milcent's article on Eudes in DS, col. 489. See Bremond 3, pp. 133-92. Cf. Raymond Deville, L'école française de spiritualité, Bibliothèque d'histoire du Christianisme Series 11 (Paris: Desclée, 1987), pp. 92-94. 50. Clément Guillon, En tout la volonté de Dieu: S. Jean Eudes à travers ses lettres (Paris: Cerf, 1981), p. 28. Eudist scholars manifest a quite understandable circumspection about the Oratory, the "mother," after all, of their own congregation. 51. "Llnlike attempts made elsewhere, Père Eudes did not admit the 'penitents' [young women] into the religious life; on the other hand he endowed this novel institute with solid constitutions" (Milcent, Saint Jean Eudes: introduction, p. 20, my translation). 52. See the letters assembled and interpreted in Guillon, pp. 133-52, for a fine analysis of these trials by John Eudes himself, and by Guillon. 53. Olier, Mém 2:221; for these details, see Milcent, "Jean Eudes," in DS, cols. 490-91. 54. See above, in the text, for the role of most of the women mentioned in Bérulle's work. For Olier, Dupuy is especially sensitive to the place of the women mentioned in his Se laisser à 1'Esprit, pp. 299-3 21. Also see Constant Bouchaud, "Le role de Mère Agnes dans la preparation spirituelle de JeanJacques Ober a la fondation du Séminaire de Saint-Sulpice," Bulletin de Saint-Sulpice 12 (1986): 160-70. On Eudes' appreciation for Marguerite, see Milcent, S. Jean Eudes: un artisan, pp. 228-30. This will surely become the critical study of the saint in our time. Also see Bremond 3, pp. 497-572. 55. Cognet, Post-Reformation Spirituality, p. 104; see lais La spiritualité moderne (Histoire de spiritualité 3/1) (Paris: Aubier, 1966), pp. 360-410, for Cognet's sensitivity to women. 56. Tills was around 1611. See (Louise de Jésus), La Vénérable Madeleine de Saint-Joseph (Clamart: Carmel de 1'Incamation, 1935), p. 128. This is the key study of Madeleine; also cf. Dagens, pp. 191-228; and Bremond 2, pp. 227-67. 57. See Lettre 3 in Madeleine de Saint-Joseph, Lettres spirituelles, ed. Pierre Serouet (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1965), p. 17. Cf. Louise de Jésus, pp. 225; 500-02nl0. 58. Cognet, La spiritualité moderne, pp. 363-64; Lettre 14, p. 25. 59. XXXI A in Michel Dupuy, "De nouveaux inédits de Bérulle," Revue d'histoire de la spiritualité 52 (1976): 363; for Cognef s view, La spiritualité moderne, p. 364; also see Lettre 144, p. 144; see below, pp. 200-03. 60. See the appropriate texts in Lettre 39, pp. 46-47, and in Louise de Jésus, pp. 243-44nl5. Orcibal, pp. 133341161, has an important analysis of the matter. For anéantissement see, for example, Lettre 159, pp. 166-67. -30- 61. Olier, Projet de l'establissement d'un séminaire dans un diocese, in Traité des saints ordres, ed. G. Chaillot, et al. (Paris: St.-Sulpice, 1984), p. 315; L'esprit d'un directeur des âmes [paraphrasing M. Ober] (Oeuvres complètes de M. Olier, ed. J.-P. Migne [Paris: Ateliers catholiques, 1956], col. 1219). 62. See Chapter 3 especially. 63. Serouet, Lettre 177, p. 181. 64. Ma 5, 5, 7; 7, 4. Mère Madeleine also speaks of the strength of women who followed Jesus: Lettre 174, pp. 179-80. 65. For these categories, see Rosemary Ruether, Sexism and God-Talk: Toward a Feminist Theology (Boston: Beacon, 1983). One apparently misogynist text in the French School: Bérulle speaks of "the vanity common to the fragile sex" in his Observations sur le texte de Sainct Luc, en faveur de la Maodelaine, I. -31- II. Theology and Spirituality in The French School Because the French School forms part of the creative reaction against the separation of theology and spirituality, we will try our best to interrelate die two aspects throughout our overview. There is a continual perichoresis or interchange between die theological and the practical. "Some distinguish between a mystical and a practical theology, but this is a distinction which I do not wish to employ," says Bérulle. "All God's graces distributed upon earth are to enable us to act better." Tn this respect Bérulle reminds one of die fathers, particularly Augustine. Like them, he is in quest of a "science of die saints." l_The science dimension links it with the critical clarity of the scholastic tradition. The saints dimension attaches it to spiritual experience: a deep life of faith and even mystical experience. Not a small part of the fascination of the French School is the dynamic and sometimes surprising manner in which each of our four founding mystics enters into this tension-laden interchange. The Basic Pattern Two traditions intersect in the French School: the Neoplatonic and the Christian. Like the millennial tradition as a whole, Bérulle and his collaborators employ the Dionysian, Neoplatonic schema: We have come from God (exitus) and we find our being's fulfillment in re -32turning to our origin (reditus). But the French School has thoroughly "Christianized" or "Christified" this pattern: Our emanation reflects Christ, our wounding it through sin deepens our need for Christ, and our return to God is through tire mediation of Christ. Jesus Christ is God's unsurpassable revelation. This spirituality and theology is at once very Pauline and Paschal, and very Neoplatonic and Dionysian. Both of these aspects shine out in Bérulle in an almost perfectly balanced manner. In Madeleine, Olier and Eudes die Dionysian dimension constitutes a more or less deep context within which the Paschal or Pauline aspects are rather more heavily accented. But there is also a third element to be added: the unique modulations each of our mystics give to the millennial tradition. With Bérulle this can take the form of daring intuitions quite unheard of before, a kind of mining of new shafts within the tradition. With Madeleine, Olier and Eudes it more commonly takes the form of intensifications of aspects deserving greaterstress. Theocentric and Trinitarian "So God who is unity leads everyone to unity, and through distinct degrees of unity comes and descends toward man that he might ascend toward God," says Bérulle. J_Here we note the dynamic kind of unity, beloved of much Neoplatonism, that lies behind Bérulle's theocentric exemplarism: The divine unity is the example or form which creates in creatures the basic tendency toward unity. We come from divine unity and our being is a living dynamism of participating in that same unity. We should not think of intermediaries between humans and God, for die Divine grounds and permeates all: "... God, creating and forming all things, refers them and relates them all to himself ... a movement more intimate to the creature than his own being itself." This divine "unity of essence" is also revealed to be a "unity of love" in die trinitarian mystery. At times Bérulle explores this m a more Augustinian, typically Western fashion: "All the divine persons are of the same essence." At other times he seems more typically Greek, stressing the persons more than the unity: "The divine society of persons subsisting eternally in the divinity." The Father is the "fontal deity," the source and even end of all, "like an admirable circle," who performs "the work of a father and mother simulta -33neously as regards his Son and eternal Word." The Son, "the image which the Father has formed of himself," is simply "a continual reference to his Father." The Holy Spirit, produced by the Father with the Word, is their "unity of love." In this sense, that the Spirit does not himself produce another person but is the loving fecundity of Father and Son, Bérulle will daringly speak of the "sterility of die Holy Spirit." 5 This trinitarian theocentrism forms the background of Mère Madeleine's writings too. In her letters she usually dwells upon the inner life of the person and her relation to Jesus, but at times she will express the typically Bérullian trinitarian theology undergirding dus. She knows that Father, Son and Spirit are "one in essence," but this unity is a rich one. She was known to have spoken of the "plenitude of God," from which emanates a "plenitude of grace." An especially fine formulation of her trinitarian thought, more reflective of die typically Greek approach and tinged with her own love theology, is the following: For, as in the eternal generation the Father is pleased in his Son and the Son in his Father, and this mutual contentedness happily finds its completion in the Holy Spirit who is love, so God, producing in the creature several different effects, finally wishes the creature to adore this contentedness of Father and Son in themselves and that love be die goal and fulfillment of all dieir work. Olier's commentators will say that some Platonic themes enter into his thought about God chiefly through Condren: God is the "All," for example. But the typically Dionysian stress on God's hiddenness finds only an echo in Olier. "God is transcendent by excess more than by difference." LThus, Olier's God is very much a communicator, a fire, to use one of his favorite metaphors: "O my God, you have appeared like fire." Thus, he likes to stress the trinitarian (communicative) aspect of God, in whose image we are all made: God "has formed human society upon the model of die society of persons in the most holy Trinity." As the divine persons love one another, so "God wants each to love one's neighbor as oneself." 2 John Eudes too, like Olier and Madeleine, developed a more biblical, less Dionysian formulation of the divine mystery. There is a well-known, Dionysian-like text in which Eudes counsels us to be detached from our own "attachments" to God, for God is truly so -34much more. But for Eudes, God is primarily love, perhaps dirough the influence of St. Francis de Sales and also attentiveness to his own inner experience. Thus he moves easily into meditations upon the trinitarian mystery, stressing die divine persons' sharing of love among themselves and imprinting diat love upon us, especially dirough baptism. His great work on Mary's heart is really a prolonged meditation on how the Marian mystery is grounded upon die heart of Father, Son and Holy Spirit. "To adore die heart of Jesus," Eudes tells us, "is to adore the heart of the Son and the Holy Spirit; ... a heart which is a furnace of love burning very intensively for us." Note die Eudist twist given die unity in Trinity: the "diree persons in the adorable mystery of the Trinity ... are but one heart." 2 As we indicated earlier, the French School refused to separate theology from spirituality. Thus, the kind of theocentric trinitarianism essayed here goes along with a certain spiritual praxis. We will need to look at what the French School thinks about the reality of sin and the Christ event to fully appreciate its spiritual praxis, but even now we should mention that there is a spirituality corresponding to this theocentric trinitarianism. For each of our mystics, we are a reflection in some way of the inner mystery of the Trinity. Here the Platonic exemplarist and die biblical "image of God" tradition intersect : We are most ourselves when we reflect the loving relations of the divine reality itself. — Christological and Soteriological No scholar doubts that the French School is profoundly Christocentric. We have even seen that the early Bérulle, more deeply influenced by the abstract style of spirituality seeking to transcend everything finite and human (even Jesus' humanity), still saw in Jesus the exemplar of the life of ascent to the Divine Mystery. As he undergoes his so-called Christocentric conversion his Christology deepens. He never disowns his early acceptance of the abstract, Neoplatonic school of spirituality. But he rather creatively integrates it with a more biblical perspective. ^_This usually takes the form of viewing the Incarnation as a prolongation of the trinitarian mystery on earth. "For God produces all things by his Word," Bérulle tells us. "Now the first operation of God is the production of his Word, -35and the final, the incorporation of this same Word into the human nature." 12 In a passage unique in his writings, but which Cognet suggests sounds strikingly similar to Harphius, Bérulle calls the Incarnation a "second Trinity, a novel Trinity," for it unites Jesus' body, soul and Divinity. It is not a "Trinity of subsistence in the unity of essence" (as in the "First" Trinity), but a "Trinity of essence in the unity of subsistence." 13 Of course, all the trinitarian persons are involved in die Incarnation: the Fatiier through his initiative; the Spirit, "infertile" within die Trinity becomes fecund outside of it in lovingly sharing die God-Man. But Bérulle especially underscores the role of the Word: the Image produces a perfect "image." — What is diis "novel state" of the Incarnation, as Bérulle likes to describe it? Bérulle particularly meditates upon the hypostatic union, combining insights from the fathers, the scholastics and die mystics. "The person of the Word ... possesses an extraordinary and inexplicable relation to die human nature, which being deprived of its subsistence, must receive that subsistence from the Word," says Bérulle. Mlérullc here takes over die traditional notion diat Jesus' human and divine natures subsist in die person of the Word (the so-called enhypostasia of the humanity in the Word). Jesus thus has no need of a human "person" (or act of subsistence). This establishes "an order and state ... singularly divine and singularly proper to die eternal Word." If you will, the hypostatic union is what Bérulle elsewhere calls the substance of the mystery of the incarnation. He displays his originality in his meditations upon the economy of that same mystery, die way in which that mystery deifies the life of Jesus and of those who share in diat life. ILThere exists a "commerce and communication ... between [Jesus'] divinity and humanity." In more daring terms: "He who is, becomes: the Uncreated is created: ... die One who enriches the world becomes poor." (^.Because of tills, there can be no bypassing or surpassing of Jesus' humanity (against abstract mysticism). And yet Jesus' humanity is one of poverty, of subsisting not in itself but in die Word, of dénuement or self-emptying (with diat abstract mysticism). Here we see how Bérulle unites the more Jesus- centered mysticism of the scriptures and the Teresian (Carmelite) tradition with the concerns of Dionysian, negative mysticism. Our goal is indeed die Transcendent One, but our means is Jesus, and our goal is Jesus too. He is God's highest revelation. — -36Through this novel state, the God-Man Jesus now becomes a "Father" in the order of the economy. Bérulle can use the biblical notion of the "New Adam": Through Jesus' humanity, which is in solidarity with us, we enter into a new order. Bérulle can also use the Neoplatonic, exemplarist language: Humanity is deified through Jesus; "God becomes man in order to make us gods." i_l le will also use his complex and somewhat unique term état to develop diis economy. At least as this term is used in die important OP 77, On the Perpetuity of the Mysteries ofJesus Christ, Bérulle sees in die mystery of the Incarnation some tilings "past" and others "present and perpetual." "They are over as regards their execution, but present as regards their power [zw&J." Or, Bérulle will say diat die "love with which they have been accomplished will never pass away." ^_If you will, there is a power of deification perpetually at work in the events of the incarnation. In this sense, the "states" of Jesus are die archetype of "states" in die Christian: For the incarnation of the Word is die basis and foundation ... of the deification of all the states and mysteries sharing in the life and earthly voyage of the Son of God upon earth.... Jesus ... wishes that we have a unique share in these various states, according to the diversity of his will for us and our piety toward him. 22 We find die main aspects of this Bérullian christology, with some unique modulations, among Madeleine, Olier, and Eudes. Madeleine sees the incarnation as the expression of the Trinity in the historical economy. Her own formulation of die God-Man mystery is to speak of it as the Son's abasement before die Father, whereby he enters into the "state of perpetual victimhood," a phrasing reminiscent of Condren's theology of sacrifice. Like Bérulle she uses die term état to refer to the inner dispositions within Jesus and within ourselves by which we are conformed to him. The Bémllian Soften has a "permanenc y" about it: Our participation by state is deep and lasting. Her special charism was to emphasize die role of the humanity of Jesus as the never-tobe-bypassed mediator of union with God. "I know that not everyone can apply themselves through discourse to [Jesus'] mysteries; ... I speak of an adherence of the will ..." she says, echoing the view of the French School as a whole. Whether verbally or not, we are always one with Jesus, through "state," adherence, in our depths. In this respect she was influenced by Bérulle, -37whose counsel on diis issue she sought: "He gave me an explanation which filled me with great joy." She was also deeply influenced by the great St. Teresa of Avila, who regretted "having followed the advice ... to bypass Jesus Christ's humanity, as if it were an impediment to the highest contemplation." yhAgain, Jesus Christ is God's unsurpassable revelation. No one could doubt the Christ-centeredness of Oiler's life and thought. He was deeply marked by his vow of servitude to Jesus (1641) and vow of ho st-victim two years later. ^_His writings are permeated by a Jesus-centeredness. We find the Bémllian view of the Incarnation as a prolongation of die Trinity, as the hypostatic mystery in which the human "person" is replaced by the person of the Word ("The holy humanity of Our Lord has been annihilated in its own personhood."), and as a "mystery" or "state" whose "dispositions" are "never interrupted," still working in "all his members." Under the influence of Condren he seems, again, to accent the host- victim nature of Jesus: "Our Lord, in his divine person, ... is this altar of gold upon which is consumed the most perfect sacrifice." JfyOlier often spoke of die "heart" or "interior" of Jesus, rather than the état, something which Bérulle himself tended to do after the Grandeurs: "Thus the interior of Jesus Christ ... filling his soul ... must be always before our eyes as die source and model of our own soul's interiority." 26 Throughout his writings Olier treats us to an almost dizzying series of meditations and probings on various facets of the Jesus mystery, as we would expect from someone who knew that "it is necessary that Jesus' humanity flow through us that we might participate in his life." It is the summit of revelation. — We can note in the later Bérulle of die I de, in Madeleine's important Lettre 144, and in Olier's stress on Jesus' "interior" an increasing stress upon die loving heart of Jesus. It is as if the more the French School meditated upon the mystery of die Incarnation, the more it moved toward love as the "deep grammar" of it all. Perhaps the growing rigorism of the Jansenists had something to do with this. It is a fact that our mystics always opposed the Jansenists. Is their heart and love Christology their answer to Jansenistic rigorism? Perhaps, too, we can sense something of the Renaissance and Baroque humanism here: Jesus' "heart" is die kind of personalism capable of satisfying the new desire for a more human and personal existence. In any case, it is this heart Christology that erupts in the work of St. John Eudes. -38The great Bémllian Christological themes, of course, punctuate Eudes' works, particularly die early and foundational Royan/ne. One will find die Incarnation as die Trinity's supreme manifestation in history, and meditations upon the states and mysteries of Jesus and our participation in him. 28 However, even here there are noticeable shifts in accent: toward a more biblical language, especially Paul's. Milcent, for example, notes diat the phrase "the formation of Jesus in us" (Gal 4:19) becomes almost a technical notion. The influence of St. Francis de Sales is probably also evident in the new stress on the heart, on love and on "devotion" instead of die Bémllian term "religion." yfy'To be a Christian," says Eudes, "this is but to be one with [Jesus] ... to have but one life, one spirit, one heart... one devotion and disposition with you." — John Eudes' theology of Jesus' sacred heart finds its consummate expression in die later Coeur and in die feast which he composed. It represents a tmly great and appealing transposition into the register of charity of the Bémllian Christology. An interesting fact is that John Eudes followed historically die route "from Mary to Jesus," for it was only through meditation upon her loving heart that he slowly discovered Jesus' loving heart. 2 In any case, the Bémllian theme of the Incarnation as the prolongation of the Trinity finds expression in the Eudist theme of die divine heart present in die mystery of Jesus. Similarly, the Bérullian mystery of the hypostatic union is transposed into meditations upon Jesus' corporeal and his spiritual hearts as enfolded in that divine heart. These three—die divine, corporeal and spiritual hearts—embrace die total divine (divine heart) and human body and soul (corporeal and spiritual hearts) of Jesus. Even the Bérullian theme of die état of Jesus as a perpetual power of deification is transposed into die great heart of the mystical body. "My daughter," Eudes once wrote, "do you know that you possess two hearts, a great and a small?" And he explains: "The latter is your own, but die great one is that of our good Savior, which is also your own...." — Corresponding to tiiese theocentric, trinitarian and Christological-soteriological accents is a view and practice of die Christian (spiritual) life as one of a struggle between attunement to our deepest being and die opposing failure to remain so attuned. The conflictual nature of tiiis struggle is particularly accented by Bérulle and Olier. In Madeleine and Eudes we seem to encounter a somewhat greater stress upon our deliverance from this struggle through Jesus. But in -39all die founding mystics of the French School there is a refusal to slide into either a simplistic optimism, which would ignore human perversity, or a rather frightful pessimism, which would plunge us into a kind of miserable despair and spiritual impotence. Between these two extremes there seems to be room for varied and legitimate accents, depending upon the needs of the spiritual life at a given time and place. Owing to his biblical and Neoplatonic horizon of thought, Bérulle possessed an emphatic sensitivity to the creature's fragility apart from God. If we are but "a tending toward him in the state of our lives and in all our actions," then the reverse side of this is our "nothingness," our "need," and our "impotency" without God. Perhaps in the humanistic atmosphere of tire Renaissance Bérulle felt a special pressure to think this way against tendencies to derail into an autonomous view of die human person. But the notion of die creature's "nodiingness" {néant) seems directed at our being as separated from God. It is by no means an unqualified assertion, and some commentators have noted a tendency in the later Bérulle of the I z? to mollify the talk of néant. ^_Still, Bérulle seems to be an Augustinian "realist," in the sense that he recognizes outexistence as fallen. We do not inhabit a state of pure nature. Far from it, as OP 29 gratingly puts it: The state to which we have been reduced by the sin of our first father ... is deplorable.... For in tiiis state we possess rights only to nothingness and to hell, and we can do nothing but sin, and we are but a nothingness opposed to God. — Cognet thinks that Bérulle was even somewhat critical of St. Francis de Sales' optimism. He rather emphasizes die harsh judgments of the Council of Orange on human depravity, says Cognet. Bérulle also seems intrigued by Satan's captivity of humanity, a theme that surfaces in the early treatise on possession (1599). Our death, too, is in some way linked to our punishment for sin, according to the tradition upon which Bérulle draws: "This world is but a theater of death, and diis life is but an obligation to die." — But if Bérulle can accent our nothingness and sinfulness, he can also celebrate our grandeur. For as we have seen, we are a tending toward God and a reflection of the Trinity in our very being. "From die first," Bérulle tells us, "God has given us an instinct and move -40ment toward himself ... and this movement is inseparable from the creature and will endure forever." ^_Here, of course, Bérulle has in mind "dieandric humanity," tire person as related to the Divine, rather than the "nodiingness" of a creature supposedly separated from God. Similarly God has acted tiirough Jesus to restore us to our proper being after the ravages of sin. As we have already seen, there is a very developed soteriology in the French School. The permanent vertu operative in the "state" founded by die "economy of Jesus" graces us. Jesus, Bérulle will say, "gives us his heart, his grace and his spirit; he incorporates us into him." — Bérulle's meditations upon the Incarnation, as substance and economy, lead him especially to emphasize die states of "adoration" and "servitude" as informing Jesus especially, and through him, other Christians. The Incarnation is, if you will, an irruption of adoration and servitude in history. Servitude, because God becomes one with a human nature whose being is to be God's servant. Because in becoming human, Christ lives out the painftil life of a pilgrim during his human existence. But most especially, because This humanity ... which is emptied of something so great and intimate to its own essence as is its subsistence, and according to the Angelic Doctor, of its existence, is much more under the power and possession of the eternal Word which receives and sustains its existence, which is but a slave within die power and possession of its master. And what is true of Christ, the archetype, becomes true of the Christian; our life, too, is marked by a radical servitude which in some way "Christiforms" our own existence. Christ's state of servitude "creates diverse states in souls" as it "operates in [Jesus] the dependence in which [lie is]." ^Through tins servitude the Christian can become mystically passive and receptive to Christ in the depths of being and in all one's actions. This was die point of the Bérullian "vow of servitude," which more cautiously became an "elevation to servitude" in die Grandeurs. We deepen our creaturely dependence upon God through servitude. We also heal it, insofar as it has been ravaged by sin. It enables us to undergo the anéantissement, die "no-saying," to any attitude or action away from Christ. "The anéantissement of [Jesus]," says Bérulle, "is the basis and foundation of all our good actions." — -41The Incarnation also renders us "adorers" in our actions and in our being. By now we should be getting used to Bérulle's penchant for moving to the deeper (metaphysical) level of being, die level from which springs our thoughts and actions. "You are now, O Jesus, [die] adorer" of a God who has been adorable from all eternity, but has only found an infinite adorer with the coming of Christ, Bérulle prayerfully exclaims. 42 This Jesus, who "alone adores by state the divine persons and emanations" has this state "imprinted into the fond [or "fount"] of his created being," and in turn we ourselves "must honor ... the Son of God ... first by adoration ... secondly by love ... and then thirdly by an adoring love, that is to say, loving while adoring." — As Guillén Preckler puts it, Bérulle powerfully transforms die "essential introversion" of the soul's "fount," so dear to the mystics of the Rhineland, into a Christo logical adoration by state. His originality is in making the mystic's contemplation a sharing in Christ's exemplary adoration itself. JLThis state of adoration is die basis of our need for contemplation. As the Son is the "flower and fruit" of the Father's contemplation, so we are "called to contemplation, not only by inspiration but by state," Bérulle tells us. 45 Here the Bérullian contemplation becomes a Christological act of adoration itself. Servitude and adoration, then, or anéantissement and contemplation, are the two great movements within the spiritual life. They lead us to our end. They heal us from die sinftil obstructions blocking our journey to our end. We will find the main Bérullian themes sketched above in Mère Madeleine's writings. There seems less of a stress upon our nothingness and sin, but these themes do, of course, surface, as they must in any realistic exploration of the spiritual life. "Know that die trutii of our néant is so great," she can say. ^_Her biographer, Louise of Jesus, records an especially strong awareness of sin that came to the Mother during her great dark night. "God made me see die malignity of the human being corrupted by sin; ... I have seen with trembling what would become of me were God to leave me to my sinful being." — We have already noted that the Mother told Cardinal Bérulle how helpful the vow of servitude was to her in her spiritual life. Like the Cardinal she can also commonly speak of abandonment adherence, self-renunciation and anéantissement. Perhaps we might say that this complex of terms refers to one of the great movements of the spiri -42tual life through which Christ acts to redeem us. In a somewhat more Carmelite-Teresian manner she will also speak of following the cross as die way to Christ. 48 But the Mother also knows die other, more positive movement of the spiritual life: honoring and adoring and loving. And we have seen that perhaps her great contribution to the French School is to have emphasized the love dimension of the moment of adoration. Let's take a closer look at the Modier's teaching in this regard, especially as noted in her crucial Letter 144. Much of this letter seems to reflect die great second discourse of the Grandeurs: that adoration is what God has been seeking from his creatures; that our sinftilness has made it impossible for us to comply; that the Incarnation makes it possible for a God to adore God and for Jesus' humanity to enter into a state of adoration; and that inasmuch as we conform ourselves to this model and unite ourselves with his dispositions, we, too, can become adorers. Note, however, some unique Madeleineian accents. She tells her correspondent that she prefers "the act of adoration" to "thanksgiving." This will save one from self-preoccupation, and it might be a critique of the dangers of mystical "introversion." We remember die Mother's problems with abstract mysticism. Particularly important is the great stress upon love: adoration "does not even merit its name ... if love is not its soul and life," Madeleine says. And she adds a gloss: They are "but one duty called by two names because of their differing effects." Here, I think, she rejoins die biblical perspective of love as the foundation of die virtues, rather than simply one virtue among others. We have seen that Bérulle eventually seems to have come to tiiis same position, when he speaks of an adoring love. In this same letter Madeleine also stresses die theme of Jesus' and die Christian's state of victimhood and host, probably under Condren's influence. It's perhaps not accidental that she senses the need to balance this through love. Of course, her own Teresian and Carmelite perspective must have a lot to do with this too. Along with this, she will also speak of prayer in more Teresian terms as a conversation with Jesus, and she counsels against too much attention to methods. — In Olier we encounter an intensification of die "nodiingness-sinservitude-tf/^/zZArezw/z/" complex. Besides the already cited Mémoires, the early portions of the Catéchisme are the crucial witnesses here. "The entire mass of the flesh [of Adam's children] and -43all its substance is corrupt." Or, "Man is so depraved in his fond that he is nothing but an inclination to evil and sin." Olier even exclaims that "we are not only sinners, but sin [itself]." The interpretations of these texts, and otiiers like diem, are controversial waters in Olierian scholarship. To help us make our way here, let us remember some points worth pondering. First, the Catéchisme, from which the above citations come, is usually regarded as Olier's most severe account of human corruption. But of its little more than ninety pages, only approximately twenty- five are dedicated to the theme of sin. Second, it seems important to catch die nuances. Olier says that "man is only wtfand sin by himselflfar lui-même)" Or, "The old man ... opposed to the spirit [is] in us only inasmuch as ne are not regenerated." Or, finally, "without die grace of God" are we sinners. ^_Third, I would suggest that Olier be interpreted against the horizon of the thinking of the French School, unless we can clearly prove otherwise. Given his nuances, it seems legitimate to see in him an intensification of Bérulle's spirituality, perhaps under die influence of Condren. That is, the human being inasmuch as it is considered as either separate from God or in sin is corrupt. Again, we aren't dealing with unqualified assertions. Fourth, I would suggest that Olier be read against the backdrop of the mystical tradition of the sort represented by die Rhineland and St. John of die Cross. Olier seems to accent die deptii of our human evil and sin, thus calling for a profound and rigorous anéantissement. But this is not so different from the Sanjuanist nada and die Rhineland's self-renunciation. Finally, the larger portion of Olier's Catéchisme is dedicated to probing this statement: "We have recovered in Jesus Christ what we have lost, and many more graces and goods than the sin that has been removed." ^.Perhaps what we need to do is to read Olier dialectically, as we read many of die odier great mystics. We are both sinner and saved, in need of anéantissement and filled with grace, and the latter to the extent that we are "participating in all the mysteries of Jesus Christ." — Olier usually describes the two great movements of the spiritual life in die Pauline, Paschal categories of death and resurrection. As we die to our penchant for selfish autonomy and sin through Christ so we rise to new life. fj_He can even speak of our participation in die "state of the divine ascension," whereby, "as the saints say, [the soul] becomes perfectly deiform, that is, all burning with love and shining with die brightness of God!" And this "deification" reaches down to -44the "fount of [one's] heart." ^_As Louis Cognet thought, Olier "was a ... very great mystic who experienced the highest unitive states, and it was through his own interior atmosphere diat he interpreted the themes of Bérulle and Condren." ^It is not surprising, then, that we come upon profound explorations of the subtle depths of the spiritual ascent m his works. Olier’s piercing analysis of die Pauline moment of "dying to the old self' extends to the highest stages of the dark night. We are called to undergo the anéantissement beyond the surface and up to die very fond of our being. We must, he says, aspire for an "emptiness of everything," which is the kind of faith spoken of by John of die Cross: "a completely empty faidi and love alone." Olier is equally capable of profoundly moving explorations of the odier, positive movement of the spiritual life. He speaks, like Bérulle and Madeleine, of our state of adoration. The deiform state in which we find ourselves through participating in the resurrection-ascension states of Jesus enables us to pray with a prayer reaching down to die depths. We are to have "our Lord before our eyes, m our heart, and in our hands." And Olier glosses: "The first is called adoration; the second, communion; die third, cooperation." ^_If you will, die transformation of our depth (fond) bubbles up into a transformation of our mind (eyes), our affections (heart), and our actions (hands). Here we have hints of the profoundly moving unitive style of mysticism Olier experienced and fostered. Glendon has, in this regard, spoken of the "remarkable statement" from the Mémoires in which we find Olier speaking of Jesus as "more willingly [in us] than in a ciborium." f^_We even find a nuptial mysticism: As God conquers self-love in our soul, Olier explains, one is "placed into a true ecstasy" and "becomes a spouse of God." ^_And who can forget the profoundly lyrical last pages of the Journée, where Olier chants the praises of a God united widi all of creation? His final meditation, "Upon Hearing the Birds Sing," speaks of die birds' chant as but "slight manifestations of the immense and unending jubilation which God enjoys in his beatitude." — St. John Eudes speaks a very biblical, Pauline language as he navigates in these waters too. We must undergo the Pauline death to self, because of the great triad of the world, sin, and our old selfish selves. "For being members of our dead and crucified head," says Eudes, "we must be crucified to the world, to sin, and to ourselves." ^.Eudes, like all the members of the French School, is a realist aware of the night-side of human existence. He can even use the familiar -45language of Bérulle: We are "but nothing (néant), sin, and abomination ; all that is in die world is but smoke, vanity, and illusion." — Again, the two great movements of the spiritual life surface in Eudes. Of course, as an Oratorian he practiced die devotion to servitude and the states of "detachment" and anéantissement to which it gave rise. One of his most challenging pages is the section in the Royaume where he says diat the perfection of Christian abnegation or detachment does not only consist in detachment from self and world; but it obliges us to even be detached from God in some way. ... that is to say, from die delights and consolations ordinarily accompanying God's grace and love. — This detachment is but a participation in the radical abnegation of Christ himself, for we are "like die image towards its archetype [Christ]." ^_Here we can sense something of die mystical dark night of die senses and spirit and a certain congeniality widi Oiler's own mystical experiences. Few writers in the French School can surpass, however, the celebration of the positive movement of the spiritual life we encounter in John Eudes. In his Royaume he usually moves within the Pauline and biblical language of die covenant alliance and our baptismal obligations as a way of describing this. But, as we know, he developed his "heart" theology and spirituality, and came in time to prefer a language centered around this great metaphor. He was particularly fond of the phrase from the Latin translation of 2 Maccabees 1:3, corde magno et animo volenti, which he translated into avec un grand coeur et un grand amour: "with an immense heart and a huge love." — Somehow our participation in Christ becomes a participation in this great heart experience. Here Bérulle's late discovery of the primacy of love, perhaps dirough or at least with, Madeleine, breaks out. Our own "heart" is, widely viewed, "die whole interiority of the person," and, more narrowly, "the supreme part of die soul ... , the place of the spirit from which emanates contemplation." [_"God," Eudes tells us, places die soul "in the way of passive prayer" here through our heart. This is "contemplation," which is "a very unique regard and a very simple view of God, without discourse or reasoning, nor multiplicity of thoughts." — -46Here John Eudes, like all his colleagues in the French School, transposes the mystical introversion of the Rhineland-Flemish mystics into an experience of the heart and love. It is a very pure form of love, freed from all clinging and attachment. It is so pure, in fact, that he can say: I ask you to notice carefully that the practice of practices, the secret of secrets, the devotion of devotions, is to have no attachment to any practice or special exercise of devotion, but have a great concern to surrender yourself, in all your exercises and actions, to the Holy Spirit of Jesus. — Mariological There is a kind of natural passage from Christology to Mariology in die thinking and practice of the French School. Indeed, a sketch of this school would be woefully inadequate were it not to surface the enormous importance of Mary to all our founding mystics. The extremely intensive Mariological accents of a Louis-Marie Grignion de Montfort is in many ways a normal development of trends already well in place in Cardinal Bérulle. ^Mary's "love and grace render her incomparable," said the Cardinal. "Her dignity brings her close to the Creator in die quality of motiierhood." 2_But yet this intensified acclamation of Mary is closely linked to die Christological mystery for Bérulle: Note the stress on her motherhood (of Jesus, of course). There are several Mariological accents found throughout Bérulle's writings, with a growing stress upon Mary's inferiority in his later I- !e, which could be called a kind of psychological biography of Mary in many ways. But all are agreed that the central Mariological principle for the Cardinal is her maternity of Jesus, thus rooting Mary's importance squarely in the event of the Incarnation itself. Her "grace and life as the Mother of God is die foundation and origin [of everything else]," says Bérulle. She "is born in order to be die Mother of God." 2-Bérulle loves to contemplate die multifaceted reality of this very special maternity. Unlike Aquinas, but like Scotus, he sees in it the basis of Mary's immaculate conception, a term he explicitly uses. _Mary's virginity is also founded therein, for die novel state of die Incarnation and her maternity gives her "a novel and perpetual primacy" over all odiers in the state of virginity. God -47has united, in Mary, "purity and fecundity, maternity and virginity." And God has done this in such a way tiiat Mary's virginity is "not only preserved" but even "fulfilled ... by her maternity; and her maternity is ... divinely accomplished in her virginity." (j_Not surprisingly, then, although less commonly, Bérulle will celebrate the singularity of Mary and her grandeur: The eleventh discourse of the Grandeurs speaks of her occupying an order "distinct and separated from all the orders among die angels and saints." 75 And, in line with his penchant for daring intuitions, Bérulle even explores correspondences between Mary's maternity and God's paternity. The maternal relation to the child perhaps witnesses to the relational reality of the Trinity. The earthly maternity perhaps points to the heavenly paternity, for her earthly birthing of Jesus reflects die Father's eternal generation of the Word. — Guillén Preckler, however, thinks that Bérulle reaches the summit of his Marian spirituality in the creative twist he gives to the abstract mysticism that he continually integrates into his Christological spirituality. Just as we find a Christological transposition of some of die themes dear to that abstract mysticism in Bérulle, so now we find a Bérullian "Marian transposition." "O inclination of Jesus towards Mary, of Mary towards Jesus emanating from the eternal inclination of die Father towards the Son, of the Son towards the Father," sings Bérulle. 7 This rooting of the Marian mystery in the trinitarian relations, this language of "inclination" (and many odier terms dear to the Rhineland and Flemish mystics), is quite suggestive of Guillén's diesis. Notice, too, the following, typically mystical expressions: the body, heart and soul of the Virgin is said, by Bérulle, to be made for the Incarnation and the divine maternity, all of which has "imprinted in the Virgin a spirit of life, of grace, and of love toward Jesus." — A second Marian accent of special import for Bérulle is that of "Marian servitude." We have already noted the great importance of this theme in Bérulle's Christology and in his struggle over the issue of the vow of servitude. Thus it is to be expected that we will find texts in which he surfaces the dimension of servitude in Mary. But here, as Guillén Preckler notes, we find something somewhat surprising. We do find the theme of Mary's own state of servitude, to be sure, for Bérulle does quite explicitly see in Mary's Fiai the "state of servitude" in which Mary was placed from the "moment of the Incarnation." 79 But Bérulle's normal tendency is to stress the Christian person's servitude toward Mary, much as he stressed our own -48servitude toward Jesus. Here, of course, he follows tire lead of Dionysius the Areopagite: There is a Christological and Mariological hierarchy (this last is the Dionysian element), and the latter precedes the former, at least temporally. The state in which Mary exists is capable of founding an order, for the Virgin dominium acqiiisivit in omnia opera filii sui: Mary has acquired a dominion over all tire works of her Son. She now, if you will, founds a "choir" of people in servitude to her, and through her, to Jesus. Through her maternity, Mary possesses a right and special power of giving Jesus to souls [... and ...] a grace which forms a special choir in heaven.... She uses her power ... giving a special place to Jesus who is her son, and to herself, she who is his mother. — Here we can see again how spirituality and theology (Mariology) are united in Bérulle, for the varied states in which the soul in servitude to Mary finds itself correspond to the varied states of the soul of Maty herself. We might say that the third and final Marian accent of Bérulle is his almost dizzying exploration of the varied states of Mary's soul, and of course the corresponding transformation these cause in the soul "in servitude" toward her. We also need to remember that, at least around tire time of the 17t in die way you desire, it will be in some better way. -321[6, 24: OC 1, pp. 459-64] Λ n Exercisefor Holy Mass XXIV. What We Must Do to Assist Worthily at the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass In order to assist in a holy manner and to glorify God worthily at the most holy sacrifice of the Mass, you must do four things. I. As soon as you leave your house to go to Mass, you should realize that you are not going merely to assist or to see, but indeed you are going to perform an action that is the holiest and most divine, die greatest and the most important, die worthiest and most admirable action accomplished in heaven and on eartii. Therefore it should be performed in a holy and divine manner, diat is, with the most holy and divine dispositions and with very great care and attention of mind and heart, being die most important thing you have to do in the world. I said that you are going to do. For all Christians are one with Jesus Christ, who is the high priest. Therefore they share in his divine priesthood, which is why they are called priests in the scriptures (see 1 Pt 2:9). Therefore they have die right not only to assist at die holy sacrifice of the Mass, but to join with the priest in doing what he does, that is, to offer witii him and Jesus Christ the very sacrifice that is offered to God on the altar. II. As you enter the church you should humble yourself profoundly in your heart, seeing yourself as most unworthy of entering the house of God, of appearing before his face, of taking part in such a great mystery, which contains in itself all die mysteries and all die wonders of heaven and earth. This awareness of your nothingness and sins should create in you a spirit of penance, humiliation and contrition at the beginning of Mass. You should accuse yourself of them in a general way witii die priest, asking God for pardon and praying that he will grant you perfect repentance, as well as die grace and strength to avoid them in the future. In reparation you should -322offer him the holy sacrifice of the precious body and blood of his Son, which was offered to him on the cross and is about to be offered to him on die altar. III. Next you should adore our Tord Jesus Christ, who makes himself present to us on the altar, so that we might offer him die homage and adoration we owe him. Pray that just as he changes the lower, earthly nature of bread and wine into his body and blood he might change and transform also the sluggishness, coldness and dryness of our earthly and arid heart into die fire, tenderness and agility of die holy, divine affections and dispositions of his divine and heavenly heart. Then you should remember that Christians are one with Jesus Christ, as members with their head, and thus they share in all his attributes. So as Jesus Christ is in this sacrifice both as priest and host at the same time, so all those who assist should be there as priests and as those who offer sacrifice m order to offer, witii Jesus Christ, die High Priest, die same sacrifice he offers. They should also be tiiere as hosts and victims, who are but one host just as they are one priest with Jesus Christ. They need to be immolated and sacrificed with the same Jesus Christ for the glory of God. Therefore, since you share in the divine priesthood of Jesus Christ and, as Christians and members of Jesus Christ, you bear the name and attribute of priest, you should exercise this quality and use die right it gives you, which is to offer to God, widi the priest and with Jesus Christ himself, the sacrifice of his body and blood offered in the holy Mass. You should offer it to him, as much as possible, with die same dispositions as Jesus Christ offers it. Oh, with what holy and divine dispositions it is offered to him by his Son Jesus! Oh, with what humility, what purity, what holiness, what detachment from self and all things, what devotion to God, what love toward men, what love for his Father! Unite yourself in desire and intention witii these dispositions of Jesus. Pray tiiat he will engrave them within you so that you may offer this divine sacrifice with him, united to the same dispositions with which he offers it. Unite yourself to the intentions for which he offers it. There are five main ones. The first is to honor his Father with all that he is in himself and in all things and thus offer him an honor, glory and love worthy of him. The second is to offer a gratitude wordiy of his kindness; for all the blessings he has ever given to creatures. The third is to make full satisfaction for all the sins of the world. The fourth is to ftilfill his plan and will. The fifth is to obtain from him -323everything that men need for their bodies and souls. In harmony with these intentions of Jesus Christ, you should offer God the holy sacrifice of the Mass: 1. In honor of the blessed Trinity, in honor of all that Jesus Christ is in himself, in all his states, mysteries, attributes, virtues, actions and sufferings; and in honor of all that he is and performs through botii mercy or justice in his blessed Mother, in all the angels and saints, in the whole church, triumphant, militant and suffering, and in every creature in heaven, on eardi and in hell. 2. In thanksgiving to God for all die temporal and eternal blessings he has ever conferred on the sacred humanity of his Son, die blessed Virgin, every angel and man, every creature and especially yourself. 3. In reparation to his divine justice for all your sins, for all die sins of die world and especially for those poor souls in purgatory. 4. For die fulfillment of his every plan and will, in particular for those he has for you. 5. To obtain from his kindness all the graces diat are necessary for you and all men so that he may be honored and served by all, according to the perfection he asks of each person. This is what you must do as a priest. However, beyond that, as a host, in offering Jesus Christ to God in the holy Mass as victim, you must offer yourself also with him as a victim. More exactly, you should pray diat Jesus Christ come widiin you and that he draw you within himself, that he unite himself to you and diat he unite and incorporate you with him as host, in order to sacrifice you with him to the glory of his Father. Since die host that is to be sacrificed must be killed and dien consumed in the fire, pray that he will make you die to yourself, diat is, to your passions, your self-love and everything that displeases him. Pray that he will consume you in the sacred fire of his divine love and diat he will make your whole life from diis moment on become a perpetual sacrifice of praise, glory and love for his Fatiier and for himself. IV. You should prepare yourself for communion, at least spiritual if not sacramental. You need to realize diat our Cord Jesus Christ, who loves you infinitely, does not become present in this sacrifice only to be with you, to relate with you in a familiar manner and to communicate his gifts and graces to you. There is much more. He wants to be within you. He has a strong, burning desire to dwell -324in your heart and to give himself to you dirough sacramental or spiritual communion. This is why you should prepare yourself to receive him and, to diat end, adopt the same dispositions you should have for sacramental communion, diat is, dispositions and sentiments of humility and love. Humble yourself then before him, considering yourself most unworthy to receive him. Nevertheless, since he desires it so, desire as well to receive him. Invite him by repeated acts of love to come within you, so that he might live and rule in you perfectly. V. Finally, after having thanked our Lord for die graces he granted you during holy Mass, go forth with a firm resolution to make good use of die day in his service. Also take this thought with you: diat you should be from now on a host, dead and living at die same time; dead to everything that is not God and living in God and for God, totally consecrated and sacrificed to the pure glory and most pure love of God. Assure our Lord diat this is what you desire and that you offer yourself to him to accomplish and suffer for this goal all diat he wishes. Pray that he accomplish this in you through his great mercy. Pray that he give you die grace to lift your heart to him often during die day, to do everything for his glory, to die rather than offend him. To this end ask diat he give you his most holy blessing. This is die way in which you should take advantage of such a holy and divine reality, that is, die most holy sacrifice of the Mass. If you do not need all these tilings to occupy your mind devoutly during Mass, choose the ones that afford you greater blessing. However, in order to make these exercises easier for you to use, they have been summarized in prayer form. Use them, not hastily and on die run, but leisurely and with an attentive mind and heart, if you wish to benefit from them for the glory of God. [There follows a series of prayers for Mass.] -325The Most Admirable Heart of the Most Sacred Mother of God [1, 2: OC 6, pp. 33-40] The Meaning of the Heart of the Blessed Virgin Before speaking of the phenomenal supremacy and the incomparable marvels of the admirable heart of the blessed Mother of God, according to the lights that it pleases him who is light itself and the source of all light to give me through die divine scriptures and the writings of the holy Fathers, I will first state that the word heart has many meanings in sacred scripture. 1- It signifies this material and bodily heart, which we possess in our chest. It is the most noble part of the human body, die source of life, the first to live and the last to die, the seat of love, hatred, joy, sadness, anger, fear and all the other passions of the soul. It is of this heart that the Holy Spirit speaks when he says: Omni custodia serva cor tuum, quia ex ipso vita procedit, "Take good care of your heart for it is the source of life" (Prv 4:23); which is as if he said: Take great care to subdue and rule the passions of your heart. For if diey are appropriately subject to reason and the Spirit of God, you will live a long and peaceful life in your body and a holy and honorable one in your soul. However if, on the contrary, they possess and govern your -326heart as they wish, they will bring you temporal and eternal death through their dissipation. 2. The word heart is used in sacred scripture to signify the memory. This is the meaning of these words of our Lord to his aposdes: Ponite in cordibus vestris, non praemeditari quemadmodum respondeatis, Put this in your hearts," diat is, remember, when they bring you before kings and judges for my name's sake, "do not worry about what you should respond" (Lk 21:14). 3. It also denotes die understanding used for meditation, which consists in the discursive reasoning of our intellect about the things of God. This tends to persuade us and convince us of the truth of Christian teaching. It is this heart diat is indicated by diese words: May the medstation of my heart be always inyour sight (Ps 19:15). "My heart," diat is, my understanding, "is forever devoted to meditating and reflecting on your grandeurs, your mysteries and your works." 4. It signifies the free will of die superior and reasonable part of the soul, which is die noblest of its powers, the queen of the other faculties, the root of good and evil and the mother of vice and virtue. It is this heart our Lord mentions when he says: The good man out of the good treasure of his heart produces good, but the evil man out of the evil treasure produces evil (Lk 6:45). "A good heart," that is, the good will of the just man, "is a rich treasure out of which can come only good; but an evil heart," that is die ill will of die wicked man, "is the source of all sorts of evil." 5. It means that highest part of the soul, which the theologians call the point of the spirit. This is the seat of contemplation, which consists in a most special gaze and an utterly simple vision of God, without discursive reasoning and the multiplicity of thoughts. The holy Fathers understand that these words, which die Holy Spirit inspires in the blessed Virgin, refer to this part of the soul: Ego dormio, et cor meum vigilat: "I sleep and my heart is awake" (Sg 5:2). According to Saint Bernardine of Siena and many others, bodily rest and sleep did not prevent her heart, that is the highest part of her spirit, from being always united to God in sublime contemplation. 6. At times it signifies the whole interior of man. By this I mean all that pertains to the soul and the interior and spiritual life, according to these words of die Son of God to die faithful soul: Pone me ut signaculum super cor tuum, ut signaculum super brachium tuum, "Place me as a seal upon your heart and on your arm" (Sg 8:6); that is, -327imprint, through perfect imitation, die image of my interior and exterior life in your interior and exterior, in your soul and your body. 7. It means the divine Spirit, the heart of die Father and the Son, which they wish to give us to be our spirit and our heart: I will give you a new heart and I will place a new spirit in your midst (Ez 36:26). 8. The Son of God is called the heart of die eternal Father in the sacred scriptures. For it is of this heart that the divine Father speaks to Ins divine spouse, the most pure Virgin, when he says to her: Ton have wounded my heart, my sister, my spouse (Sg 4:9); or in the Septuagint version, You have ravished my heart. Also, in the same scriptures, tins same Son of God is called, The spirit of our mouth (Lam 4:20), "our spirit," diat is, soul of our soul, heart of our heart. All these hearts are found in the Mother of love and make up a single heart in her because all the faculties of the superior and interior part of her soul have always been perfectly united with one another. Moreover, both Jesus, who is the heart of his Father, as well as the divine Spirit, who is die heart of the Father and die Son, have been given to her to be the spirit of her spirit, the soul of her soul and the heart of her heart. But to understand better what we mean by the heart of the blessed Virgin, we must know that just as we adore in God diree hearts, which are in fact a single heart, and just as we adore in die Man-God three hearts, which are one and the same heart, so also we honor in the Mother of God three hearts, which are a single heart. The first heart in the blessed Trinity is the Son of God, who is the heart of his Father, as we have said earlier. The second is die Holy Spirit, who is die heart of die Father and the Son. The third is divine love, one of die adorable attributes of the divine essence, which is the heart of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. These three hearts are an utterly simple and unique heart with which the three eternal Persons love one another with as sublime a love as tiiey deserve and with which they love us as well widi an incomparable love. The first heart of the Man-God is his bodily heart, which is divinized, as are all the other parts of his sacred body through their hypostatic union with the divine Person of die eternal Word. The second is his spiritual heart, that is, die superior part of Ins holy soul containing his memory, understanding and will, which have been divinized in a special way by the hypostatic union. The third is Ins divine heart, die Holy Spirit, which has always animated and enlivened Ins adorable humanity more than his own soul and heart ever -328did. These diree hearts in this admirable Man-God are but a single heart, because his divine heart is the soul, the heart and the life of his spiritual and bodily heart. He grounds them in such a perfect union with himself that diese diree hearts are but a single unique heart, filled with an infinite love toward die blessed Trinity and an inconceivable love toward men. The first heart of the Mother of God is the bodily heart enclosed in her virginal breast. The second is her spiritual heart, die heart of her soul, which is indicated by these words of the Holy Spirit: Omnis gloria Filiae Regis ab intus, "All the glory of the King's daughter originates from her interior" (see Ps 45:14), that is, in her heart and in her inmost soul, of which we will speak more later. The third heart of this divine Virgin is die one she refers to when she says: I sleep and my heart is awake; tiiat is, according to the explanation of many holy doctors, while I give my body the needed rest, my son Jesus, who is my heart and whom I love as my own heart, is always watching over me and for me. The first of these hearts is bodily, but totally spiritualized by grace and by die Spirit of God who fills it completely. The second is spiritual, but divinized, not by die hypostatic union like the spiritual heart of Jesus, which we just mentioned, but by an eminent participation in the divine perfections, as we shall see in the following pages. The third is divine, indeed God himself, since it is the Son of God. These three hearts of the Mother of God are but a single heart tiirough die most holy and most intimate bond tiiat ever existed or will exist, next to the hypostastic union. Referring to these three hearts, or radier to this unique heart, die Holy Spirit uttered twice these divine words: Mary kept all these things in her heart (Lk 2:19,51). First she preserved all the mysteries and marvels of her Son's life in some way in her material, bodily heart, source of life and seat of love and all the other passions, because every movement and beat of this virginal heart, all the functions of material life tiiat flowed from it and all the activities of the aforementioned passions were at the service of Jesus and everything that occurred in him. There was love to love him; hatred to hate everything opposed to him, that is sin; joy to rejoice in his glory and splendor; sorrow to grieve over his labors and sufferings; and so on with die other passions. Second, she preserved them in her heart, that is, in the noblest part -329of her soul, in the innermost recesses of her spirit. For all die faculties of the superior part of her soul were occupied unceasingly in contemplating and adoring everything that happened m the life of her Son down to the least detail. Third, she preserved them in her heart, that is in her son Jesus, who was the spirit of her spirit and the heart of her heart. He preserved them for her, suggested them to her and recalled them to mind when it was opportune to serve as nourishment for her soul in contemplation and so that she might honor and adore them as they deserved and repeat them to the holy apostles and disciples, who would then preach them to the faithful. This is what we mean by the admirable heart of die beloved of God. It is a perfect image of the adorable heart of God and of the Man-God, as we will see more clearly later. Such is the most worthy subject, which I will treat in diis book. The following three chapters will explain more in detail about the bodily heart of the Modier of the Savior, her spiritual heart and her divine heart. Throughout die remainder of die book you will find a number of things, some of which are appropriate to her bodily heart, others to her spiritual heart, others to her divine heart and others that refer to all three. All of them will be quite useful for your soul, if you read them after having given your spirit over to the Spirit of God with the intention of putting them to good use. To this end, take care from time to time, as you read this, to lift your heart to God to praise him for all die glory he has given himself and will give himself eternally in this wondrous masterpiece of his divine love. Bless him for all the extraordinary favors he has bestowed on this most august heart. Thank him for the countless graces he has granted to men through her. Offer him your heart and beg him to make it like Ins own, destroying in it everything that displeases him and engraving on it an image of the most holy heart of the Modier of die saint of saints. I exhort you to give your heart often to her as well with the same intention. O Jesus, only Son of God, only Son of Mary, you see that I am involved in a task that is infinitely beyond my grasp. However, I undertook it out of love for you and your most worthy Mother, confident in the kindness of the Son and die charity of die Modier. You know, my Savior, that I have no other intention in this dian to please you and to offer you and your divine Mother some small gratitude for the numerous mercies that I have received from your -330paternal heart and through the intervention of her most gracious heart. Nevertheless, you see also that of myself I am nothing but an abyss of unworthiness, powerlessness, darkness, ignorance and sm. This is why I renounce widi all my heart everything of my own. I give myself over to your divine spirit and holy light. I give myself over to the immense love you have for your beloved Mother. I give myself over to die burning zeal you have for your glory and her honor. Possess and animate my spirit, enlighten my darkness, enkindle my heart, guide my hand, direct my pen, bless my work and please use it for your greater glory and the honor of your blessed Mother and to imprint in the hearts of those who will read this book an authentic devotion to her most lovable heart. [12, 6: OC 8, pp. 344-47] The Three Hearts of Jesus, Which Are Only One Heart FIRST POINT We have three hearts to adore in our Savior, which are nevertheless only one unique heart because of the very close bond diat exists between them. The first is his divine heart, which he possesses from all eternity in the adorable bosom of his Father, which is but one heart and one love with the heart and love of his Father; and with the heart and love of his Father, it is the origin of die Holy Spirit. Therefore, when he gave us his heart, he gave us as well die heart of his Father and his adorable Spirit. Because of this, he says to us these marvelous words: As my Father has loved me, so I have loved you, "I love you with the same heart and the same love with which I am loved by my Father" (|n 15:9). My Father loves me with an eternal, boundless and infinite love, and I love you also with an eternal, boundless and infinite love. My Father makes me what I am, that is, God like him and die only Son of God; and I make you, through grace and participation, what I -331am by nature and essence, that is, gods and children of God. You have die same Father as I, a Father who loves you with die same heart and the same love with which he loves me. You have loved them as you have loved me (Jn 17:23). My Father makes me die universal heir of all his goods, He appointed him heir of all things (Heb 1:2); and I make you my co-heirs, heirs of God and'fellow heirs with Christ (Rom 8:17). I promise you that I will give you possession of all my treasures, He will set him overall his possessions (Mt 24:47). My Father takes all his pleasure and delight in me. Also I take my delight and pleasure in you, My delight is to be with the children of men (Prv 8:31). O goodness! O love! O excess! O God of love! How can die hearts of men be so cool and frigid toward you, who are all on fire and aflame with love of diem? Oh, may all my joy and delight be in thinking of you, in speaking of you and in serving and loving you! O my All, may I be totally yours and may you alone possess everything that belongs to me, that is part of me and is within me. SECOND POINT The second heart of Jesus is his spiritual heart, which is the will of his holy soul. It is a purely spiritual faculty whose proper role is to love what is lovable and detest what is detestable. However, this divine Savior so c< impletely sacrificed his human will to his Father that he neverfulfilled it while he was on earth and will never do so in heaven. He accomplishes nothing but the will of his Father, according to these words of his: I do not seek, my will, but the will of him who sent me. I have come down from heaven not to do my own will, but the will of him who sent me (Jn 5:30; 6:38). Now it was for love of us that this lovable Jesus renounced his own will in order to accomplish our salvation, through the will of his Father alone, especially when he spoke to him in the Garden of Olives: Pater, non mea voluntas, sed tuafiat, "Father, not my will, but yours be done" (Lk 22:42)! O God of my heart, if out of love for me you sacrificed a most holy and divine will, how much more should I, for love of you, renounce my own will, which is totally depraved and corrupted by sin! Oh, grant that with all my heart, I renounce it now and forever. I beg of you most humbly, O adorable Redeemer, to crush it in me completely -332like a snake filled witii poison and replace it with the rule of your will. THIRD POINT The third heart of Jesus is the most holy heart of his divinized body, which is a furnace of incomparable, divine love toward us. For since this sacred heart is united hypo statically to the person of the Word, it is enkindled with the flames of his infinite love toward us. This love is so ardent that the Son of God is impelled to carry us continually in his heart; to keep his eyes fixed always on us; to take such good care of the least tilings that pertain to us, that he counts all the hairs of our head and will not let even one perish; to ask his Father that we may dwell with him eternally in his bosom: Father, I desire that those whom you have given me may be with me where I am (Jn 17:24); and to assure us that, if we overcome the enemies of his glory and our salvation, he will seat us with him on his own throne and will give us possession of die same kingdom and the same glory that his Father has given him. Oh, how abundant and enraptured is the love of Jesus for men, as ungrateful and unfaitlifiil as we are! O Jesus, my love, either let me live no longer or let me live only to love you, to praise you and to glorify you without end! 1 ,et me die a thousand deaths rather than do anything willingly that would displease you! You have three hearts, which are one and die same heart, which is devoted to loving me continually. Oh, that I might have all the hearts of the universe in order to consume diem in your holy love! EJACULATORY PRAYER I love you most beloved Jesus. I loveyou infinite goodness. I love you with my whole heart and I wish to love yon more, and more. -333NOTES 1. He appears to be referring here to Genesis 2:23, which he has attributed inaccurately to Paul. Many of the scripture texts in this section are blended together by Saint John Eudes even though they are taken from various places. I will place the references at the end of these "textual mosaics" to make them more readable. This entire book is a loosely related series of prayers, meditations and teachings on the spiritual life. The selections translated here illustrate the range of topics. 2. The reference given here in the French edition is to Esther 14:18. This is the numbering of the Vulgate. The reader will only find ten chapters in most contemporary versions of the Bible, where this text and other later Greek additions have been incorporated. For a reconstructed version of this text see the Bible of Jeruralem (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Inc., 1968), p. 563. 3. Louis of Grenada (1505-88) was a noted Dominican preacher. 4. John Hughes Quarré (1589-1656) was a priest of the Oratory and a follower of Cardinal Bérulle. 5. For an overview of the contents of the Coeur, see the Introduction to this volume, pp. 52-54, 73-98. 6. Saint Bernardine of Siena, Sermon 51, art. 1, c. 2. Bernardine was a Franciscan reformer and preacher who lived in Italy from 1380 to 1444. -334- SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Bérulle Primary Sources Bérulle et be sacerdoce: étude historique et doctrinale. By Michel Dupuy. Paris: P Lethielleux, 1969. Pages 255-430 are textes inédits of Bérulle's writings on the priesthood. Citations indicated by OR. Collationes. Latin manuscript 18210, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale. Citations indicated by Coll. Correspondance dn Bérulle. 3 vols. Edited by Jean Dagens. Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1937-39. Citations indicated by CB. "Des nouveaux inédits de Bérulle." Edited by Michel Dupuy. Revue d'histoire de la spiritualité 48 (1972): 435-52; 52 (1976): 345-86; 53 (1977): 275-316; and Revue des études aiigiistiniennes 26 (1980): 266-85. Elévation sur sainte Madeleine. Foi vivante Series, 224. Introduced and edited by Joseph Beaude. Paris: Cerf, 1987. A helpful introduction, and a modernized version. Les ''Oeuvres de piété' du cardinal de Bérulle. Essai de classement des inédits et conjectures chronologiques. Edited by Jean Orcibal. Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 57 (1962): 813-62. Citations indicated by RHE. Oeuvres complètes. 2 vols. Edited by François Bourgoing. Villa Bethanie, Montsoult Seine-et-Oise: Maison D'Institution de L'Oratoire, 1960. Lhiless indicated otherwise, all citations are from this. Oeuvres de piété. From Les oeuvres de I'eminentissime et reverendissime -335Piem cardinal de Bérulle. Edited by J.-P. Migne. Paris: Ateliers catholiques, 1856. We have chosen this edition for our citations, indicated by OP, since this contains a more ample collection of the OP than the Montsoult edition (the numbering of the two editions is slightly different also). It is best to test the two editions against one another; the Montsoult edition is often considered the more "authentic." Pierre de Bérulle: Introduction et choix de textes. Témoins de li foi Series. Edited by Michel Dupuy. Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1964. English Translations Bremond, Henri. A Literary History of Religious Thought in France 3: The Triumph of Mysticism. Translated by K. L. Montgomery. London: SPCK, 1936. Selections from Bérulle throughout, esp. pp. 1-222. Secondary Bellemare, R. Le sens de la créature dans la doctrine de Bérulle. Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1959. A fine analysis of Bérulle's relational anthropology. Bremond, Henri. 3 (above) and Histoire littéraire du sentiment religieux en France 7: La metaphysique des saints. Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1928, pp. 5-162 (for some comparisons between Bérullian spirituality and St. Francis de Sales). Cochois, Paul. Bérulle et l'école française. Maîtres spirituels Sériés. Paris: Seuil, 1963. Perhaps the best overview of the controversy of the vows of servitude. Cognet, Louis. "Bérulle et la théologie de l'incarnation." Al Ile siècle 29 (1955): 330-52. . La spiritualité moderne (Histoire de spiritualité 3/Ί). Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1966, pp. 310-59. Indispensable. D'Angers, Julien-Eymard. "L'exemplarisme bérulhen: les rapports du naturel et du surnaturel dans l'oeuvre du cardinal de Bérulle." Revue des sciences religieuses 31 (1957): 122-39. Dagens, Jean. Bérulle et les origines de la restauration catholique -336(1575-1611). Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1952. The best historical study to date. Dupuy, Michel. Bérulle. Une spiritualité (le l'adoration. Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1964. A particularly fine and sophisticated analysis, with some helpful comparisons with St. Ignatius Loyola. Guillén Preckler, Fernando. Bérulle aujourd'hui 1575-1975: pour une spiritualité de l'humanité du Christ. Le point théologique Series, 25. Paris: Beauchesne, 1978. An excellent attempt to probe Bérulle's contemporary relevance, noting Bérulle's similarity to Hans LTrs von Balthasar's theology, and suggesting service as a contemporary transposition of servitude. —. "Etai" chep le cardinal de Bérulle: théologie et spiritualité des "états" bérulliens. Analecta Gregoriana Series, 197. Rome: Gregorian University, 1974, The best study of the difficult notion of état, and also a fine overview of Bérulle's entire thought. Houssaye, Michel. Le cardinal de Bérulle et le cardinal de Richelieu. Paris: E. Plon, 1875. . Les carmélites de France et le cardinal de Bérulle. Paris: E. Plon, 1873. —. Lepère de Bérulle et {oratoire de Jésus. Paris: E. Plon, 1874. —. M. de Bérulle et les carmélites de France. Paris: H. Plon, 1872. (Houssaye's works are the "classic" historical sources.) Huijben, J. "Aux sources de la spiritualité française du XVIIe siècle." Supplément de la vie spirituelle 25 (1930): 113-39; 26 (1931): 17-46, 75-111; 27 (1931): 20-42, 94-122. Helpful especially for the Rhineland-Flemish mystical tradition's influence on the French School. Minton, Anne M. "Pierre de Bérulle: The Search for Unity." The Spirituality of Western Christendom 2: The Roofs of the Modern Christian Tradition. Edited by E. Roxanne Elder. Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1984, pp. 105-23. —. "The Figure of Christ in the Writings of Pierre de Bérulle: 1575-1629." Ph.D. dissertation. New York University, 1979. Orcibal, Jean. Le cardinal de Bérulle: évolution d'une spiritualité. Paris, Cerf, 1965. Thompson, William M. "A Study of Bérulle's Christie Spirituality." In Jesus, Lord and Savior. A Theopathic Christology and Soteriology. New York: Paulist, 1980, pp. 226-49. -337. "The Christie Universe of Pierre de Bérulle and the French School." American Benedictine Review 29 (1978): 320-47. Vasey, Vincent R. "Mary in the Doctrine of Bérulle on the Mysteries of Christ." Marian Studies 36 (1985): 60-80. Vidal, M. de. Le cardinal de Bérulle théologien marial. Li doctrine de Marie épouse. Nicolet Quebec centre marial canadien, 1957. Walsh, Milton Thomas. "The Sources of Pierre de Bérulle's Christocentric Spirituality." M.A. thesis. Menlo Park, CA: St. Patrick's Seminary, 1978. Madeleine de Saint-Joseph Primary Lettres spirituelles. Edited by Pierre Serouet. Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1965. All citations from her letters are from this edition, indicated by Lettre. Une mystique du XT 71 siècle: soeur Catherine de Jésus. Editions de la T ie spirituelle. Edited by Jean-Baptiste Eriau. Paris: Desclée et Cie, 1929. A fine edition of Madeleine's La vie de soeur Catherine de Jésus. English Translations Bremond, Henri. Vol. 2 (see above): The Coming ofMysticism (1590-1620). Translated by K. L. Montgomery. London: SPCK, 1930. Selections from the La vie de soeur Catherine de Jésus, pp. 227-67. Secondary Bremond, Henri. Vol. 2 (see above). Pp. 227-67. Cognet, Louis. La spiritualité moderne (see above). Pp. 362-67. Eriau, J.-B. La vénérable Madeleine de St.-Joseph: première prieure française du Carme! de /'Incarnation (1578-1637): essai sursa vie et ses lettres inédites. Paris: L'Art catholique, 1921. -338(Louise de Jésus). La vénérable Madeleine de Saint-Joseph: première prieure française du premier monastère des carmélites déchaussées en France (1578-1637). Paris/Clamart: Carmel de l'incarnation, 1935. The best biography available, with ample selections from her writings. Macca, Valentine. "Magdalen of St. Joseph (Magdalen du Bois de Fontaines, 1578-1637)." In Saints of Carmel: A Compilation from 1 arious Dictionaries. Directed by Louis Saggi. Rome: Carmelite Institute, 1972, pp. 183-86. Madaule, Jacques. "La première prieure française du Carmel réformé." La vie spirituelle 49 (1936): 499-516. Rimaud, Elisabeth. "Présence au monde d'une carmélite: la vénérable Madeleine de St.-Joseph." Le carmel (1966), 4866. A good view of Madeleine's involvement with the aristocracy. Serouet, Pierre. "Madeleine de Saint-Joseph." Dictionnaire de spiritualité. Vol. 10. Edited by Marcel Viller, et al. Paris: Beauchesne, 1980, cols. 57-60. Winowska, Maria. "Mère Madeleine de Saint-Joseph, première prieure du Carmel de France." La vie spirituelle 89 (1953): 57-83. O her Primary Anthologie. Edited by Michel Dupuy, et al. Paris: Compagnie de Saint Sulpice, 1987. Catéchisme chrétien pour la vie intérieure et Journée chrétienne. Edited by François Amiot. Paris: Le Rameau, 1954. The best critical edition, from which our citations come. Citations indicated by Cat (for I he Catéchisme) and J (for the Journée). Divers écrits. Paris: Sulpician Archives. Esprit de M. Olier. Paris: Sulpician Archives. Introduction a la vie et aux vertus chrétiennes with the Pietas Seminani. Edited by François Amiot. Paris: Le Rameau, 1954. The best critical edition, from which our citations come. Citations indicated by I (for the Introduction). Lettres deM. Olier. 2 vols. Edited by E. Levesque. Paris: J. de Gigord, -3391935. Our citations are from this, indicated by Eettre with the appropriate volume number. Mémoires autographes. 8 vols. Paris: Sulpician Archives, 1642-52. Our citations are from this, indicated by Mém or Mém c (a later copy). Oeuvres completes de M. Olier. Edited by J.-P. Migne. Paris: Ateliers catholiques, 1856. Unless indicated otherwise, this is the source of our citations. Traité des saints ordres. Edited by Gilles Chaillot, Michel Dupuy and Irénée Nove. Paris: St.-Sulpice, 1984. The best critical edition, arguing that the Traité is a touched up anthology of various works of M. Olier. Citations indicated by T. Translations Bremond, Henri. Vols. 2 and 3 (see above). Selections throughout both volumes. Olier, Jean-Jacques. Catechism of an Interior Life. Translated by M.E.K. Baltimore: Metropolitan Press, 1847. I was unable to locate a copy of this translation. Secondary Bouchaud, Constant. "Le role de mère Agnes dans la preparation spirituelle de Jean-Jacques Olier à la fondation du Séminaire de Saint-Sulpice." Bulletin de Saint-Sulpice 12 (1986): 160-70. Bremond, Henri. Vol. 3 (see above). Pp. 359-434. A very lively overview of Ober's Efe and spirituality. Bremond clearly has an affection for his subject, but his interpretation, especially of Ober's "great trial," sparked an ongoing controversy. Chaibot, Gibes. "Criteria for the Spiritual Formation of Pastors: The Pedagogical Tradition Inherited from M. Ober." Bulletin de Saint-Sulpice 4 (1978): 24-32. . "L'expérience eucharistique de J.-J. Ober: témoignage des Mémoires." Bulletin de Saint-Sulpice 10 (1984): 63-106. . "Les premières leçons de l'expérience mystique de Monsieur Ober." Bulletin du comité des études 40 (1962): 501-43. An -340indispensable analysis of Ober's "great trial," this tune surfacing its genuinely mystical character. Cognet, Louis. La spiritualité moderne (see above). Pp. 399-406. Dupuy, Michel. Se laissera [Esprit, itinéraire spirituel de Jean-Jacques Olier. Paris: Cerf, 1982. The most recent biography, from a psycho-historical perspective. Plentiful selections from the Mémoires. Faibon, Etienne-Michel. Abrégé de la vie de M. Olier. Montréal: L. Perrault, 1847. . T le de M. Olier. 3 vols. Paris: Poussièlgue Frères, and F. Wattelier et Cie, 1873. A basic historical study, upon which ab others must rely. Glendon, Loweb M. An Annotated and Descriptive Chronolog of the Important Events in the Life ofJean-Jacques Olier (1608/657). Baltimore: Society of St. Sulpice, 1987. —. "Jean-Jacques Ober's Shifting Attitude Toward the Human." Bulletin de Saint-Sulpice 5 (1979): 43-49. —. "Jean-Jacques Ober's View of the Spiritual Potential of Human Nature: A Presentation and an Evaluation." Ph.D. dissertation. Fordham University, 1983. A very chabenging study of how Ober's spirituahty intersects with some currents til contemporary American (U.S.) theology and spirituahty. Huvelin, Abbé. "Monsieur Ober at St. Sulpice" and "Monsieur Ober and the Seminaries." Some Spiritual Guides of the Seventeenth Century. Introduction and translation by Joseph Leonard. New York: Benziger, 1927, pp. 63-86, 87-108. Huvelin was Baron Friedrich von Htigel's spiritual director; this work is one of the links between the Baron and the French School. Icard, H.-J. Doctrine deM. Olier. Paris: Victor Lecoffre, 1891. Johnson, Timothy K. "Jean-Jacques Ober: Spiritual Director." Bulletin de Saint-Sulpice 6 (1980): 287-310. A valuable study of the most important sources on this topic. Letourneau, G. La méthode d'oraison mentale du séminaire de SaintSulpice. Paris: Victor Lecoffre, 1903. A genetic study, tracing the various accretions to Ober's approach to prayer, as well as its origins. Monter, Frédéric. T ie de Jean-Jacques Olier. Paris: Poussièlgue, 1914. Unfortunately incomplete, this is a very fine historical study. -341Noye, Irénée. "Sur la prière: 'O Jesu vivens in Maria.' " Bulletin du comité des études 7 (1954): 8-17; 8 (1955): 10-21. Noyé, Irénée and Michel Dupuy. "Ober (Jean-Jacques)." Dictionnaire de spiritualité. Vol. 11. Edited by M. Vüler, et al. Paris: Beauchesne, 1982, cols. 737-51. Pourrai, Pierre. Father Olier. Founder of Saint-Sulpice. Translated by W. S. Reilly. Baltimore: Voice Publishing Company, 1932. For the English reader, the best biography. Thompson, Edward Healy. The Life ofJean-Jacques Olier. Founder of the Seminary of St. Sulpice. London: Bums and Oates, 1885. Based upon FaiUon's work. Thompson, Wilham M. "Ober's La journée chrétienne as a Guide for Today's Theology." Bulletin de Saint-Sulpice 14 (1988): 113-27. Eudes Primary En tout la volonté de Dieu: S. Jean Eudes à travers ses lettres. By Clément Guillou. Paris: Cerf, 1981. A very helpful selection of letters by the saint, spanning his career and major concerns, with critical commentary. Oeuvres complètes du vénérable Jean Eudes. 12 vols. Introduction and notes by Joseph Dauphin and Charles Lebrun. Vannes or Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1905-11. The critical edition; unless otherwise indicated, all our citations are from this. Saint Jean Eudes: introduction et choix de textes. Témoins de la foi Series. By Paul Milcent. Paris: Blond et Gay, 1964. This work contains a thematic selection of the saint's writings. T ranslations Bremond, Henri. Vol. 3 (see above). Esp. pp. 497-572. Eudes, Saint John. Tetters and Shorter ll'orhs. Translated by Ruth Hauser. New York: Kenedy, 1948. -342—. Meditations on I Prions Subjects. Introduction by Charles Lebrun. New York: Kenedy, 1947. . The Admirable Heart ofMary. Translated by Charles di Targiani and Ruth I lauser. New York: Kenedy, 1948. A nicely condensed version of the three volumes of the Coeur. . The Life and Kingdom ofJesus in Christian Souls: A Treatise on Christian Perfection for 1 Ise by Clergy or Laity. Translated by a Trappist of Gethsemani. Introduction by Fulton J. Sheen. New York: Kenedy, 1946. . The Priest: His Dignity and Obligations. Translated by W. Leo Murphy. Introduction by Charles Lebrun. New York: Kenedy, 1947. . The Sacred Heart ofJesus. Translated by Richard Flower. Introduction by Gerald A. Phelan. New York: Kenedy, 1946. (All the Kenedy translations are in the series The Selected llbrhs of St. John Eudes. Edited by Wilfrid E. Myatt and Patrick J. Skinner.) Milcent, Paul. Saint John Eudes: Presentation and Texts. Glasgow: John S. Bums, 1963. An English translation of Milcent's book (above). Secondary Arragain, Jacques, et al. Le coeur du Seigneur, études sur les écrites et l’influence de saint Jean Eudes dans sa dévotion au coeur de Jésus. Paris: La Colombe, 1955. Bremond, Henri. Vol. 3 (see above). Pp. 497-572. This includes helpful and provocative studies of the saint's relation to Marie des Vallées and of the saint's sacred heart theology in comparison with that of St. Margaret Mary Alacoque. Herambourg, Peter. St. John Eudes: A Spiritual Portrait. Translated by Ruth I lauser. New York: Newman, 1960. Lebrun, Charles. La dévotion au coeur de Marie: étude historique et doctrinale. Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1917. —. La spiritualité de saint Jean Eudes. Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1933. . Lr bienheureux Jean Eudes et le culte public du coeur de Jésus. -343Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1917. Lebrun is the premier historian of the saint. Legaré, Clément. La structure sémantique, le lexeme du coeur dans [oeuvre de saint Jean Eudes. Montréal: Les Presses Universitaires du Quebec, 1976. Milcent, Paul. "Jean Eudes (saint), 1601-1680." Dictionnaire de spiritualité. Vol. 8. Edited by M. Viller, et al. Paris: Beauchesne, 1972, cols. 488-501. —. X Jean Eudes: un artisan de renouveau chrétien au AT Ile siècle. Semeurs Senes. Paris: Cerf, 1985. The leading historical study. Peyrous, Bernard. "La christologie de saint Jean Eudes." Divus Thomas 88 (1985): 42-57. General Studies Aumann, Jordan. Christian Spirituality in the Catholic Tradition. San Francisco: Ignatius, 1985. Balthasar, Hans Urs von. "Die Metaphysik des Oratoriums." Herrlicbkeit : Line Theologische Asthetik, 7/7: Im Raum der Metaphysik. Einsiedeln: Johannes Verlag, 1965, pp. 471-79. Bérulle and Condren are featured. —. "Pascal." The Glory of the Lord: A TheologicalAesthetics 3: Studies in Theological Style: Lay Styles. Edited by John Riches. Translated by Andrew Louth, John Saward, Martin Simon and Rowan Williams. San Francisco: Ignatius, 1986, pp. 172-238. Sensitive to Condren's influence on Pascal. —. "Tiieology and Sanctity," and "Spirituality." Essays in Theology1 2: Word and Redemption. Translated by A. V. Littledale in cooperation with Alexander Dru. New York: Herder and Herder, 1965, pp. 49-108. Bertaud, Emile. "Elévations spirituelles." Dictionnaire de spiritualité. Vol. 4/1. Edited by M. Viller, et al. Paris: Beauchesne, 1960, cols. 553-58. Boisard, M. L: compagnie de Saint Sulpice: trois siècles d’histoire. 2 vols. Paris: Compagnie de Saint-Sulpice, n.d. Bremond, Henri. Vols. 2, 3 and 7 (see above). A great and provocative study, beginning the modem reappropriation of the French School. Controversial, but indispensable. The entire series was -344published under the general title of Histoire littéraire du sentiment religieux en France depuis la fin des guerres de religion jusqu’à nosjours. H vols. Paris: Blond et Gay, 1916-33. English translation: A Literary History ofReligious Thought in France From the liars of Religion Down to Our Own Times. 3 vols. Translated by K. L. Montgomery. London: SPCK, 1928-36. Cahiers lasalliens. Rome: Casa Generalizia, 1959ff. Critical editions of the works of St. John Baptist de La Salle and of the early biographies. Cahill, Michael. Frauds Hibermann's Commentary on the Gospel of St. John: An Investigation of the Rabbinical and French School Influences. 2 vols, in 1. Dublin and London: Paraclete Press, 1987. Callahan, C. Annice. Karl Rahner's Spirituality of the Pierced Heart : A Reinterpretation of Devotion to the Sacred Heart. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1985. I lelpful suggestions for a renewed heart theology, and for understanding St. Margaret Mary Alacoque. Cognet, Louis. "Ecclesiastical Life in France." History of the Church 6: The Church in the Age of Absolutism and Enlightenment. Edited by Hubert Jedin and John Dolan. Translated by Gunther J. Holst. New York: Crossroad, 1981, pp. 3-106. The best general historical survey of our period. . Li spiritualité moderne (see above). The best survey of the spirituality of the "modern" period. . "Libermann et la spiritualité française." Spiritus, Supplément, 1963, 23-30. —. "Mysticism: E. École Française." Sacramentum Mundi. Vol. 4. Edited by Karl Raimer, et al. New York: Herder and Herder, 1969, pp. 151-52. . Post-Reformation Spirituality. Twentieth Century Encyclopedia of Catholicism. Vol. 4L Translated by P. Hepbume Scott. New York: Hawthorn, 1959. Condren, Charles de. Hetties du Pert Charles de Condren (1588-1641). Edited by Paul Auvray and André Jouffrey. Paris: Cerf, 1943. Essential for understanding Condren's influence over our principals. . The Eternal Sacrifice. Translated by H. J. Monteith. London: Thomas Baker, 1906. A translation of Condren's Idée du sacerdoce et du sacrifice de Jésus-Christ. See J. Galy (below) for theories of how much of this book comes from Condren, and -345how much from his disciples. In any case, Condren's theology of the "eternal sacrifice" of Jesus in heaven will be found here. Cooke, Bernard. Ministry to Word and Sacraments. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976. An excellent study, recognizing the place of the French School. D'Angers, Julien-Eymard. H'humanisme chrétien au Λ I lie siècle: St. François de Sales et Yves de Paris. International Archives of the History of Ideas, 31. La Haye: Martimis Nijhoff, 1970. This work attempts to clarify and critique Bremond's confusing meanings of the idea of "humanism." Damel-Rops, H. History of the Church of Christ 6: The Church in the Seventeenth Century. Translated by J. J. Buckingham. London: J. M. Dent & Sons/New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1963. De Paul, Vincent. Entrétiens spirituels aux missionaires. Edited by André Dodin. Paris: Seuil, 1960. Deville, Raymond. "Actualité de l'école française?" Bulletin de Saint-Sulpice 8 (1982): 42-54. . L'éco/e française de spiritualité. Bibliothèque d'histoire du christianisme Series, il. Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1987. An excellent introduction, with selected texts from Bérulle, Condren, Olier, Montfort and La Salle. Dionysius (the Areopagite). Pseudo-Dionysius: The Complete Works. Classics of Western Spirituality Series. Translated by Cohn Luibheid. Introductions by Jaroslav Pelikan, et al. New York: Paulist, 1987. Essential for the Dionysian, exemplarist horizon of the French School. Dupuy, Michel. "Intérieur de Jésus." Dictionnaire de spiritualité. Vol. 7/2. Edited by M. Viller, et al. Paris: Beauchesne, 1971, cols. 1870-77. Egan, Harvey. Christian Mysticism: The Future of a Tradition. New York: Pueblo, 1984. Very helpful for exploring the relation between theology and spirituality, a theme important to the "science of the saints" of the French School. Galy, J. He sacrifice dans (école française. Paris: Nouvelles Editions Latines, 1951. Especially good on this theme in Condren, with ample studies of Bérulle and Olier, and briefer studies of others. Goichot, Émile. "Du 'siecle classique' au 'siecle mystique': l'apport liistorique de l'abbé Bremond." Ha rie spirituelle 142 (1988): 433-50. . Henri Bremond historien du sentiment religieux: genèse et -346strategie d'une entreprise littéraire. Paris: Éditions Ophyrys, Association de Publications près les Universités de Strasbouig, 1982. Harang, Jean, ed. Ha spiritualité bérullienne. Prières de tous les temps Series, 32. Chambrey: C.L.D., 1983. Samples of prayers from the spectrum of the French School, with an introduction. Kasper, Walter. Jesus the Christ. Translated by V. Green. New York: Paulist, 1976. Very helpful for understanding the "privation" of Jesus' human "person" (in the technical conciliar sense) by the "person of the Logos." A central theme in Bérulle and Olier especially. Kauffman, Christopher J. Tradition and Transformation in Catholic Culture: The Priests ofSaint Sulpice in the United Statesfrom 1791 to the Present. New York: Macmillan, 1988. An accessible entry into the Sulpician tradition for the American reader, stressing its progressive leadership in the United States. La Salle, St. John Baptist de. John Baptist de Ha Salle: The Tetters. Edited by Augustine Loes. Translated by Colman Malloy. Romeoville, IL: Christian Brothers Conference, 1988. . Meditations for the Time ojRetreat. Translated by Augustine Loes. Romeoville, IL: Christian Brothers Conference, 1975. A popular entry into the saint; the influence of the French School is quickly felt by the reader. Laurentin, René. Dieu seul est ma tendresse: René Laurentinprésente L AL Grignion de Montfort, Le secret de Marie. La mère du Seigneur Series. Paris: O.E.I.L., 1984. Written for the sake of the saint's becoming a "doctor of the Church." The saint's influence on Pope John Paul II is also featured. Le Brun, Jacques. "VI. Le grand siècle de la spiritualité française et ses lendemains." Dictionnaire de spiritualité. Vol. 5. Edited by M. Viller, et al. Paris: Beauchesne, 1964, cols. 917-53. —. "Marguerite-Marie Alacoque (Sainte)." Dictionnaire de spiritualité. Vol. 10. Edited by M. Viller, et al. Paris: Beauchesne, 1980, cols. 349-55. Lebrun, François. Le XT Ile siècle. Collection U. Histoire moderne Series. Paris: A. Colin, 1967. Marie-Thérèse de Saint-Joseph. "Marie de L'Incarnation (bienheureuse)." Dictionnaire de spiritualité. Vol. 10. Edited by M. Viller, et al. Paris: Beauchesne, 1980, cols. 486-87. A study of Mme. Acarie. -347Matthews, V. J. St. Philip Neri. Rockford, IL: Tan Books and Publishers, 1984. I lelpful for the origins of the Oratory. Mersch, Emile. The Whole Christ: The Historical Development of the Doctrine of the Mystical Body in Scripture and Tradition. Translated by John R. Kelly. London: Dennis Dobson, 1938. An extensive treatment of the French School's contribution is included. Milet, Jean. God or Christ? The Excesses of Christocentricity. Translated by John Bowden. New York: Crossroad, 1981. Tends to view the French School as the influential factor promoting an unbalanced Christocentrism, which in turn leads, the author suggests, toward humanism. Milet seems to exaggerate the influence of the Renaissance on the French School, and misses the relational and dialogical view of God characteristic of the school. Montfort, St. Louis-Marie (Grignion) de. Oeuvres complètes. Paris: Seuil, 1966. (English translation [nearly complete]: God Alone: The Collected Writings of St. Louis Mary de Montfort. Bayshore, NY: Montfort Publications, 1987.) . The Love of Eternal Wisdom. Translated and annotated by A. Somers. Bayshore, NY: Montfort Publications, 1960. . True Devotion to Mary. Translated by Frederick Faber. Rockford IL: Tan Books and Publishers, 1985. Tire influence of the French School is quickly evident to the reader. Muto, Susan Annette. Pathways of Spiritual Living. Petersham, MA: St. Bede's Publications, 1984. Helpful and contemplative explorations of themes central to the French School, as well as to other great spiritual families. O'Shea, William "The Liturgical Tradition of the Society· of St. Sulpice." Il;w'j7yj> 31 (1956-7): 443-529. A good beginning; we need a solid study of the liturgical contributions of the entire French School. Osborne, Kenan B. Priesthood: The History of the Ordained Ministry in the Roman Catholic Church. New York: Paulist, 1988. Includes the Olierian, Sulpician contribution at some length. Pascal, Blaise. "Lettre de Pascal à monsieur et madame Périer, à clermont" (No. 5). Ouevres complètes. Bibliothèque de la Pléiade Series, 34. Edited by Jacques Chevalier. Paris: Gallimard, 1954, pp. 490-501. This illustrates the influence of Condren's views on sacrifice. -348Pourrat, Pierre. Christian Spirituality 3: Later Developments: Pt. 1: From the Renaissance to Jansenism. Translated by W. H. Mitchell. Westminster, MD: Newman, 1953. Rahner, Karl. On Prayer. New York: Paulist, 1958. Turns to Bérulle to highlight the role of the Incarnation in prayer. —. "Some Theses for a Theology of Devotion to the Sacred Heart." Theological Investigations 3. Translated by Karl-H. and Boniface Kruger. Baltimore: Helicon, 1967, pp. 3 31-52. Proposes that this devotion is an alternative to both Jansenistic rigorism and Renaissance "secularism." —. "The Eternal Significance of the Humanity of Jesus for Our Relationship With God." Ibid., pp. 35-46. A profound study of the theological foundations of Christocentrism, a theme central to our principals. Ruusbroec, John. The Spiritual Epousais and Other Works. Classics of Western Spirituality Series. Introduction and translation by James A. Wiseman. New York: Paulist, 1985. An excellent entry into the themes characteristic of Rhineland-Flemish mysticism, a major source of the French School. Sauvage, Michel, and Miguel Campos. St. John Baptist de La Salk: Announcing The Gospel to the Poor. The Spiritual Experience and Spiritual Teaching oj St. John Baptist de La Salle. Translated by Matthew J. O'Connell. Romeoville, IL: Christian Brothers National Office, 1981. Saward, John. "Bérulle and the 'French School.' " The Study of Spirituality. Edited by Cheslyn Jones, Geoffrey Wainwright and Edward Yamolds. New York: Oxford, 1986, pp. 386-96. Sheppard, Lancelot. Barbe Acarie: Wife and Mystic. London: Bums Oates, 1953. An accessible introduction to Mme. Acarie, but biased against Bérulle. Squire, Aelred. "The Human Condition: A Study of Some Seventeenth-Century French Writers." Life of the Spirit 15 (1961): 166-82. Thompson, William M. Fire and Light: The Saints and Theology. New York: Paulist, 1987. An analysis of theology's relationship to mystical experience, a theme central to the "science of the saints" of the French School. Tenailleau, Bernard. "Father Libermann's Spirituality." Spiritans Today 4 (1985): 49-76. Helpful in appreciating the French School's influence. -349Tracy, David. The Analogical Imagination: Christian Theology and the Culture of Pluralism. New York: Crossroad, 1981. Essential for appreciating the theo-literary nature of religious classics. van Kaam, Adrian. A Light to the Gentiles: The Life Story of the I enerable Francis I Jbermann. Milwaukee: Bruce, 1959. Walsh, Eugene A. The Priesthood in the Writings of the French School: Rendle, De Condren, Olier. S.T.D dissertation. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1949. Still a very fine introduction; particularly good on the theology of sacrifice in the French School. Wright, Wendy M. Bond of Perfection: Jeanne de Chantal and Francois de Sales. New York: Paulist, 1985. Very helpful for appreciating male-female "spiritual" friendship during the founding period of the French School. -350INDEX TO THE FOREWORD, PREFACE, AND INTRODUCTION Abasement/Abnegation/Annihilation (Anéantissement), xvi, 6, 24, 41 -46, 55, 63, 85, 99 Abstract Mysticism: See Mysticism Acarie, Mme., 10, 13, 15, 22 -24, 28 n21, 58, 78, 80 Adherence, xvi, 37, 42, 68 n23, 99 Adoration, xii, xvi, 23 -24, 35, 41 -47, 70nn42-43, 49, 85 -86, 99, 100 Agnes, M., Ver., 22, 24 Alacoque, Μ. M., St., 79, 94 nl5 Alexandre, P., 7, 27 n9 Amelote, D., 19, 100, 101 n4 Amiot, F., 98 Androgyny, 25 -26 Anne of Austria, 27 n2 Anne of Jesus, 13 Animé, C., 91 116 Apophatic, 9 Aquinas, Thomas, St., 41, 47, 68 nnl6,20, 70n39 Amauld, A., 90 n5 Arragain, J., 69 nn31,32, 73 nlOl Auffray, M.-T., 91 n6 Augustine, St./Augustinian (School), xvxvi, 8 -10, 32 -33, 40, 78, 83, 101 n2 Aumann, J., 82, 92 nil Auvray, P., 69 n23 Ayers, M., xiii Bacon, R., 6 Bad, L., 8 Balthasar, H. U. von, 28 nl7, 29 n41, 72n82, 83, 92 n!3, 94 nl8 Baroque, 38, 100, 101 n2 Beaucousin, D., 10, 13 Bellemare, R., 67 nlO, 89 n2 Benedictine (School), xv Benedictines of Jesus the Priest, 91 116 Benet of Canfeld, 10, 24 Bernard, St., 8 Bertaud, É., 101 n3 Bérulle, P. de, xii, xv, xvii, 3 ff, 27 n4, 28nn20,30, 29 n34, 30 nn54,59, 31nn62,64-65; 32 -34 (on God and Trinity), 35 -42 (on Christology, soteriology, spirituality), 47 -50 (on Mary), 54 -58 (on ecclesiology/pastoral work), 66 (eschatology), 67 nnl-5,10, 68nl2-22, 69 nn31,33,35-36, 70 nn3745,49, 71 1171-75, 71 -72n76, 72n77-84, 73 mi99,101, 74 nl04-113, 7511133, 76 nl43, 78 ff, 89 n2, 90 n5, 91n6, 92 n9, 93 nl5 (beatification process), 94 1117-18, 94 -951119, 95 n21, 95-96n23, 97 and 99 -100 (texts of), 101112-3 Bib Heal (Christian), 32 ff, 84 ff. Bigne, M. de la, 8 Biollowous, H., 93 n!4 Blampin, T., 8 Blessed Sacrament, 63 Blessed Sacrament, Company of the, 55, 7411103 -351Blosius, 10 Bonadio, J., xiH Bossuet, J.-B., 7 -9, 92 nlO, 101 n2 Bouchaud, C., 30 n54 Bourdoise, A., 12 Bourgoing, F., 20, 67 n2, 74 nl08, 80, 97 Bowen, J., xiii imiin Bremond, H, 18 -19, 28 nn21,30, 29nn36,41,45, 29 -30n49, 30 mi54,56, 691123, 72 n82, 73 nn99,101, 74nnl , , 78, 81, 89 nnl,4, 90 n5, 91n6, 92 n7, 94 n!8, 98, 101 n2-3 Bressand, M. de, 22 Bretonvilliers, M. de, 19, 63 Brown, G., xiii Brown, R., xiii Buckingham, J., 74 nl03 Buonarroti, Michelangelo, 5 Bus, C. de, Ven., 91 n6 Cajetan, 68 nl6 Callahan, C., 90 n5 Calvin, J., 78 Campos, M., 92 n8 Capacity, 99 Carmelite (School), xv, 13 ff, 36, 50, 55, 59, 74 nl03, 80, 91 n6, 100 Carthusians, 16 Catherine of Genoa, St., 10, 22, 74 nl03, 95nl9 Catherine of Jesus, 25 Cervantes, M. de, 5 Chaillot, G., xiii, 29 n44, 31 n61, 61, 75nnl30,132; See references to Olier's T Chantal, J. F. de, St., 10 Charity, 23 -24, 46, 65 -66, 70 n49, 88, 95-961123, 100 Charles I, 4 Chesnay, C. de, 69 n31 Childhood/Infancy (of Jesus), Devotion to, xvi-xvii, 22, 49 -54, 72 n82, 73nn93,100, 80 Chirico, P., xiii Christocentrism: See Christology Christology, 35 -47, 65, 70 n40, 78 -79, 82ff, 94 nl7 Church: See Ecclesiology Clarke, J., 29 n41 Classical (Tradition), 84, 100, 101 n2; See Dionysian/Platonic/Neoplatonic Cloud of Unknowing, The, xv Cochois, P., 14, 28 n31, 61 Coelho, M., 75 nl33 Coeur (book by St. J. Eudes) 21, 52 -54, 731198,98-99 Cognet, L., 7 -8, 12, 19, 22 -23, 27nn2,10-13, 28 nnl4-15,21-22,25,2729, 29 n46, 30 nn55,58-59, 36, 40, 45, 67n5, 68 nnl3,16,19-20, 69nn23,31-32,34,36, 70 n38, 71 n56, 80-81, 89 nl, 92 n7, 98 Coleman, G., xiii Combefis, F., 8 Company of St. Sulpice: See Sulpicians Condren, C. de/Condrennian, xii, 7, 12, 17, 19 -20, 24, 34, 37 -38, 43 -45, 51-52, 58 -61, 63 -65, 69 n23, 73 n93, 81, 83, 86, 90 -91n5, 92 n9 Congregation of Jesus and Mary: See Eudists Congregation of the Holy Spirit (Ghost), 82 Congregation of the Little Sisters of the Poor, 91 n6 Congregation of the Oratory: See Oratory Congregation of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary, 91 n6 Congregation of the Sacred Heart of Coutances, 91 n6 Cougar, Y., 6 -7, 27 n8-9 Contenson, G. de, 8 Cooke, B., 87, 95 n21 Copernican Revolution, 5, 77 Copernicus, N., 5 -6 Coton, P., 10 Crowley, C., xiii Cwiekowski, F., xiii D'Angers, J.-E., 67 n3 Dagens, J., 9 -10, 27 -28nl3, 28nnl8-19,21,30-31, 29 n35, 30 n56, 67n2, 68 nl9, 74 nl04-05, 89 n2, 95 n22, 101n2 Daniel-Rops, H., 74 nl03, 94 nl5 Daughters of Instruction, 91 n6 Daughters of Mary, 91 n6 Daughters of the Interior of the Blessed Virgin, 91 n6 Daughters of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary, 91 n6 David, J.-B., 91 -92n6 Dauphin, J., 98 Deification: See Spirituality DelVitto, J., xiii de Paul, Vincent, St., 11 -13, 16 -17, 81 -352Deville, R., xiii, 30 n49, 71 n70, 92 n8, 96n23 Devotion, 39 Dialogue Form, 100 Dionysius (the Areopagite)/Dionysian, 9 10, 14, 25, 32 -34, 49, 55 -57, 60, 62, 68nll, 78, 81, 84 -85, 100 Dodin, A., 28 n24 Dominican (School), xv Dru, A., 28 nl7 Dupuy, M., 28 n26, 29 nn36,42,47, 30 n54, 67nn3,7, 69 nn24,26-27, 70 n43-44, 71nn57,61, 73 nn93,101, 74 nl08, 94nl8-19, 101 nl; See references to Olier's T Duval, A., 7, 10, 15, 23 Eaton, V., xiii Ecclesiology, 54 -65, 87 -88, 99 Economy, 36, 41 Egan, H., 28nl7, 93 nl4 Elder, E., 89 n2 Elevation, xi-xii, 15, 66, 99 -100, 101 n2-3 Enhypostasia/Enhypostasis, 36, 38, 68 nl6, 70n39, 85 Enlightenment, 86 Episcopacy, 61 -62, 75 nl27 Eucharist, 58 -61, 63 -64, 95 nl7; See Ecclesiology Eudes, J., St., xii, xv, xvii, 3, 5 -6, 10, 12 13, 19 -22, 30 mi50-52,54, 34 -35 (on God and Trinity), 37 -39 and 45 -47 (on Christology, soteriology, and spirituality), 52 -54 (on Mary), 64 -65 (on ecclesiology and pastoral work), 66 (on eschatology), 67 n9, 69 nn28,30-32, 71n62-69, 73 nlOl, 73 -74nl02, 75nl34-37, 76 nnl38-39,140-42,146, 78-80, 84 ff, 91 n6, 95 -96n23, 98 -100 (texts of), 101 n3 Eudists, 12 -13, 20, 55, 64, 74 nl03, 80, 82 Evil, 86 ; See Soteriology (Sin) Exemplarism, xvi, 35, 37, 67 n3; See Dionysian/Platonic/Neoplatonic Experience, xi, 34 Failion, É.-M., 75 nl25, 91 n6, 93 nl5 Faithful Servants of Jesus, 9 1 n6 Faradon, L. du, 91 116 Feminist Theology, 25 -26, 31 n65, 88, 95n21 Fénelon, F. de/Fénelonian, 92 nlO, 94 nl9 Ferdinand, Emperor, 4 Fire (metaphor), xi, 34, 67 n8 Flemish (School), 10, 47 -48, 72 n78; See Rhineland (School) Fond, 44 -45, 86 Foucauld, C. de, 83 Franciscan (School), xv Frazer, E., xiii French School, xi-xii, xv-xvii, 3 ff, 28nl6, 32 (science of the saints), 33 ff, 77ff, 89 nl (name's origin), 91 -92116 (religious foundations) Fredericks, J., xiii Friedrich V, 4 Fristel, A., Ven., 91 n6 Galilei, G., 5 -6 Gallemant, 10 Gallicanism, 21, 93 -94nl5 Gamaches, P. de, 7 Gibieuf, G., 50, 72 n87, 81, 97 Glendon, L., xiii, 29 nn37-40,42-43, 71nn59,61, 101 nl God (theology of), 33 -35, 78, 85 Good Shepherd Sisters (Congregation of Our Lady of the Good Shepherd), 80, 95-96n23 Gorres, I., 92 n9 Gouhier, A., 92 n9 Gray Sisters, 91 n6 Greco, El, 5 Gregory of Nyssa, St., 83 Groote, G., 8 Guillon, C., 20, 30 nn50,52, 71 n66, 76n142 Guilloré, F., 81 Guthrie, H., 27 n8 Harphius, 7, 10, 36, 68 nn13,16 Harvey, W., 6 Hayes, B., xiil Hecker, K., 91 n5 Henriette, Princess, 4 Henry IV, 7, 27 n2 Hensberger, M., xiii Hilton, W., xv Holst, G., 27 n3 Holy Family of Sees, 91 n6 Host-Victim, 38, 43, 61, 68 -69n23 Host-Victim, vow of, 38 Hostie, R., 91 n6, 92 n10 Huether, F., xiii Hügel, F. von, 94 -95n19 Huguenots, 8, 19, 52, 55 ; See Reformers -353Humanism, 78 Hutchinson, H., xiii Huvelin, A./Huvelinian, 94 -95n19 Icard, H.-J., 94 n15, 95 n21 Ignatian (School/Exercises), 13 ; See St. Ignatius Loyola Ildephonse of Toledo, St., 14 Imhof, P., 93 n14 Immolation, 58 -59, 64, 86 ; See Sacrifice/ Host-Victim/Condren Infancy (of Jesus), Devotion to: See Childhood (of Jesus) Innocent X, Pope, 93 n15 Institute of Our Lady of Charity, 80 Interior/Inferiority (of Jesus/Mary/ Christians), 38, 51, 54 (feast of Jesus'), 62, 64, 78, 91 -92n6 Jansen, C., 90 n5 Jansenism/Jansenists, 19, 21, 38, 79, 84, 90-91n5, 93 -94n15, 94 n16 Jesus: See Christology Johannine texts (in the French School), 9, 71n61 John (Beloved Disciple), 25 John of the Cross, St., 10, 44 -45, 71 n57, 94n18 Johnson, T., 75 n133 Joubert, J., 91 n6 Jouffrey, A., 69 n23 Juan de Avila, 10 Jugan, J., Bd., 91 n6 Julian of Norwich, xv Kasper, W., 67 n5, 68 n16 Kauffman, C., 92 n6, 94 n15 Kavanaugh, K., 89 n2 Kelly, J., 92 n12 Kenosis, 85, 92 n9 Kepler, J., 6 Krailsheimer, A., 94 n16 Kruger, B., 27 n7, 90 n5 Kruger, K.-H., 27 n7, 70 n49, 90 n5 La journée chrétienne (book by J.-J. Olier), 19, 29 n46, 98 La Salle, J. B. de, St., 81, 84 Laity, the, 28 n23, 58, 60, 62 -65, 75 n127 Lallemant, L., 81 Lamy, B., 9 Lange, M., 91 n6 Lantages, C. de, 91 n6 Laurain, P., 91 n6 Laurentin, R., 95 n21 Lebrun, C., 98 Lee, W., xiii Lehmann, K., 93 n14 Lepin, M., 91 n6 Leschassier, F., 81 Lesieur, O., 91 n6 Lessius, P., 15 Letourneau, G., 71 n58, 89 n1 Lettre, 144 (of Madeleine de Saint-Joseph) 23-24, 43 Levesque, L., xiii Lewis, M., xiii Liberation theology, 88 Libermann, F., Ven., 82 Little Sisters of St. Joseph, 91 n6 Littledale, A., 28 n17 Liturgy, 66 ; See Solemnity of Jesus/ Interior/Sacred Heart Louis XIII, 27 n2 Louis XIV, 4, 20 -21, 27 n2 Louise de Jésus, 30 nn56-57,60, 67 n6, 68n23, 70 nn47,49, 72 n87-88, 74nn115,119, 96 n23 Love, 23 -24, 46, 65 -66, 70 n49, 88, 95-96n23, 100 Loyola, Ignatius, St., 83, 89 -90n4, 93 n14, 94n18; See Ignatian Luther, M./Lutherans, 78, 89 n2 McGinniss, M., xiii McNeill, W., 3, 6, 27 nn1,6 Mabillon, J., 8 Machault, J. de, 68 n13 Madeleine de Saint-Joseph, Ven., xii, xv, xvii, 22 -26, 30 nn56-57,60, 31 n63-64, 34 (on God and Trinity), 37 -38 and 42-43 (on Christology, soteriology, and spirituality), 50 -51 (on Mary), 58 -60 (on ecclesiology and pastoral work), 66 (on eschatology), 67 n6, 68 n23, 70nn46,48-49, 72 nn85-86,88 (on Mary), 74 n114-120, 76 n144, 78 ff., 93n15 (beatification process), 95 n19, 96n23, 97 -98 and 100 Magdalene, Mary, 16, 23, 26, 66, 78 Maggio, P., 13 Maignelay, M. de, 10 Malebranche, N., 92 n10, 101 n2 Malinowski, F., xiii Mallek, A., xiii Margerie, B. de, 94 n17 -354Marguerite du Saint-Sacrement (of Beaune), 22, 30 n54, 80 Marguerite du Saint-Sacrement, 80 Marie des Vallées, 20 -22 Marie of the Incarnation, Bd.: See Mme. Acarie Marie of the Trinity, 15 Marie-Euphrasie, St., 80 Marie Thérèse, 27 n2 Mariology, 25 -26, 35, 47 -54, 65 -66, 72nn88,91, 73 n93, 81 -82, 86 -87, 95n21 Mary, B. V., xvi, 39, 66, 78, 81 ; See Mariology Mass: See Euchirist Maurists, 8 Maximus Confessor, St., 8 Mazarin, J., 27 n2 Mercier, A., 91 n6 Mersch, E., 82 -83, 92 n12 Métézau, P., 81 Milcent, P., 20, 27 n5, 28 n23, 29 n48, 29 30n49, 30 nn51,53-54, 65, 68 n9, 69nn29,31-2, 71 n67, 73 nn94-95,99, 7411102, 75 nn!34,136, 76 nnl40,142, 91n6, 96 n23, 101 nl Ministry, 87 -88; See Priesthood Minton, A., 89 n2 Monier, F., 29 r47 Montfort, L.-M. Grignion de, St., 47, 81, 84 Montgomery, K., 28 nn21,30, 68 nl3, 89 n4 Morgan, D., xiii Morland, D., 90 n4 Morris, W., xiii Mudge, L., 101 nl Morin, 9 Muto, S., xiii Mystery, 70 n40; See Christology Mystical Body, 39, 60, 65 Mysticism, 9 -11, 13, 44 -45, 50 ff., 71 116O, 93nl5; Abstract: 10 -11, 13, 24 -25, 35 36, 48, 69 n27, 78, 88 ; Everyday: io' Néant/Nothingness, 40 -47, 77 Neoplatonism/Neoplatonic, 14, 32 -33, 35, 37, 40, 53, 78, 84 -85, 100 ; See Classic al/Platonic and Dionysius Neri, Philip, St., 74 nl03 Neufelder, J., 75 nl33 Nevers, C. de, 4 Newton, I., 6 Nicholl, D„ 29 n41 Nobility, the, 28 n23 Nowak, S., 75 n!30 Noyé, I., xiii, 61, 67 n7, 71 n57, 73 n93, 91n6, 101 nl; See references to Olier's T O'Carroll, M, 95 n21 O'Connell, M., 92 n8 "O Jesu vivens in Maria" (prayer), 52, 73n93-94 O'Kane, P., xiii Olier, J.-J., xi-xii, xv-xvii, 5 -6, 10, 12-13, 16 -19, 20, 22, 29 nn36,3840,42-43,46, 30 nii50,53-54, 31 n61, 34 (on God and Trinity), 37 -39 and 43-45 (on Christology, soteriology, and spirituality), 51 -52 (on Mary'), 60 -64 (on ecclesiology and pastoral work), 66 (on eschatology), 67 n8, 69 n25-27, 70n50-51, 71 nn52-55,57-61, 72n89-91, 7a nn92-93,101, 74 nl02, 75nl21-33, 76 nl45, 78 ff., 90 -91n5, 91-92n6, 93 -94nl5 (beatification process), 94 n!6, 95 n21, 95 -96n23, 98 and 100 (texts of), 101 n3 Oratory/Oratonans, 12 -14, 16 -17, 20, 23, 55, 57, 59, 61, 64, 66, 69 n23, 74nl03, 81, 91 n6 (religious foundations associated with) Orcibal, J., 28 n30, 29 n32, 30 n60, 68 nil, 90n5 Osborn, H., 101 n2 Pascal, B., 83, 92 nlO Passion (of Jesus), 10 Pastoral Renewal/Reform, 11 -13, 54 -65 Patristic influence on French School, 84 Paul, St./Pauline texts (in the French School), 9, 33, 39, 44 -46, 71 n61 Paul V, Pope, 15 Person (of Jesus), Privation of Human: See Enhypostasia Pelletier, R.-5 ■, 80 Petau, D., 8 Petite oeuvre, 91 n6 Pius VI, Pope, 93 nl5, 98 Pius IX, Pope, 95 n21 Pius X, Pope, St., 22, 95 n21 Pius XI, Pope, 22 Platonic 9, 34 -35; See Classical/ Dionysius/Neoplatonic Prayer, 70 n45, 71 n58, 99 -100; See Spirituality -355Priesthood, the, 11 -13, 54 -58, 60 -66 Principe, W, 91 n6 Quesnel, P·, 94 nl6 Quietism, 93 nl5 Quinn, E., 93 ni 4 Rabelais, F., 5 Rademacher, W., xiii Raffelt, A., 93 n!4 Rahner, K., 6, 27 n7, 68 nl9, 70 n49, 79, 83, 86, 89 ni, 89 -90n4, 90 n5, 92 -93nl4 Reference, 99 Reformers/Reformation, 5, 8, 11, 55, 57 58, 73 n95, 77 -78, 89 n2 Religion, 39, 56, 61, 75 n!23 Rembrandt, H., 5 Renaissance, 5 -6, 38, 40, 57, 89 n2, 89-90n4, 100 Reversal of Hierarchies, the Dionysian, 14 Rhineland (School)/Rheno-, xv, 10, 42, 44, 47 -48, 70 nii39,41 Richelieu, A., 4 -5, 11, 16, 24, 27 n2 Riches, J., 92 nl3 Ricoeur, P., 101 nl Rodriquez, O., 89 n2 Rolle, R., xv Romaillon, J., 91 n6 Roquette, P., 29 n41 Rousseau, M., 19, 22 Rubens, P., 5 Ruether, R., 25, 31 n65 Ruusbroec, J., Bd., xv, 7, 10, 73 n78 Sacred Heart (of Mary and Jesus), 6, 19-21, 38 -39, 46 -47, 52 -54, 61, 65-66, 73 nn99,101, 73 -74nl02, 86-87, 90 n5; Feasts of: 22, 54, 96 n23 Sacrifice, 37, 60 -61, 63 -65, 68 -69n23, 86; See Condren/Host-Victim/ Immolation Saints, 66 Saint-Cyran (Duvergier de Hauranne), 90-91115 Saint Sulpice, Company (Society) of: See Sulpicians Sales, F. de, St., 10, 16, 35, 39 -40, 67 n9, 83, 93 n!5 Sauvage, M., 92 118 Schillebeeckx, E., 87, 95 n21 Science of the Saints (in the French School), xi, 32, 99 Scott, R., 28 n21 Scotus, D., 47, 68 n20 Séguenot, C., 81 Seminary Reform/Seminaries, 11 -12, 20 Serouet, P., 97 -98, 101 nl; See references to the Lettres of Madeleine de Saintjoseph Servants of Jesus the High Priest, 91 n6 Servants of Mary Immaculate, 91 n6 Servitude/Service, 26, 41 -50, 70 n39, 85 87, 92 n9, 99 ; See Kenosis Servitude, Vows of, 14 -16, 23, 29 n32, 38, 41, 48, 51, 68 nl9, 81 Seton, E., St., 91 -92n6 Seward, J., 92 n!3 Shakespeare, \\'.. 5 Simon, M, 92 nl3 Simon, R., 8 -9 Sin: See Evil/Soteriology Sisters of Charity of Nazareth, 91 -92n6 Sisters of Providence of Evreux, 91 n6 Sisters of the Good Savior, 91 n6 Society of the Heart of the Admirable Mother, 91 n6 Soteriology, 35 -47 Solemnity of Jesus, Feast of the, 14, 54 Spalding, C., 91 -92n6 Spiritans: See Congregation of the Holy Spirit (Ghost) Spiritual Direction, 54 -55, 58 -60, 63 -65, 75nl33, 76 nl42 Spirituality, 35 -47, 65 ; See Prayer State (Etat), 37 -39, 41, 72 1181,78 -79, 85 Substance (of the mysteries), 36, 41 Sullivan, J., xiii Sulpicians, 12 -13, 19 -20, 55, 61 -62, 64, 74n103, 80 -82, 91 -92n6 (religious foundations associated with), 93-94n15, 94 n19 Surin, J.-J., 29 n41, 81 Suso, H., Bd., xv Tauler, J., xv Tenailleau, B., 92 n10 Teresa of Avila, St./Teresian, 10, 22, 24, 36, 38, 50, 59, 68 n23, 83, 89 n2, 93 n14, 94n18 Theology, 6 ff Thérèse of Lisieux, St., xvii, 29 n41, 50, 72n82,92n9 Thomassin, L., 8 Thomistic; See St. Thomas Aquinas Thompson, E., 74 n103 Thompson, P., xiii -356Thompson, W., 68 n19 Tillard, J., 92 n10 Tracy, D., 84, 89 n3, 93 n15, 94 n16, 101 n1 Trinity, the Holy, 33 -35, 85 ; See Bérulle, John Eudes, Madeleine de Saint-Joseph, and J.-J. Olier Trinitarians of St.-Marin-en-Haut, 91 n6 Unity, the Divine, 33 -35 Urban VIII, Pope, 16 Ursulines, 91 n6 Vasey, V., 95 n20 Velâzquez, D., 5 Victim: See Host-Victim Vidal, M. de, 71 -72n76 Vincentians, 20 Vinci, Leonardo da, 5 Voegelin, E., 101 n1 Vows of Host-Victim and Servitude: See Host-Victim and Servitude, vows of Wakefield, G., 94 n16 Walsh, E., 75 n130 Webb, E., 101 n1 Whelan, J., 95 n19 Williams, R., 92 n13 Winston, C., 92 n9 Winston, R., 92 n9 Wiseman, J., 72 n78 Women: See Feminist Theology Zamet, S., 9, 17, 24 -357- INDEX TO TEXTS Abandonment, 242 Action, 3 16 Adoration of God, 200 -02, 205 Affliction, 242 Andrew, St., 243 Angels, 286 Annihilation of self, 228, 263 -67 Anthony, St., 273 Avarice, 248 -49 Baptism, 221, 293 Benedict, St., 221 Bernard, St., 239 Bernardine of Siena, St., 327 Birds, 285 -86 Books, 317 Carmelites, 198 -200, 210 Catherine of Genoa, St., 210, 211 Catherine of Jesus, Sister, 210 Charity, 267 -69 Christian life, 295 -97 Christianity: the basis of, 123 Church, the, 299 Communion, 324 -25 Contemplation, 131, 207, 327 Cross, the, 211, 219 -20 De Bérulle, Cardinal, 192 -95, 197, 210 Death, 226 Denis, St., 130, 135, 183 Detachment, 222, 247 -48, 251, 254, 260, 304-12 Deuteronomy, 202 Direction of souls, 208 -09 Elijah, 204 Elizabeth, St., 271 Essence of God: in the Trinity, 141 Eucharist, 293 Exaltation of the Holy Cross, 211 Exorcisms, 195 Faith, 297 -301 Fathers of the Oratory, 210 Flesh, the, 273, 276 Flowers, 283 -84 Francis, St., 221 Fruit, 285 Glory, the order of, 112 -13, 117 God: active outside himself, 110 ; adoration of, 200 -02, 205 ; is the authentic good, 249 ; authority of, 184 ■ communicates, 134 -35, 140 -41, 269 ; confidence in, 320 ; contains everything in himself, 254 ; contemplation of 115, 210; created the world, 146 -47; fellowship with, 205 ; fertility of, 132 ; fills us, 219 ; generosity of, 255 -57; oifts of, 253, 277 -87; gives himself, 260-61; in human nature, 140 -41; humility of, 110 ; and idols 219 · Jesus a living­ portrait of, 135 ; knowledge of, 148; law of, 199, 202 ; is love, 146 -47, 267; love in, 155 -56; love of, 148 ; is man 142,^157 ; possession of, 148, 261 ; will reveal himself, 218 ; splendor of, 191; suffering, 147 ; thanksgiving to, 20002, 324 ; union with, 205 ; in tlie unity of his essence, 130 ; is unity, 112 ; is the universal bursar, 252 ; works of 12? Godhead, 117, 141 Grace, the order of, 112 -13, 117, 119 -358Heart of the Blessed Virgin, 326 -31 Heart, the, 326 Heavenly order, 113 Holiness, 119 -20, 297 Holy Spirit: acts in us, 226 ; adherence to, 276; contemplation of, 131 ; dwells in us 274 -75; fecundity of 13? ■ fertihty of, 131 -33; operations of, 286 -87; poured forth, 224 -25; is the Spirit of Christianity, 275 ; is the spirit “of truth, 220; unity in. 224 ” House of God, 322 Human nature, 144, 146 -47 Humility, 193, 196, 212, 232 -42, 320, 322 ^Incarnation, the: the grace of, 122 -23; the moment of, 156 ; the mystery of the, 109-11, 114 -15, 200 ; the unity in James, St., 244 Jesus Christ: adoration of, 274, 307 -08; his adoration of God, 127 ; before our eyes, 229 ; conforming to, 221 -27■ contemplates his Father, 136 -37; crucified, 222 ; is the door, 197 -98; Essence of, 113 -14; our exemplar, 309 ; gift of the Father, 143 ; God-Man, 144 ; in our hands, 230 -31; in our hearts, 229-30; heart of, 328 -29, 331 -33; is the heart °f Father’ 328 ’ homage to, 210; humanity of, 122 -23; humiliation of, 235 -36; mutâtes his Father, 269 ; imitation of, 276 ; interior of, 274 ; laws of, 304 ; life in, 220 ; life of, 296 -97, 305; love in, 155 -56; Mystical Body of, 295-96· religion of, 217 -18; reproduced m Christians, 225 ; separated from glory, 145 ; Son of God 128; Son of Vkn 1?8 ■ the spirit of, 305-06; sufferings of, 206 ; is the sun, 115-17, 279 -80; three births of 150-57' three lives of 156 -57· union with, 206, 293 -95; is a world, 112 ’ ’ ’ ' ’ John, St., 201, 271 Kingdom of God, 261 -62 Lawrence, St., 243 Lazarus, 172 -73, 262 Light, 116 Love: in Christ, 155 -56; God is 146 -47; joins us to God, 149 ; of God i48 f 270 _71 ; possesses God, 149 Magdalene, St., 172-82, 207, 211 1 Malice, 238 Marie of the Incarnation, 192, 209 Mass, 322 -25 Meditation, 327 Moses, 167 Mysteries, holy, 138 -40 Nature, the order of, 112 -13, 117 -19 Neighbor, love of, 267 -72 New Testament, 300 Noah, 204 Nothingness, 237 -40 Old man, the, 273 -74 Patience, 242 -43 Paul, St., 151, 167, 201, 208, 226, 244, 248, 258 Penance, 229 -31, 257 -58 Perfection, 220 Perseverance in prayer, 321 Peter, St., 197, 208 ' Plato, 125 Poverty, 247 -49, 259 -60 Prayer, 204 -06, 313 -21 Pride, 232 -33, 241 -42 Priesthood, the, 183 -85, 218, 245 -46 Providence, 256 Purity in prayer, 321 Religion, 217 -19 Resurrection, the state of, 221 -23 Riches, 255 -56 Risen life, 221 -22 Saints, the, 272 -73 Satan, 302 Self-centeredness, 262 -67 Self-denial, 263 -67, 308 Sin, 238, 255, 301 -03 Solitude, 207 Speaking, 317 -18 Suffering, 212, 296 Sun, the, 277 -80 Teresa, St., 243 Tertullian, 137 Thanksgiving, 200 -01, 324 Trees, 284 Trinity, the Holy: eternal, 129 ; mystery of, 131 ; unity of, 112, 117, 119 ; vigil of the, 195 ; and wealth, 259 -60 -359Union, the hypostatic, 113, 120 Unity: of essence, 126 -27; of God, 111, 126-27; of God's work, 110 Universe, the orders of the, 112 Virgin, the, 121, 128 -29 Virgin the Blessed: and Jesus, 162 -69; fellowship with, 206 ; God and, 159 ; grace of, 165 ; light of, 168 ; Mother of Jesus, 160 -61, perfection of, 271 -72; is a sanctuary, 161 ; shares the cross, 170 ; mentioned 121 P8 -29 Virtues, the, 227 -29 ’ ’ Wffl, the, 236 Word: the Eternal, 122 -25 -360-