The Catholic Historical
Review
VOL. LXXXIJANUARY, 1995No. 1

PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE
ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETERS

Joseph D. Alchermes*

In the two centuries that followed public recognition of Christianity
by the emperor Constantine, on many occasions the unity of the
Church of Rome was dissolved by lengthy and violent schisms. Many
disputes originated over such matters as papal succession and jurisdiction, often intensified by conflicts between ecclesiastical and imperial policy. In the 350's, for example, a bitter quarrel pitted Pope
Liberius and his supporters against a rival claimant to the papal throne,
Felix II, and his followers.1 On Liberius' death a decade later, eccle-

'Mr. Alchermes is an assistant professor of Classical and Near Eastern Studies in the
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities.
Lectures from which this study developed were delivered in the series sponsored by
the Medieval and Byzantine Studies Program of the Catholic University of America
(October, 1992) and at a meeting of the Minnesota chapter of the Archaeological
Institute of America (January, 1992). I thank the organizers of both series for the
opportunity to make public presentations of my ideas regarding early commemorative
cults on the Vatican.

Professors K. Cooper and T. Mathews have read and criticized drafts of this article.
I am most grateful for their observations and suggestions; all errors of omission and
interpretation are my own.
'For the causes and course of this controversy, see Erich Caspar, Geschichte des
Papsttums von den Anfängen bis zur Höhe der Weltherrschaft (2 vols.; Tübingen,
1

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PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETERS

siastical war resumed when in 366, opposing groups simultaneously
elevated Damasus and Ursinus to the pontifical dignity.2 In the 4l0's,
the Roman Church again split into factions, this time answering to
Eulalius and Boniface I, whose legitimacy was later acknowledged.3
The most protracted of these disputes, however, was the controversy
today called the Laurentian Schism, named for the antipope Lawrence,
whose opposition to the ultimately victorious Symmachus lasted for
nearly a decade, from November, 498, until Lawrence's capitulation
and retirement in 506.4

The pontificate of Symmachus had many features in common with
those of his predecessors embroiled in schisms. All four abovementioned controversies were of such extent and gravity that they
attracted the attention, and in most cases direct intervention, of civil
authorities, municipal, imperial, or royal. Roman ecclesiastical tradition and topography often encouraged the disputes to unfold along
similar lines; for example, when Symmachus was excluded from the
customary papal seat, the palace and administrative center inside the
Wall ofAurelian adjacent to the Lateran cathedral, he took up residence
outside the city as Liberius and Boniface had done before him.* The
most significant difference between the Symmachan and earlier conflicts, reflected in a variety of contemporary sources, emerges from
the study of his building activity, most clearly attested by the papal

biography preserved in the Liber Pontiflcalis. Here Symmachus' Lm-

1933), I, 166—195, and Charles Pietri, Roma Christiana. Recherches sur l'église de
Rome, son organisation, sa politique, son idéologie de Miltiade à Sixte III (2 vols.;
Rome, 1976), I, 237—268, with references to the earlier literature.
2Caspar, op. cit., I, 196-256, especially 196-204; Pietri, op. cit., I, 407-418; Adolf
Lippold, "Ursinus und Damasus," Historia, 14 (1965), 105-128.

'Caspar, op. cit., I, 361-365; Pietri, op. cit., I, 452-455, II, 948-950.

?Recent publications by historians of the early medieval papacy have only in part
superseded the classic account of Symmachus' controversial pontificate, formulated
sixty years ago, by Caspar, op. cit., II, 82—129. See also Giovanni Battista Picotti, "I
sinodi romani dello scisma laurenziano," Studi storici in onore di Gioacchino Volpe,

ed. G. C Sansoni (Florence, 1958), pp. 743-786; Charles Pietri, "Le Sénat, le peuple
chrétien et les partis du cirque à Rome sous le pape Symmaque," Mélanges d'archéologie
et d'histoire de l'Écolefrançaise de Rome, 78 ( 1966), 123-139; and the useful historical

survey and analysis of Jeffrey Richards, The Popes and the Papacy in the Early Middle
Ages, 476-752 (London, 1979), pp. 69-99.
5See the life of Liberius in the Liber Pontiflcalis: Louis Duchesne (ed.), Liber Pontiflcalis, texte, introduction et commentaire (2 vols.; Paris, 1886—1892), I, 207; for
Boniface and Symmachus, see their biographies (Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 227, 260-261)
and the so-called "Laurentian fragment," an account of Symmachus' papacy written by
a partisan of the pope's bitter rival, Lawrence (Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 46).

BYJOSEPH D. ALCHERMES5

pressive record is described in detail; just under half the eighty-fourline papal life catalogues his extensive program of construction and
decoration, involving with few and minor exceptions suburban sites.
In view of the ecclesiastical and political tumult that marked the
years from 498 to 506, it might at first seem hazardous to suggest that
the building activity ascribed to the pope was concentrated in this
period. The very events of the first half of his pontificate, however,
for practical reasons as well as prestige, required the embattled pope
to make new provisions for cult and administration. Most important
was the large and cohesive group of annexes created around the
Constantinian basilica of St. Peter on the Vatican hill; their foundation
and arrangement were clearly determined by the bitter religious and
civil controversies that flared during Symmachus' tenure. The Symmachan round of development at St. Peter's diverged in nature and
scope from earlier construction on the Vatican hill; a brief description
of the architectural activity that preceded Symmachus' accession will
bring the contrast into sharper relief.
First, we should recall precisely what has stimulated so much devotion and construction on this site over the past eighteen centuries:
the focus of pious attention is sheltered under the dome of the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century basilica, about 120 meters beneath
its crown and three meters below the pavement level of the Constantinian antecedent to the present church. Constantine's basilica -was
laid out so that its main axis ran parallel to a cemetery street, part of
a graveyard in use from the first century until it was demolished in
preparation for the fourth-century building.6 The cult center of the
great shrine church oversailed a small burial courtyard, called campo
P by its Italian excavators, at the west end of the street. The very
simple arrangement of campo P's plan was hardly complicated by the
most conspicuous object located on it, a small double-niched, two6The cemetery street and portions of the basilica's substructures were uncovered
and analyzed in the 1940's by Bruno Maria Apolloni Ghetti, Antonio Ferrua, S.J., Enrico
Josi, and Engelbert Kirschbaum, S.J., Esplorazioni sotto la confessione di San Pietro
in Vaticano, Vol. I (Vatican City, 1951). My brief remarks draw principally on this

publication and on the remarkably lucid extended evaluation of it published by Jocelyn
M. C. Toynbee and John B. Ward Perkins, The Shrine of St Peter and the Vatican

Excavations (London, 1956), especially pp. 133-167 and pp. 195-212. Descriptions

appearing in studies published in the course of the last two decades are based on
Esplorazioni and Toynbee-Ward Perkins: see for example Richard Krautheimer, Spencer
Corbett, Alfred K. Frazer, Corpus Basilicarum Christianorum Romae, Vol. V (Vatican
City/New York, 1977), especially pp. 182-183, 257-259, and Achim Arbeiter, AIt-St
Peter in Geschichte und Wissenschaft (Berlin, 1988), especially pp. 27-46.

4

PETRlNE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETERS

tiered monument today usually designated the aedicula (fig. 1 ), built

about the year 160 over what Roman Christians believed were the
bones of the apostle.7
The construction of the Constantinian basilica radically altered the
immediate environs of the aedicula and the topography of the Vatican

in general. The first phase of preparation necessitated the destruction

of much of the cemetery. The walls enclosing campo P and the upper
stories of the tombs that lined the narrow street were partly disman-

tled, and the street, tomb interiors, and other open spaces were filled
with earth to create a level footing for the huge new building; along
the south side, the difference between the fourth-century floor level

and the original slope was as much as eleven or twelve meters.8 The

only structure in the earlier graveyard that survived this massive land-

Figure 1. Reconstruction of campo P and the aedicula (after Esplorazioni
and Toynbee and Ward Perkins, op. cit. ; adapted by Rabun Taylor).
The designation aedicula was preferred by Toynbee and Ward Perkins; the excavators most often called the pre-Constantinian monument the memoria apostólica.

^Esplorazioni, I, 27; Toynbee and Ward Perkins, op. cit., p. 197.

BYJOSEPH D. ALCHERMES?

fill operation was the aedicula, transformed and made the visual and
devotional focus of the new church.

The basilica that rose on the enormous artificial terrace consisted

of two large intersecting volumes. The rectangular transept (fig. 2, A),

with its main axis running north-south, was set at the platform's west
end; a spacious semicircular apse opened at the center of the west
side. The transept and the apse were the spaces linked most closely
with the veneration of the martyred apostle. Facing the apse on the

east side of the transept is the basilica's nave (fig. 2, B), flanked by

pairs of aisles. The huge expanse of the nave and aisles served as the
main congregational space, for public celebrations of the eucharist

Figure 2. Plan of the Constantinian basilica and the rotundas to the south

(after Schumacher, Baptisterium, and Tolotti, Mausolei; adapted by Rabun

Taylor).

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PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST PETER'S

and for commemorative services conducted by family members at the
numerous sarcophagi and floor tombs that filled the basilica. Together
the nave and aisles form a vast interior providing room for perhaps
as many as 14,000 churchgoers whose attention was typically directed
toward the Constantinian monument to Peter in the transept, fashioned
from the second-century aedicula.9 The wall abutted by this venerable
grave-marker was trimmed down and its stump was encased with
polished stone plaques to create a marble-paneled box which rose
through an opening in the basilica floor, and so was easy to see even
from the nave.10 In this way, the apostle's tomb, actually present within
the basilica, served both as a visual pole for the crowds of worshipers

that so often filled the transept, nave, and aisles, and as a spiritual

magnet toward which the tombs of the deceased faithful gravitated.
At the opposite, eastern end of the complex, a forecourt or atrium
was planned by Constantine's architects, although some time probably
elapsed before it was brought to completion.11
Significant additions were made to St. Peter's long before Pope Symmachus turned his attention to the Vatican around 500. 12 First, about
375, Pope Damasus outfitted the north transept with fixtures that made
it possible to perform baptism.13 This initiative responded to the needs
'Convinced that the transept was reserved for "clergy and choristers," Bannister
offered the improbable estimate of 1 4,000 worshipers crowded into the nave and aisles
alone; see Turpin C. Bannister, "The Constantinian Basilica of St. Peter at Rome,"Journal
of the Society of Architectural Historians, 27 (1968), 32. Krautheimer's proposed
capacity of about 4,000, on the other hand, seems rather low; see Richard Krautheimer
and Slobodan Curcic, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, fourth edition (Harmondsworth/Baltimore, 1986), p. 56.

'"Esplorazioni, pp. 161-172; Toynbee-Ward Perkins, op. cit., p. 201.

"See the discussion of the atrium's origins by Jean-Charles Picard, "Le quadriportique

de Saint-Pierre-du-Vatican," Mélanges de l'Écolefrançaise de Rome, Moyen âge, temps
modernes, 86 (1974), 854-857, and the descriptions in Krautheimer, Corpus basilicarum, V, 261-267, and Arbeiter, op. cit., pp. 186-191.

12For brief sketches of some additions to the Constantinian arrangement, see Louis
Reekmans, "Le développement topographique de la région du Vatican à la fin de l'An-

tiquité et au début du Moyen Âge (300—850)," in Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire
de l'art offerts au professeur J. Lavalleye (Louvain, 1970), pp. 204-205, 206-208,

209-211; Richard Krautheimer, "St. Peter's and Medieval Rome," // Conferenza

dell'Unione Intemazionale degli Istituti di Archeologia, Storia e Storia dell'Arte, Accademia dei Lincei (Rome, 1985), pp. 16-17, 20-22.
"Cecchelli Trinci's study presents the early literary evidence and essential bibliography on the Vatican baptistery; she locates it in the north transept and attributes it,
with no proof, to the Constantinian plan of construction on the Vatican; see Margherita
Cecchelli Trinci, "Intorno ai complessi battesimali di S. Pietro in Vaticano e di S. Agnese
in via Nomentana," Quaderni dell'Istituto di archeologia e storia antica, 3 ( 1982-

BYJOSEPH D. ALCHERMES7

both of Rome's residents and of pilgrims who desired to experience

the sacrament at a place hallowed by the spiritual energy emanating
from the body of Peter.14
The charge emitted by Peter's tomb prompted another kind of response as well; since Christians believed that burial in ground sanctified by the presence of a martyr's remains enhanced the possibility
of salvation, many additions were made to the interior of St. Peter's
in the form of graves and sarcophagi.15 The most prized tomb-sites,
those closest to the apostle's shrine, were acquired by some of the
most eminent members of Rome's Christian aristocracy. One, for ex-

ample, was Junius Bassus, the city prefect who died in August, 359· 16

When Bassus' younger contemporary, Petronius Probus, died a generation later, he was laid to rest in an impressive sepulchral hall that
extended westward from the apse but could be entered only by exiting
1983), 181-187. Schumacher's attempt to situate Damasus' baptistery in the rotunda
attached to the south transept of St. Peter's is based, inter alia, on a forced interpretation
of several verses written early in the fifth century by the poet Prudentius; see Walter
N. Schumacher, "Das Baptisterium von AIt-St. Peter und seine Probleme," in Studien
zur spätantiken und byzantinischen Kunst Friedrich Wilhelm Deichmann gewidmet,
edd. Otto Feld and Urs Peschlow (3 vols.; Bonn, 1986), I, 225-226. Christine Smith
has recently used the same passage to support the even more unlikely hypothesis that
the baptistery indicated by Prudentius and a Damasian inscription stood at S. Pietro in
Montorio, about two kilometers south of the Vatican basilica: "Pope Damasus' Baptistery

in St. Peter's Reconsidered," Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana, 64 (1988), 261-276.

Medieval and Renaissance texts put the baptistery and related chapels in the north
transept. While some scholars have expressed doubts regarding the continuity of its
position here, it is the most secure of the theories thus far proposed; see Joseph Zettinger,
"Die ältesten Nachrichten über Baptisterien der Stadt Rom," Römische Quartalschrift,
16 (1902), 333, and Schumacher, op. cit., p. 225, ?. 46, for more current bibliography.

"According to the Liber Pontiflcalis, Pope Simplicius (468—483) arranged for the

weekly presence at St. Peter's of priests charged with administering penance and baptism
to the inhabitants of two urban districts: "Hie constituit ad sanctum Petrum apostolum . . . ebdomadas ut presbyteri manerent, propter penitentes et baptismum . . . regio
VI vel séptima ad sanctum Petrum" (Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 249).

»Esplorazioni, I, 34, 37-38, 43, ?. 1, 46, 48, 73-74, 79-81, 101, 111, 115-116,

175, 215, 220. See also Ernst Diehl, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres, I (Berlin,
1925), 2127, and Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae TV, ed. Angelo Silvagni (Rome,
1935), nos. 4167, 4207, 4227, 4230-4232. Yvette Duval offers more general observations on burial ad sanctos: Auprès des saints corps et âme. L'inhumation 'ad sanctos'
dans la chrétienté d'Orient et d'Occident du IIP au VII' siècle (Paris, 1988). Duval's
study focuses on testimony to the practice in North Africa, to the virtual exclusion of
Rome.

16For descriptions of the circumstances of the burial and discovery of the sarcophagus
and its lid, see Toynbee and Ward Perkins, op. cit., pp. 209—210, and Esplorazioni, I,
220-222.

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PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

the basilica.17 Soon after, the western emperor Honorius had tombs
prepared for his first and second wives and for himself in the domed
rotunda attached to the south transept (fig. 2, C).18 Later, other members of Honorius' family were interred there, so that a dynastic mausoleum developed as a counterpart to the tomb-complex in
Constantinople that housed the bodies of the deceased rulers of the
east.19 Already in the early fifth century, architectural patronage on
the Vatican was stimulated by competition between the eastern and
western empires. The adjacent Vatican plain and hillside were dotted
with other, private tombs, but virtually all traces of them have been
lost.20

17The mid-fifteenth-century construction of a new chancel behind the apse of Old
St. Peter's required the removal of the tomb-building; fortunately, the appearance and
epigraphic decoration of the monument were recorded just before it was razed. The
Renaissance texts and modern studies concerned with the tomb of Probus were col-

lected and discussed by Richard Krautheimer, "The Crypt of Sta. Maria in Cosmedin
and the Mausoleum of Probus Anicius," in Essays in Memory of Karl Lehmann, ed.

Lucy Freeman Sandler (New York, 1964), pp. 173-174.

'"Louis Duchesne, "Vaticana (suite). Notes sur la topographie de Rome au Moyen-

Âge," Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire de l'École française de Rome, 22 (1902),
385-428; Harald Koethe, "Zum Mausoleum der weströmischen Dynastie bei Alt-Sankt-

Peter," Römische Mitteilungen, 46 (1931), 9-26; Schumacher, op. cit., p. 216; Fran-

cesco Tolotti, "I due mausolei rotondi esistiti sul lato méridionale del vecchio S. Pietro,"
Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana, 64 (1988), 287—315; Ralf Biering and Henner von
Hesberg, "Zur Bau- und Kultgeschichte von St. Andreas apud S. Petrum. Vom Phrygianum
zum Kenotaph Theodosius d. Gr.?" Römische Quartalschrift, 82 (1987), 145-182;
Jürgen J. Rasch, "Zur Rekonstruktion der Andreasrotunde an AIt-St. -Peter," Römische
Quartalschrift, 85 (1990), 1-18.
For the Suggestion that the rotunda was first intended to receive imperial burials a
century before the interment of members of the Honorian house, see my Christian
Commemoration in Late Imperial Rome, in preparation.
"Koethe (op. cit., pp. 10—11 ) already recognized in the action of the western dynasts
a concern to demonstrate equality with the new capital of Constantinople. See also
Schumacher, op. cit., p. 228, who hints at the continuation of this competition with
Constantinople in the sixth century. Borgolte stressed the competitive impulses behind
the sixth-century development of the rotunda, but only in order to establish a precedent
for later patterns of papal rivalry with royal and imperial patronage: see Michael Borgolte,
Petrusnachfolge und Kaiserimitation Die Grablegen der Päpste, ihre Genese und
Traditionsbildung (Göttingen, 1989), pp. 67-68.
The most recent discussions of the Constantinopolitan tomb of the eastern emperors
are furnished by Mark J. Johnson, Late Antique Imperial Mausolea (unpublished Ph.D.
thesis, Princeton University, 1986), pp. 80—91, and Cyril Mango, "Constantine's Mausoleum and the Translation of Relics," Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 83 (1990), 51-62.
20The scant literary and physical evidence for structures west of the Constantinian
transept is collected in Carta Archeologica di Roma, Vol. I (Florence, 1962), nos. 23,

BY JOSEPH D. ALCHERMES9

This partial picture of the basilica and its environs as they appeared
in the fifth century is meant principally to illustrate the variety of
functions served at the Vatican. The church was above all the setting
for the public Eucharist and veneration of St. Peter and for baptism
in waters that flowed near the grave of the sainted fisherman. At the
same time, it served in the private cult of the dead whose status varied
widely, from humble Christians to grandees like Junius Bassus, Petronius Probus, and the western emperor Honorius, his family and
their successors. In the case of the imperial burials, the issue is more
complicated; the attention paid to these graves is not simple private
cult or commemoration, since even in death, the emperor was a figure
who commanded official, public recognition. But public imperial commemoration does not seem to have lasted very long, overshadowed
by the tribute paid to Peter, the saint -whose grave was the physical
and spiritual focus of the complex.21 In fact, before the early sixth
century, Peter was the only saint whose remembrance was observed
in and around the basilica.22 By 514, however, at least ten additional
59; see also the reference to newly discovered sixteenth-century documentation of this
graveyard in Krautheimer, St Peter's, p. 17 and n. 9An epigram composed by Pope Damasus when he founded the Vatican baptistery
also alludes to the project undertaken to drain the area outside St. Peter's. Water had
seeped into numerous graves, Damasus observed, and was disturbing the repose of the
dead, clearly those buried in tombs adjacent to the basilica: see Antonio Ferrua, S.J.,
Epigrammata Damasiana (Vatican City, 1942), pp. 88—93, no. 321The placement of the sarcophagi in underground niches must have contributed to
the developing anonymity of the tombs of the western dynasts. The memory of the
imperial sepulchre persists, however, in the way in which the rotunda is designated: a
letter that cites a meeting of the Roman clergy held in the rotunda in 483 refers to it
as mauseleus (Andreas Thiel, Epistulae romanorum pontiflcum genuinae a S. Hilaro

usque ad Pelagium II [Brunswick, 1858], p. 48). The lives of two successive eighth-

century popes, Stephen II and Paul I, use two other variants: mosileus and muse/ens
(Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 455, 464).
"Authors of studies of medieval sanctoral programs have not been able to link cults
other than Peter's with the Vatican basilica before the early sixth century: see Sible de
Blaauw, Cultus et decor. Liturgie en architectuur in laatantiek en middeleeuws Rome
Basilica Salvatoris sanctae Mariae Sancti Petri (Delft, 1987), pp. 240-244, 254-255;
Charles Rohault de Fleury, Les saints de la messe et leurs monuments, Vol. II (Paris,
1894), pp. 40-49, 61-62, 100-103. Pre-Symmachan evidence for the veneration at
the Vatican of saints other than Peter also is absent from the review of the early medieval
Roman sanctoral by Pierre Jounel, Le culte des saints dans les basiliques du Latran et
du Vatican au douzième siècle (Rome, 1977), pp. 156-157.
The Liber Pontiflcalis ascribes to Pope Leo I the construction of a monastery near
St. Peter's (Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 242). Later testimony identifies it as named for SS. John
and Paul, but there is no proof that this dedication originated in the fifth century; see

10 PETRlNE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

martyrs were venerated at oratories that stood within 100 meters of
the apostolic grave. The clustering of new cults of saints around Peter's
shrine is a major innovation, initiating a trend that has continued to
the present. The origin of this development is tied up with another
significant change: the establishment, however temporary, of the Vatican as the papal administrative and residential center. The historical
context for these changes in matters of veneration and residence took
shape throughout the turbulent last quarter of the fifth century. The
controversy came to a head about 500, during the papacy of Symmachus.

Before turning to Symmachus and the events of his pontificate, one
more topic must be discussed: the papal connection with St. Peter.

This link, so conspicuous today and in the time of Symmachus, was

not in itself an invention of the early sixth century. In the course of
the many ecclesiastical and civil disputes that involved the see of Rome
from the late second through the late fifth century, the popes had
often invoked their special relationship with Peter.23 A difluse group
of donations to the basilica made by fifth-century Roman bishops attests more tangibly this association of the Vatican, Peter, and the
papacy.24 Virtually all the papal constructions were practical in scope;
for example, the early fifth-century popes Boniface I and Celestine I
were commemorated jointly in an inscription as successive collaborators on a cantharus, or fountain, in the atrium.25 In fact, they probably
just repaired and added decoration to an existing fountain installed
in the fourth century mainly for the benefit of thirsty, dusty pilgrims
the circumspect remarks of Guy Ferrari, Early Roman Monasteries (Vatican City, 1957),
pp. 166-171; Reekmans, op. cit., p. 200; de Blaauw, op. cit., p. 250; and most cautious
of all, Jounel, op. cit., p. 396.
23For the development, particularly in the fifth century, of the theory of Roman
episcopal primacy based on continuity of succession from the apostolic founder Peter
see the recent comments of James M. Husklnson, Concordia Apostolorum: Christian
Propaganda at Rome in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries (Oxford, 1982), pp. 87-95;
and more fully, Walter Ullmann, "Leo I and the Theme of Papal Primacy," Journal of
Theological Studies, 11 (1960), 25-51; Arthur S. McGrade, "Two Fifth-Century Conceptions of Papal Primacy," Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, 7 (1970),
22-27.

24Recent studies of fourth- and fifth-century improvements to the basilica emphasize
their utilitarian aspects and urbanistic consequences: see Reekmans, op. cit., pp. 204210, and Krautheimer, St. Peter's, pp. 20-21.
"Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, IV, 4100. Margaret Finch argued, unconvincingly, that most of the fountain's decoration was installed in the eighth century,
almost four centuries after its construction: see Margaret Finch, "The Cantharus and
Pigna at Old St. Peter's," Gesta, 30 (1991), 17-18.

BY JOSEPH D. ALCHERMES1 1

to Peter's tomb: the main feast of Peter, after all, falls today as it did
in the fifth century on June 29, a time of year when a fountain is one

of the most sought-after goals of the visitor to Rome.26 In the 470's,

Pope Simplicius earned the gratitude of Vatican-going pilgrims when
he built what a contemporary source termed the porticus iunctae,
the colonnaded, covered walkways that led from the pons Aelius to
the plaza in front of the eastern gateway of the atrium.27 A bit earlier,
about 450, Pope Leo I undertook a project whose purpose was less
utilitarian than most of the improvements sponsored by other popes
of his century: the redecoration and frescoing of the basilica.28
Leo's desire to improve the appearance of the shrine-church of Peter
derived from a larger concern that exerted a powerful influence on
many fifth-century popes: in this century, the pontifical court began
in earnest to elaborate the doctrine of the primacy of the papacy over
the other great bishoprics of Late Antiquity, particularly the sees of
26In an often-cited letter written in 397 to the Roman noble Pammachius, Paulinus
of NoIa mentioned the atrium cantharus; Paulinus of NoIa, Epistulae, ed. Wilhelm von

Hartel, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 29 (Vienna, 1894), Epistula
13.13, pp. 94—95: "... cantharum . . . fastigatus solido aere tholus ornât . . . quattuor columnis salientes aquas ambiens" (" . . . a canopy pedimented with solid bronze

adorns . . . the fountain . . . encompassing with four columns the spurting waters ...").

Finch (op. cit., pp. 17, 24, n. 5) lists earlier discussions of this passage from Paulinus.
27An inscription recorded in a seventh-century collection attests the creation of the
porticus iunctae under Simplicius:
Cum subitis peragi fallax dementia veris
et sacra adeunti festa vetaret aquis
Simplicius praesul sacraria celsa petentem
porticibus iunctis texit ab imbre viam. (ICUR IV.4104)
"Since the deceptive mildness of spring prevented with unexpected
waters the visitor from attending the holy feasts,
for protection from the rain our leader Simplicius has covered
with joined porticoes the road that leads to the lofty sanctuary."
Picard (op. cit., pp. 857—858) proposed that the porticus iunctae linked the Tiber
crossing with the eastern end of the Vatican complex. Krautheimer instead claimed
that these porticoes were part of the atrium enclosure (Corpus Basilicarum, V, 173,
266, 279). For the course of the covered walkways on the Tiber's right bank, see Louis
Reekmans, "L'implantation monumentale chrétienne dans la zone suburbaine de Rome
de IVe au IXe siècle," Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana, 44 (1968), 201-202.

aLiber Pontiflcalis, I, 239. An incompletely preserved inscription (Inscriptiones

Christianae Urbis Romae, FV, no. 4102) indicates that at least part of the expense for
Leo's extensive beautification program was borne by a couple of aristocratic donors;
the ex-consul Marinianus and his wife Anastasia provided funds for the creation of the
facade mosaic.

1 2 PETRlNE POLITICS; POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETERS

Alexandria and Constantinople. The argument for the superiority of
the Church of Rome rested on the authority of its august apostolic
founders, Paul and Peter. Peter played an especially important role in
the development of the principle of Roman primacy, since the popes
claimed that they were heirs to the episcopal throne founded by the
prince of the apostles. Under Leo, the alliance envisaged between Peter
and the papacy assumed a particular physical form as well: Leo was
the first pope to choose the Vatican as his final resting-place, setting
an example that has been followed by more than 135 of his successors
from the fifth century through the present.29 The earliest pontifical
graves were sarcophagi placed in the atrium; later in the Middle Ages,
this form of burial gave way to interment in large, often elaborate
tomb chapels.30 From the Late Empire to the present, therefore, there
extends an unbroken tradition of linking the persons of the popes
with the Vatican in death, but not in life—in Antiquity and throughout
much of the Middle Ages, the Vatican was not, as it is today, the seat
of the living pope and his administration.31
As observed earlier, there is just one Early Christian exception to
this rule: Symmachus' temporary establishment of the papal residence
adjacent to St. Peter's. The pope's building campaign here, begun
probably in 501 and largely completed by 506, differed from earlier
papal construction on the Vatican in magnitude and, above all, in
motivation. Symmachus' attraction to the area of Peter's shrine can
only be understood when viewed against the backdrop of the tumultuous first half of his pontificate. A brief survey of key events makes
it clear what drew him, or better, 'what drove him to the Vatican.32

Soon after the death of Pope Anastasius II on November 18, 498,
the majority of the Roman clergy convened to name the deacon Symmachus his successor. Unfortunately for Symmachus and his supporters, a rival faction met on the same day to elevate the archpriest
Lawrence to the papal throne. A fundamental factor contributing to
29Jean-Charles Picard, "Étude sur l'emplacement des tombes des papes du IIP au Xe
siècle," Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire de l'Écolefrançaise de Rome, 81 ( 1969),
746-755; for papal tombs from the later Middle Ages through the mid-twentieth century,
see Renzo U. Montini, Le tombe dei papi (Rome, 1957), and now the historical study
of Borgolte, with a table of papal tombsites (op. cit., 344-360).
»Picard, op. cit., pp. 755-776, especially pp. 775-776.
31In Krautheimer's brief account of the creation of a high medieval papal complex
at the Vatican, political and economic motives prompted a series of twelfth- and thirteenth-century popes to build a permanent alternative to the Lateran palace (Krautheimer, St Peter's, pp. 32-34).
,2This overview is based on the analyses of Caspar, op. cit.; Picotti, op. cit.; Pietri,
Sénat; and Richards, op. cit.

BY JOSEPH D. ALCHERMES1 3

this split was a disagreement in the Roman church about the position
the papacy should take in a dispute with the eastern emperor and the
patriarch, or bishop, of Constantinople. Symmachus was the choice of
the orthodox, independent-minded, "Rome-first" party, while his opponent's group advocated reconciliation with Constantinople.33 Symmachus' birth in Sardinia to pagan parents made him something of an
outsider in Rome. In fact, he is not named in the sources before 498;
by this time, however, he had attained the prestigious ecclesiastical
office of deacon. The archpriest (archipresbyter) Lawrence, on the
other hand, had a long record of service in the Roman ecclesiastical
hierarchy and enjoyed the support of many powerful figures in Rome
and throughout Italy. Senior members of the Roman senate sided with
him, and the bishops of Aquileia, Milan, Ravenna, and many smaller
sees in Tuscany and Campania seem to have shared Lawrence's antipathy toward the Symmachan party.34 At first Symmachus, nonetheless,
had the upper hand. For a brief time in 499—500, Lawrence backed
down and a crisis was averted. But then in 501, hostilities erupted
once again. The pro-Laurentian forces persuaded the Gothic king of
Italy, Theoderic, to make the pope submit to a formal hearing at
Ariminum, modern Rimini, and answer the charge that he celebrated
Easter on the date prescribed by the old Roman calendar.35 This issue
was particularly sensitive in the context of disputes between eastern
and western churches. Symmachus' opponents maintained that he
should have calculated the date for Easter on the basis of the Greek

calendar. In any case, the accused pope went to the trial confident
that he could successfully defend himself. He hastily fled Rimini, however, when he found out that other, trumped-up charges were going
to be raised against him; the accusations included improper use of
church property and fornication.
For the next five years, the feud raged in Rome and in other Italian
cities as church and civic leaders disputed vehemently in bishops'
33Anastasius' death and Symmachus' election occurred in the midst of an extended

controversy conventionally called the Acacian Schism (484—519) since it began during
the episcopate of Acacius, patriarch of Constantinople from 472 to 489. See the chapter
in Richards, op. cit., pp. 57—68, regarding the consequences of this ecclesiastical rift
in Rome.

34For the major bishoprics, this judgment rests on the direct testimony of the Liber
Pontiflcalis and other historical sources. Richards (op. cit., pp. 91—92) correctly viewed
the absence of the names of many Tuscan and Campanian bishops from the list of
signatories at synods called by Symmachus as evidence of their hostility to the pope
and disenchantment with papal policy regarding Constantinople.

"Caspar, op. cit., p. 91; Picotti, op. cit., 754-755 and 754 nn. 2 and 3; Richards, op.

cit., pp. 70-71.

14

PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

councils and political assemblies. The confrontations between their

followers and factions took a much uglier, more violent form, with
beatings and street-fighting commonplace behavior. Contemporary accounts paint a vivid, if biased, picture of the perils to which the
residents of Rome were exposed regardless of their age, sex, or status:
At the same time, Festus, the head of the Senate and ex-consul, and Pro-

binus, ex-consul, began to struggle within the city of Rome with other
senators, particularly with Faustus, ex-consul. On account of their hostility,
slaughter and murder befell the clergy. Those who rightly held communion with the blessed Symmachus were publicly slain by the sword when
found within the city. They [sc. Lawrence's followers] expelled even consecrated 'women and virgins from their convents and shelters, they
stripped them and wounded them with cutting blows. Every day they [sc
Lawrence's followers] waged war against the church in the midst of the
city. It [sc. this war] also destroyed many priests, among them Dignissimus
and Gordian, priests respectively of the churches of St. Peter in Chains
and SS. John and Paul, whom they killed with clubs and swords; and they
killed many other Christians, so that it was unsafe for any of the clergy
to walk outside in the city by day or by night.36

Throughout all these meetings, debates, and episodes of bloodshed,
Lawrence was in the more secure position. First, he had the backing
of a rich and ruthless group of Roman nobles with political clout in
Ravenna and Constantinople. Lawrence's position was better in physical, topographical terms as well. He had managed to secure as his
stronghold the neighborhood called the Lateran at the city's southeastern edge, in which stood the cathedral and the papal palace. Lawrence also had control over the downtown districts and the urban

^Eodem tempore Festus caput senati excons. et Probinus excons. coeperunt intra
urbem Romam pugnare cum aliis senatoribus et maxime cum Fausto excons. Et
caedes et homicidia in clero ex invidia. Qui vero communicabant beato Symmacho
iuste, publice qui inventi fuissent intra Urbem gladio occidebantur; etiam et sanctimoniales mulleres et virgines deponentes de monasteria vel de habitaculis suis,
denudantes sexum femineum, caedibus plagarum adflictas vulnerabantur; et omni
die pugnas contra ecclesiam in media civitate gerebant. Etiam et multos sacerdotes
occidit, inter quos et Dignissimum et Gordianum, presbíteros a vincula sancti Petri
apostoli et sanctos Iohannem et Paulum, quos fustibus et gladio interfecerunt; nam
multos christianos, ut nulli esset securitas die vel nocte de clero in civitate am-

bulare. (Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 260-261)
The author of the Laurentian fragment in turn complained of "Symmachus' violence
and persecution" but chose not to describe in detail the effects of this conduct, since,
he claimed, such a description was outside the scope of his biography (LiberPontiflcalis,
I, 46: "Symmachi violentiam persecutionemque . . . per quae témpora quae bella civilia
gesta sint, vel quanta homicidia perpetrata, non est praesenti relatione pandendum").

BY JOSEPH D ALCHERMES1 5

churches, as is implied several times in the above-quoted passage from
the Liber Pontiflcalis: "Those who supported the blessed Symmachus

were openly put to the sword when found within the city [italics

mine]."37 Symmachus, compelled to set up a residence outside the
city walls, turned toward the Vatican hill. The appeal of the location
was considerable; the Vatican was sacred to Christians the world over
because on it stood Peter's tomb-basilica. The problem for the pope
was that circa 500, the hill had little on it besides the basilica and the
surrounding tombs; totally lacking, for example, were the residential,
ceremonial, and administrative buildings adequate to the needs of the
papal court.
Symmachus acted decisively and with great energy to transform the
Vatican area into a proper papal showcase: first, he saw to much-needed
additions that provided visitors to this hallowed site with essential
services and organized the flow of pedestrian traffic.38 For the sake of
refreshment and hygiene, Symmachus had two fountains built, one in
front of the atrium and the other at some point on the lower ground
to the south of the basilica or atrium. Another convenience, discreetly
called by the pope's biographer a "necessary room" (usus necessitatis
humarme), was put up on this lower level for the convenience of
those who had just used the nearby fountain. Papal initiative ad sanctum Petrum also provided shelters for the poor (pauperibus habttaenia), in all likelihood for needy pilgrims.39 Symmachus paved and
decorated the atrium. He also built monumental staircases along its
eastern arm and near the southeast corner of the basilica that improved
access to the courtyard and joined it with secondary buildings to the
south. In upgrading and beautifying the Vatican basilica, the pope
strove to improve its facilities for visitors and at the same time make

it a worthy replacement for Rome's main congregational church, the
Lateran basilica, which had been seized by the antipope Lawrence.

"Phrases similar to "within the city" (intra Urbem) recur throughout the passage;
in every case but one, they serve to indicate specifically the intramural districts dominated by Lawrence's partisans: "within the city of Rome," "in the midst of the city,"
"in the city by day or by night."
38TtIe following catalogue of Symmachan constructions in the Vatican area is drawn

from Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 261—263- See the useful comments of Duchesne (ibid., pp.

265-267, nn. 15-29) and more recently, of Krautheimer, St. Peter's, pp. 20-21.
i9Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 263. Habitacula were laid out as well at S. Paolo fuori le mura
and S. Lorenzo fuori le mura, two other sizable suburban basilicas that were the goals
of pilgrims from the fourth century on ("Item ad beatum Petrum et ad beatum Paulum

et ad sanctum Laurentium pauperibus habitacula construxit"); see Reekmans, Vatican,
p. 211, and Krautheimer, St. Peter's, p. 20.

16 PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

When Symmachus was shut out of the Lateran, he also lost hold of
the papal offices and palace that adjoined the cathedral. To fill this
gap, he commissioned two episcopia, probably located north and
south of the atrium.40 These buildings presumably contained living
and work spaces for the pope, his retinue, and the episcopal bureaucracy. In the creation of a substitute Lateran, Symmachus' clear aim
was to minimize the Laurentian party's advantage represented by its
takeover of the papal headquarters. But the Symmachan commission

that referred most pointedly to the old cathedral complex comprised

the newly dedicated oratories in the vicinity of St. Peter's. At the
Lateran cathedral near the entrance to Rome's main baptistery were
three chapels dedicated to the Holy Cross, John the Evangelist, and
John the Baptist. Symmachus had this arrangement copied letter-perfect at the Vatican baptistery, installed under Damasus more than a
century earlier in the north transept exedra. Near the Damasian font
the pope laid out three chapels for the veneration of the Holy Cross,
John the Evangelist, and John the Baptist. At this perfect replica of the

cathedral baptistery, the pope could demonstrate his legitimacy by

presiding over the initiation of new Christian brethren.41

Symmachus' response to his rival's control of the intramural

churches, most prominent among them the cathedral, took the form

of new construction, decoration, and dedications at St. Peter's and

moved along three main lines: ( 1 ) the creation of a substitute residence
and administrative center; (2) the redecoration and general improvement of the main shrine church and its surroundings; (3) the duplication on the Vatican of an important set of three chapels that stood
next to the Lateran baptistery.42 But the embattled pope did not stop
40Steinke instead envisioned the episcopia as tower-like structures that flanked the
eastern entrance to the atrium; see Katerina B. Steinke, Die mittelalterlichen Vatikan-

paläste und ihre Kapellen (Vatican City, 1984), pp. 12-15. Her interpretation is not
convincing, since the space furnished by towers would hardly have served the needs
of the pope and his administration.
¦"There has been little evaluation of the purpose of the chapels, founded at the
Lateran by Pope Hilaras (Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 242—243), that served as Symmachus'
models. In view of the proximity of the oratories to both the Lateran and Vatican
baptisteries, Duchesne (Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 266, n. 20) naturally emphasized the chapels' importance in the performance of the baptismal liturgy, the rite in which the bishop's

role as leader of the community finds fullest expression. A better understanding of the

context in which the paradigmatic monuments at the Lateran emerged would make
possible a more nuanced interpretation of their reproductions ad sanctum Petrum
commissioned by Symmachus. See also de Blaauw's sketchy comments on the Lateran
oratories (op. cit., pp. 62-64).
42A group of inscriptions most recently edited by Silvagni (Inscriptiones Christianae

BY JOSEPH D. ALCHERMES1 7

with this imitation of the Lateran; instead, Symmachus went on to
surpass the original cathedral complex by founding to the south of
the Vatican basilica a monument designated the basilica sancti Andreae by the papal biographer.43 Symmachus' new dedication to Andrew was more ample in its martyrological program than the Lateran
chapels and probably more imposing in dimensions and design.44
Urbis Romae, FV) furnishes indications of other projects undertaken by Symmachus at
St. Peter's. Even a brief survey conveys an impression of the magnitude of the pope's
interest. No. 4105 celebrates in general terms Symmachus' improvements in the atrium
and basilica. Silvagni's understanding of the Vatican manuscript's locative annotation
places this inscription on the south side of the atrium, where it was balanced to the

north by the brief verses (no. 4116) which name Pope John I (523-526). In view of

its position, no. 4105 should also be taken as a reference to the conspicuous monuments
commissioned by Symmachus south of the courtyard and basilica: staircases, fountains,
the latrine, an episcopium, the pilgrim hostel, and of course the oratory of St. Andrew.
No. 4111 records the refurbishing of the basilica's coffered ceiling. No. 4114, a monumental list of Christological names, words, and images compiled under Symmachus,
is situated by the manuscript in an "oratory of the Savior" (oratorium Salvatoris.)
No. 4112 records Symmachus' activity in an unnamed Roman baptistery. While it is
transcribed in both the Verdun and Cambridge codices, only the latter offers comments
that specify a location at the basilica of the archangel Michael. Silvagni convincingly
argued that the topographical indications of the Cambridge collection are unreliable
and claimed instead that Symmachus had this inscription composed for the Vatican
baptistery. During the years of exclusion from the Lateran and other intramural baptisteries, papal interest in the font at St. Peter's would naturally have been strongest.

Line 5 of no. 4112 ("auxit apostolicae geminatum sedis honorem/Christus . . . ," "Christ
has multiplied the enhanced [geminatum, lit. 'doubled'] honor of the apostolic seat")
acquires special significance when it is read in the broader context of Symmachan
activity at the basilica. The phrase " 'enhanced' or 'doubled' honor" may point to the
increased saintly capacity of the Vatican that resulted from installing the cult above all
of Andrew and of the accompanying martyrs in the chapel that bore Andrew's name.
No. 4107B (and possibly no. 4107A) attest work done some distance to the east of
the basilica: the restoration and decoration of the "porta S. Petri," the gateway at the
northern end of the pons Aelius, the pons S. Petri of the Middle Ages; for the site of
the porta S. Petri, see Lawrence Richardson, Jr., A New Topographical Dictionary of
Ancient Rome (Baltimore/London, 1992), p. 300, s.v. Porta Aurelia (2).
No. 4108 seems to commemorate the end of the dispute with Lawrence and signal
the completion of the main lines of Symmachus' embellishment of the Vatican shrine.
The manuscript tradition locates 41 1 3, a votive inscription naming "Bishop Symmachus"
(Symmachus sacerdos) in the Vatican basilica "ad sanctam Mariam." It too may mark
the end of hostilities and fulfillment of Symmachus' vow of gratitude for heavenly
assistance, although this vow was not necessarily made to Mary. The link with the Virgin
may reflect the topographical arrangement that existed when the verses were transcribed, not when they were first installed. The pope's promise was more likely made
to Andrew, Peter, or Christ himself.

4iLiber Pontiflcalis, I, 261.
"The rotunda, one of the largest documented in ancient Rome, had an outer diameter

1 8 PETRlNE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

For this foundation Symmachus was able to take advantage of a
large, domed third-century tomb-building which by the year 500 must
have long been abandoned.45 Like the other oratories added to St.

Peter's by Symmachus, it too was encroached on by the Renaissance

and Baroque basilica and was eventually dismantled. Before demolition
in the late eighteenth century, however, the essential features of its
plan and elevation were described and recorded graphically.46 The
reconstruction plan (fig. 2) shows Old St. Peter's (A, B), the attached
funerary rotunda used for the burial of the emperor Honorius and his
family about 400 (C), and the building reused by Symmachus (D); its
location, size, and plan, with seven broad, deep niches (the west niche
served as the entrance), made it an appropriate choice for adaptation
as a chapel annex to the basilica of Peter.47
Symmachus' biographer tells us that the pope named the reused
tomb in honor of the apostle Andrew; the papal biography and other

early texts demonstrate that the monumental rotunda served as the

setting for the veneration of a sizable group of saints. The pope's life
in the Liber Pontiflcalis includes the following lengthy notice regarding the newly founded oratory:
He built the basilica of St. Andrew the apostle at St. Peter's, where he
commissioned:

a canopy of purest silver and a shrine together weighing 120 pounds;
three silver arches weighing 60 pounds;
the oratory of St. Thomas the apostle: 20 pounds of silver for the shrine;
a silver arch weighing 16 pounds; the shrine of St. Cassian and SS. Protus
of approximately 30 meters: see Rasch, op. cit., p. 3, with reference to the earlier
analyses on which his evaluation rests.
45This lost monument, interest in which was heralded by the appearance of Schumacher, op. cit., has been the object of recent studies by Tolotti, Biering and von
Hesberg, and Rasch, cited above in n. 18. The aim of all three studies is the reconstruction
of the appearance of the rotunda before its adaptation under Symmachus. The differing
views of these authors regarding the original elevation of the building have no bearing
on my argument, which is based on the disposition of spaces at floor level: all agree

that the rotunda had eight niches, one of which was pierced by a doorway.

<6Most important are the work of Francesco Cancellieri, De secretaries Basilicae
vaticanae veteris et novae (3 vols.; Rome, 1786), pp. 1153-1220 and plates IH-V, and
the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century graphic evidence conveniently gathered in Schumacher, op. cit.

"According to Schumacher, the entrance to the rotunda was always through the
western axial alcove (op. cit., pp. 221-222). Rasch agrees with Biering and von Hesberg's conjecture of access from the southern axial niche (Biering and Hesberg, op.
cit., pp. 162—172; Rasch, op. cit., p. 6).

BYJOSEPH D. ALCHERMES19

and Hyacinth, of silver weighing 20 pounds; a silver arch weighing 12
pounds;
the oratory of St. Apollinaris: 31 pounds of silver for the shrine along with
the arch;
the oratory of St. Sossus: a shrine of silver weighing 20 pounds.48

A later source, an eighth-century pilgrim's guide to the Vatican called
the Enchiridion de sacellis et altaribus basilicae vaticanae, suggests
a different martyrological arrangement:
As you enter the portico of St. Andrew's, there appears on your left the
altar of St. Lawrence, then of St. Vitus, then of St. Cassian, then of Andrew

himself in the center of the rotunda; then of St. Thomas, and then of St.
Apollinaris, and finally of St. Sixtus.49

Each of the seven niches must have been given over to the veneration of a martyr; questions arise, however, regarding the identity
of those whom the pope originally chose to honor.50 Over the past
century, all attempts to envision the series of dedications that filled
iaLiber Pontiflcalis, I, 261.
Hie fecit basilicam sancti Andreae apostoli apud beatum Petrum, ubi fecit tiburium
ex argento purissimo et confessionem, pens. lib. CXX; arcos argénteos III, pens.
lib. LX;
Oratorium sancti Thomae apostoli: ex argento, pens, in confessionem lib. XX; arcum
argenteum, qui pens. lib. XVI;
confessionem sancti Cassiani et sanctorum Proti et Yacinti ex argento, pens. lib.
XX; arcum argenteum, pens. lib. XII;
Oratorium sancti Apollinaris: ex argento in confessionem cum arcum, pens. lib.
XXXI;

Oratorium sancti Sossi: ex argento confessionem, pens. lib. XX.
Throughout this study, I use the spelling "Sossus" rather than the variants "Sossius"
and "Sosius" preferred by several authors who have considered the architectural epigraphic monuments associated with this saint.
^Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, Vol. II, ed. Giovanni Battista De Rossi, p.
224:

Intrante (te) in porticum sancti Andreae, occurrit tibi in sinistra manu altare sancti
Laurenti, deinde sancti Viti, deinde sancti Cassiani, deinde ipsius Andreae in medio
rotundae; et sic sancti Thomae, et sic sancti Apollinaris, novissime sancti Syxti.

De Rossi (pp. 224-225, n. 1 ) dated the text to the papacy of Paul I (757-767).

50TTIe considerable number of cults accumulated in the rotunda is not characteristic

of Early Christian Rome; multiple martyr dedications are known, but they comprise
normally two or occasionally three saints. In Campania, northern Italy, and southern
Gaul, larger groups are encountered somewhat more frequently: compare the relics of
John the Baptist, Andrew, Thomas, and Luke and many lesser martyrs amassed at Brescia
by Bishop Gaudentius and the similar but smaller collections of Bishops Victricius at
Rouen and Paulinus at NoIa and Fundi. See the brief but convenient list of some well-

documented instances furnished by Mango, op. cit., p. 60, notes 63—66.

20 PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

Symmachus' rotunda have relied almost entirely on the papal biography and the Enchiridion. Duchesne first proposed a scheme that
incorporated elements from each source: Andrew, Thomas, Cassian,
Protus and Hyacinth, Apollinaris, and Sossus were taken from the Liber
Pontiflcalis, while Lawrence and Vitus were named only in the later
Enchiridion?1 Rohault de Fleury's reconstruction was identical to
Duchesne's save in one detail: unlike the editor of the Liber Pontiflcalis, he chose not to decide whether Sixtus or Sossus was honored
first in the sixth-century chapel.52 De Blaauw prudently disregarded
the eighth-century text and accepted only the testimony of the Liber
Pontiflcalis as a reliable source for the Symmachan program. This
decision, however, resulted in gaps in de Blaauw's list: he offered no
suggestion for the martyrs venerated in the first two niches to the left
of the entrance. For the period around 800, de Blaauw, availing himself
of the Enchiridion, placed the cults of Lawrence and Vitus in these
alcoves.53 Schumacher's recent article on the Vatican baptistery also

contains a hypothetical catalogue of shrines based on the early me-

dieval guidebook and still later documents.54 Comparison of these
7'LiberPontiflcalis, I, 261, 265-266, notes 16-17. See also Louis Duchesne, "Vaticana

(suite). Notes sur la topographie de Rome au Moyen-Age. XI," Mélanges d'archéologie

et d'histoire de l'Écolefrançaise de Rome, 22 (1922), 390 and n. 2, where he lists the
dedications clockwise from the entrance: Lawrence, Vitus, Cassian, Andrew, Thomas,

Apollinaris, Sossius. Jounel (op. cit., pp. 390, 454, no. 170) accepted and replicated
Duchesne's scheme.

52Georges Rohault de Fleury, "Saint-André au Vatican," Nuovo Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana, 2 (1896), 51 ?. 1: Lawrence, Vitus, Cassian, Andrew, Thomas, Apollinaris, Sixtus or Sossius.

53De Blaauw, op. cit., pp. 240-242 and figure 14 (ca. 500: ?, ?, Cassian, Protus and

Hyacinth, Andrew, Thomas, Apollinaris, Sossius); fig. 19 (ca. 800: Lawrence, Vitus, Cassian, Andrew, Thomas, Apollinaris, Sossius). The Enchiridion, from which de Blaauw
and others have taken the dedications to Lawrence and Vitus, indicates that by about

800 the original altar of Sossus was replaced by one honoring Sixtus, in my view linked

with the introduction of the cult of Lawrence in the basilica of St. Andrew.

54Schumacher (op. cit., p. 224) provided little more than this list of chapels: Lawrence,
Vitus, Cassian, Andrew, Thomas, Lambert and Servatius (Holy Cross?), Sixtus (Sossius).

Like Rohault, he apparently preferred not to choose between Sixtus and Sossius. The
inclusion of the dedications to Lambert and Servatius and apparent identification of

their chapel with that of the Holy Cross are puzzling, since the cult of these northern
European bishops was introduced to the rotunda more than a millennium after Sym-

machus' death by a canon of St. Peter's, Giorgio Cesarini (Duchesne, "Vaticana" [suite],

p. 395 ). Schumacher's terse catalogue is not fully explicated by the text of Baptisterium;
the implied claim that the original dedication was to the Holy Cross contradicts the
evidence of the Liber Pontiflcalis: the papal biography attributes to Symmachus an

oratory of the Cross that is clearly separate from the basilica of Andrew.

BY JOSEPH D. ALCHERMES2 1

studies reveals a consensus among scholars regarding only the dedications to Cassian, Andrew, and Thomas.

The incomplete and chronologically scattered sources discussed
above list a total of ten saints commemorated in the oratory; while
some pairing of dedications is possible, ten cults are clearly too many
to be accommodated in just seven alcoves. The veneration of certain
martyrs mentioned in these documents, therefore, cannot have been
practiced under Symmachus. Several texts, such as the papal biography,
date from Symmachus' lifetime or soon after; it is reasonable to suppose
that these are the most reliable. As so often happens, however, the
earliest and most authoritative evidence is also the most fragmentary.
Later, more complete texts can be used to confirm the sketchy picture
that emerges from the sixth-century fragments. Sometimes, however,
the later information contradicts the earlier evidence. These conflicts

surely originated when the later text substituted a new martyr for one
first honored by Symmachus. The scheme outlined in the Enchiridion
may reproduce the disposition of altars that appeared to the late eighthcentury visitor, but it need not be taken as an accurate reflection of
the original sixth-century dedications. To reconstruct the martyrological arrangement formulated by the papal patron and to evaluate
the programmatic thrust of his new chapel, it is necessary to seek
authoritative documents closer in date to the chapel's foundation.
Four lost inscriptions, their texts preserved only in transcriptions,
have been connected by epigraphers with St. Andrew's. Three of them
name Symmachus and are therefore of considerable value if their
association with the basilica sancti Andreae is sound. The first, in
elegiac couplets, gives credit to Symmachus for the templa, the rededicated rotunda with its multiple martyr commemorations:
The shrine sparkles more brightly adorned with faith than with the gleam
of polished stone
and the building shines, constructed by the law of the thunderer.
Those like-minded who forever hold the heavenly realms,
a single house of faith has joined as well on earth,
a house which in any case the bishop, a confessor of holy honor,
has also wished to ennoble with accounts of their merits.

For which reason, O Symmachus, enduring renown enhanced
by pious inscriptions will recount their merits for all time.55
"'"'Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, FV, no. 4109.
Templa micant plus compta fide quam luce metalli
Constructumque nitet lege tonantis opus

22 PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETERS

The last distich ascribes to the pope a series of tituli, verse inscriptions that signal Symmachus' activity and at times allude to episodes
from the life of the martyr whose shrine the verses decorated.56 Six
hexameter lines copied in ninth- and tenth-century manuscripts in
Paris were judged by De Rossi to have adorned the shrine of the
oratory's titular saint:
Concordes quos regna tenent caelestia semper
Iunxit et in terris una domus fidei

Quam tarnen antistes sancti confessor honoris
Et meritis voluit nobilitare suis

Symmache quapropter vivax iam fama per aevum
Narrabit titulis amplificara pus.
This text is known in two versions, one transcribed in an eighth-century manuscript

today in Paris and the other copied in a twelfth-century codex in Cambridge. The Paris
transcription is not preceded by a phrase indicating the location, while the Cambridge
copy has this perplexing annotation: "... the basilica of SS. Protus and Hyacinth, martyrs,
where he made these verses," "... basilica s(an)c(t)orum martyrum P<ro>ti et Iacinti

ubi fecit hos versus" (Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, FV, no. 4109). In his
commentary on the inscription, Silvagni reasonably conjectured that the topographical
label of the Cambridge copy was mistaken; the transcriber incorrectly named the location of the inscription the "basilica of SS. Protus and Hyacinth" rather than the basilica
of St. Andrew."

De Rossi (Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, II, 247, no. 8a) claimed that the
phrase "constructed by the law of the thunderer" (constructumque . . . lege tonantis)
suggested that the building in question was domed. If his suggestion could be proven,
it would offer additional corroboration of the link between the inscription and the
rotunda. Finally, if "basilica of SS. Protus and Hyacinth" were an alternative designation
for St. Andrew's current when the Cambridge epigraphic collection was compiled, it
would provide evidence for the continued cult of Protus and Hyacinth in the rotunda
in spite of their omission from the Enchiridion.
The award of the title "confessor" in early Christianity was usually reserved for those
who suffered greatly on account of their confession offaith. Its application to Symmachus
in line 5 must be meant to emphasize his suffering in the course of the Laurentian
controversy, with the implication that the text was composed during the dispute or
soon after its conclusion. See also the formula with which the life of Symmachus ends:
"He rested in peace as a confessor" (Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 263: "Qui etiam in pace
confessor quievit").
56PeLTUS Mallius' twelfth-century overview of the oratories, altars, and relics in Old
St. Peter's confirms the presence of such tituli in the basilica sancti Andreae:
Simacus papa, qui fecit basilicam sancti Andreae apostoli ad sanctum Petrum; in
qua et altaría statuit, ubi plura sanctorum corpora, sicut carmina indicant, posuit.
Pope Symmachus, who built the basilica of St. Andrew the apostle at St. Peter's, in
which he also constructed altars where he placed many bodies of saints, just as
the poems indicate.
Petrus Mallius, Descriptio basilicae vaticanae in Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis
Romae, II, 206, cap. 28.

BYJOSEPH D. ALCHERMES23
St. Andrew will here defend the shrine's altar.

Andrew, Peter's own brother, who once steadfastly
suffered frightful death and paid the price with his sacred flesh,
when suspended on the broad-spread post of the cross
the martyr breathed the last breath of his mortal life
and with Christ as lord received the purple crown of martyrdom.57

While these verses underscore the natural, biological link between
Andrew (Petri germanus) and his brother Peter, they add little to the
understanding of the martyrological program conceived by the pope
for his grand chapel. Two other epigraphic texts are more useful in
this respect. They were composed to decorate the monuments of
martyrs mentioned in the Liber Pontiflcalis but excluded in the Enchiridion, because by the end of the eighth century, the original
Symmachan dedications to these saints were no longer observed. The
shorter inscription, known only in a copy once preserved in the notes
of the sixteenth-century antiquarian Fulvio Orsini, commemorates Protus and Hyacinth, martyrs whose remembrance in the rotunda was
attested by the Liber Pontiflcalis:
To the holy martyrs Protus and Hyacinth.
Symmachus has paid tribute to the holy advocates with this small honor
and adorned the monument beneath which he has again placed
their blessed bodies. May unceasing praise be theirs throughout the ages.58
^Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, II, 257, no. 1.
De Andrea:

Andreas hie sanctus templi tutabitur aram
Petri germanus qui quondam fuñera leti
Hórrida perpessus sancta quoque carne pependit
Dum crucis in patulo suspensus stipite martyr
Ultima mortalis clausit spiracula vitae
Purpureas sumens Christo régnante coronas
In a posthumously published volume of supplementary notes to his edition of the Liber
Pontiflcalis, Duchesne cautioned that the presence of this inscription in the Symmachan

rotunda was not certain (Liber Pontiflcalis, Vol. HI [Paris, 1955], p. 88). Since the

manuscripts group it with texts that were certainly copied in Roman monuments, I
accept De Rossi's conjectural location in Rome. In view of the emphatic link between
martyred brothers, the most likely Roman backdrop for these verses is the chapel in
which the fraternal bond is reproduced topographically: the basilica sancti Andreae
adjacent to Peter's church.

"^Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, TV, no. 4106:
Martiribus Sanctis Proto pariterque Hiacyntho
Simmachus hoc parvo beneratus honore patronos
Exornabit opus sub quo pia corpora rursus

24 PETRINE POUTICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

The pairing of Protus and Hyacinth in this inscription follows a
consistent hagiographical tradition traceable to the fourth century.
Authoritative epigraphic and literary evidence for their martyrdom
and burial together survives in the form of an entry in the Depositio
Martyrum, the oldest known Roman martyrological calendar, and in
an epitaph and other inscriptions that decorated their tomb chamber
in the Roman Catacomb of Bassilla.59

In the absence of direct evidence for the original placement of this
inscription, De Rossi and several other epigraphers assumed that it
was installed under Symmachus at the martyrs' tombs in the Catacomb

of Bassilla on the via Salaria vetus.60 Their judgment rests implicitly
on the words "he has again placed their blessed bodies" (italics
mine).61 In this view, the hexameters allude to the renovation of the
catacomb chamber; at the conclusion of the project, Symmachus saw
to the return (rursuslcondidit) of the saints' corpses (corpora) to
their original resting-place. Duchesne and most later scholars, however, have preferred to place the inscription in the shrine at St. Andrew's, a suggestion for which they offer little justification.62
The evaluation of the development of the saints' tombs and of the
internal evidence of the inscription, along with the general consideration of Symmachus' building activity, warrant the doubt that Orsini
first copied the inscribed text in a catacomb on the via Salaria. The
chamber in which Protus and Hyacinth were buried was found more
than a century ago, so that its appearance is quite well known.63 The
martyrs were buried in separate shelf-like recesses, called loculi, on
facing or adjoining walls of the underground room. The nineteenthcentury excavators could identify only the grave of Hyacinth, which
59Ferrua, Epigrammata Damasiana, pp. 190—193, nos. 47, 47', 472; Inscriptiones
Christianae Urbis Romae, Vol. VIII, ed. Antonio Ferrua, SJ. (Vatican City, 1980), nos.
22812-22816.

Duchesne included the Depositio Martyrum in his edition of the Liber Pontiflcalis

(I, 11—12). The entry for Protus and Hyacinth is as follows: "September 1 1 commem-

oration of Protus and Hyacinth in (the cemetery) of Bassilla" (III id. sept. Proti et
Iacincti in Bassillae).
^Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, II, 42, no. 5.
61 . . . pia corpora rursus/condidit . . .
62ZiOeT Pontiflcalis, I, 261, n. 18. Silvagni (Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae,

IV, no. 4106) collected the essential bibliography through the 1920's, to which there

have not been significant additions.
6,The mid-nineteenth-century superintendent of Roman cemeteries, Giuseppe Marchi, left a vivid account of the discovery of their sepulchral chamber, or cubiculum,
in his Monumenti delIe arti cristiane primitive nella metrópoli del cristianesimo
(Rome, 1844), pp. 262-268.

BY JOSEPH D. ALCHERMES2 5

remarkably had remained unopened, it seems, for a millennium and a
half; the loculus of his fellow martyr had been destroyed when the
chamber vault collapsed.
Their tombs were visited often in Late Antiquity and the early Middle
Ages by pilgrims who left an extensive record of the inscriptions they
encountered; three epigraphs are preserved in the syllogai, and fragments of two of them, as well as two more inscriptions, are known.
None of these texts of secure cemeterial provenance, it must be observed, names Pope Symmachus. It is conceivable that the probably
smallish stone of the Martyribus Sanctis poem, carved with just four

lines of text, was ruined during a Gothic raid of the mid-sixth century

or carried off still later to pave an urban church. In this case, however,
the survival in situ of one stone intact and several fragments of others
is difficult to explain. The Liber Pontiflcalis, moreover, records Symmachus' constructions in several suburban graveyards, but there is no
notice regarding work at the tombs of Protus and Hyacinth.64 Finally,
the third and last hexameters refer to the deposition of the two corpora
as well as the installation of some sort of monument or marker (opus)
under or within which the remains were enshrined. The picture that
emerges in the inscription does not conform easily to the physical
conditions of the catacomb chamber; Protus and Hyacinth had been
interred there in separate loculi so that a single memorial could not
house both their corpora. More plausible is the conjecture that corpora denotes relics (apparently contact relics) rather than whole bodies. The opus of the inscription is then the confessio mentioned in
the Liber Pontiflcalis; these verses were composed for a Symmachan
titulus in St. Andrew's.65

This simple poem was displayed in the chapel of Andrew to honor
the memory of these Roman saints and to signal their hallowed shrine
to the attention of pious visitors. Neither the inscription nor the preserved hagiographical tradition related to the Roman pair mention the
non-Roman saint, Cassian, the martyr-patron of modern Imola in northcentral Italy.66 There is no indication of Cassian in these hexameters
"The LiberPontiflcalis (I, 263) records Symmachus' repairs to the cemetery basilicas
of St. Felicitas and St. Agnes and renovation in the cemetery of the Jordani at the grave
of the martyr St. Alexander.
65The phrase rursuslcondidit eludes satisfactory interpretation. It may perhaps refer
to a reworking of the martyrs' shrine in the basilica sancti Andreae after which the
relics were replaced beneath the Symmachan monument (opus).

^Bibliotheca Sanctorum, Vol. Ill (Rome, 1963), cols. 909—911, contains a survey

of the venerable hagiographical tradition that surrounds this north Italian martyr.

26 PETRINE POLITICS. POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S
because in all likelihood his cult was observed elsewhere in Andrew's

basilica. Only the Liber Pontiflcalis, it must be remembered, locates
in the same niche the veneration of both Cassian and the Roman

martyrs; the entry in the papal biography which records this Oratorium, however, exhibits peculiarities that set it apart from the rest of
the account of Andrew's chapel and from the notices regarding other
comparable monuments founded under Symmachus. Strikingly absent
is the standard phrasing that includes the word "chapel" (oratorium)
¦which appears in connection -with the names of Andrew, Thomas,
Apollinaris, and Sossus, the other martyrs -whose remembrance the
papal biography puts in the rotunda.67 The compressed language of
the lines regarding Cassian, Protus, and Hyacinth may result from the
inadvertent elimination of references to separate oratoria and liturgical furniture commemorating these local and non-Roman martyrs.
The literary evidence leaves no doubt that Cassian was honored in
Symmachus' chapel; careful evaluation of the Martyribus Sanctis inscription and the papal biography, however, fosters the conclusion
that his memorial, distinct from that of Protus and Hyacinth, stood in
a nearby alcove.68
The last inscription that sheds light on the sixth-century sanctoral
scheme of St. Andrew's is a longer poem consisting of six elegiac
couplets. The first distich names as the object of veneration the Campanian saint, Sossus. Accounts of Sossus' martyrdom make him deacon
of the church of Misenum on the Bay of Naples and put him in the
company of Campania's most renowned martyr, Januarius, bishop of
Beneventum.69 The concluding verses identify Bishop Symmachus
67A formula observed in other papal gifts registered in the Liber Pontiflcalis includes

the word oratorium and confessionem and an indication of the quantity of precious

metal used. This pattern is followed in all donations recorded in Symmachus' life except
those regarding Cassian, Protus and Hyacinth, and the eponymous saint of the rotunda,
Andrew. In the latter case, oratorium is substituted in a sense by the words basilicam,
the chapel as a whole, and tiburium, the canopy over Andrew's shrine proper. Pope
Hilarus' donations are noted with virtually identical formulas (LiberPontiflcalis, I, 242).
68TlIe honorific "saint" prefixed to the names both of Cassian and of Protus and
Hyacinth is redundant and perhaps points as well to the conflation of lines that recorded
separate shrines for Cassian on the one hand and Protus and Hyacinth on the other. If
the sixth-century biographer meant to group Cassian, Protus, and Hyacinth together in
a single phrase in order to indicate a joint cult observed at a single shrine, one would
expect something like "confessionem sanctorum Cassiani, Proti et Yacinti" rather than
"confessionem sancti Cassiani et sanctorum Proti et Yacinti."

wFor a concise summary of the contorted hagiographical threads that link Januarius
and Sossus, see Bibliotheca Sanctorum, Vol. XI (Rome, 1968), cols. 1320-1321, s.v.
Sosso (Sosio, Sossio), santo, maniré di Miseno.

BYJOSEPH D. ALCHERMES27

(Symmachus autistes) as the patron for whom the inscription was
produced:
Following the venerable footsteps of the bishop,
Sossus has matched with his rank the nobility of his service.
He exults, joined with the bishop in martyrdom, his true attendant,
and has rendered the responsibility due of his office.
Desiring to extricate the bishop from death,
out of piety he has met with hoped-for slaughter.
Oh joyous, sweet repose! Oh life of you two
whom a single salvation holds under twin destruction!
Go together always, receive the heavenly gifts;
equal glory of faith requires equal reward.
Bishop Symmachus, the consecrator of an honor such as this,
has made this commemorated by his inscriptions.70

When De Rossi published the late tenth- or early eleventh-century
manuscript in which he found these couplets, he voiced uncertainty
regarding the original placement of the monumental plaque or mosaic
from which they were copied.71 Two observations made him hesitate
to ascribe the text to Rome. First, the position of these components
of the literary collection, sandwiched between inscriptions originally
transcribed at NoIa near Naples, suggested that this inscription too
was copied in Campania. The absence of the Bishop Januarius from
the group of martyrs honored in Symmachus' chapel strengthened De
Rossi's suspicions regarding the Roman provenance of the text. An
attentive reading of the poem, however, demonstrates that Januarius'
lack of commemoration at St. Andrew's does not warrant the conclu-

sion that the epigram bears no relation to the Roman monument.
Januarius and his deacon Sossus appear in the poem not as sharing a
tomb or a shrine, but as victims of a "twin destruction" (funere sub
70Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, FV, no. 4110:
Pontincis veneranda sequens vestigia Sossus
Aequavit meriti nobilitate gradum
Martyrio conjunctus ovat verusque minister
Reddidit officii debita iura sui

IUe sacerdotem cupiens subducere morti
Contigit optatam sub pietate necem
O laeta et iucunda quies o vita duorum
Funere sub gemino quos tenet una salus
Ite simul semper caelestia sumite dona
Par pretium poscit gloria par fidei
Symmachus amistes tanti sacrator honoris
Haec fecit titulis commemoranda suis

~"Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, II, 246-247, no. 8a.

28 PETRINE POUTICS. POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

gemino, 1. 8) and beneficiaries of common "repose" (quies, 1. 7) and
a "single salvation" (una salus, 1. 8). In fact, the allusions to Januarius
are made only because of his central role in the story of Sossus.
The position of the verses in the tenth-century codex result from
an error in judgment on the part of the copyist, who ignored or could
not read the topographical source indicated in the manuscript from
¦which he was working. Aware of Sossus' connection with Misenum
and with other celebrated Campanian martyrs, the copyist came to
the erroneous conclusion that the inscription originally stood in a
Campanian monument. The last couplet credits Bishop Symmachus
(Symmachus autistes) as patron; the only Campanian bishop of this

name attested in sources of the fifth and sixth centuries is a holder of

the diocese of Capua responsible for much construction there early
in the fifth century.72 Testimony to the building activity of the Cam-

panian Symmachus, however, does not link him with Sossus, the mar-

tyred deacon of Misenum. On the other hand, the Liber Pontiflcalis
plainly indicates the Roman Symmachus' interest in this Campanian
martyr and puts Sossus' cult in a building in which other non-Roman
martyrs were honored with oratories.
De Rossi himself, in spite of his misgivings, decided in favor of St.
Andrew's as the original location of the inscription. The partial publication, two decades after De Rossi's death, of a twelfth-century manuscript in Cambridge vindicated this judgment.73 The general nature
of the epigraphic collection, consisting exclusively of Roman texts,
confirms the Roman, not Campanian, source of Sossus' elegy. Other

features of the Cambridge transcription provide further reason to place

the inscription at St. Andrew's. The Cambridge copyist reproduced
only the last three distichs of the poem, appending them to another
elegiac text associated with St. Andrew's: the couplets opening -with
the words Templa micant that the visitor perhaps saw first upon
entering the rotunda.74 This indication of placement introduces the
combined poems: "The basilica of SS. Protus and Hyacinth, martyrs,
where he made these verses" (Ltem basilicam sanctorum Proti et
72Alessio S. Mazzocchi, In vetus marmoreum sanctae neapolitanae ecclesiae kalendarium commentarius Alexii Symmachi Mazochii, Vol. I (Naples, 1744-1755), p. 706;
also quoted by De Rossi, Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, II, 247, no. 8a.
73Wilhelm Levison, "Eine Geschichte der Päpste aus Cambridge," Neues Archiv der
Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, 35 (1910), 352; see the remarks of
Angelo Silvagni, "La silloge epigráfica di Cambridge," Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana,
20(1943), 89-90.
74Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, FV, no. 4109.

BYJOSEPH D. ALCHERMES29

Iacinti ubi fecit hos versus). Silvagni convincingly argued that al-

though the topographical label is confused, the compiler of the epi-

graphic and biographical hybrid in the Cambridge manuscript believed
that the inscription was created for St. Andrew's.75 The desire to make
the poem's location agree with its contents impelled the copyist to
make a change in the locating tag. Familiar with the martyred pair
from Symmachus' life in the Liber Pontiflcalis and influenced by the
phrase "oh life of you two" (o vita duorum), he substituted basilica
sanctorum Proti et Iacinti for basilica sancti Andreae.

The documentary evidence for the basilica sancti Andreae substantiates the assertion made by all scholars that the apostles Andrew
and Thomas were the two most eminent martyrs whose relics were
enshrined in the Symmachan rotunda. The Liber Pontiflcalis attests
that Apollinaris as well as Cassian, Protus, and Hyacinth was similarly
honored under Symmachus. By referring to Cassian alone, the Enchiridion reveals, more accurately than the papal life, the original
conditions of his veneration in an alcove on the left side of the chapel;
in my view, ca. 500 a niche near Cassian's housed a separate oratorium
of Protus and Hyacinth. The biographer's inclusion of Sossus, on the
other hand, reflects exactly the primitive dedication. Sixtus, the martyred pope named in the early medieval guidebook, made his way into
the martyrological layout later in connection with new patterns of
commemoration that first appeared at St. Peter's in the seventh and
eighth centuries. The saintly roster that emerges from this analysis—
Andrew, Thomas, Apollinaris, Cassian, Protus and Hyacinth, Sossus—
should be assigned to only six alcoves; the most reliable testimony to
the sixth-century arrangement, the inscriptions and the Liber Pontiflcalis, does not point to a cult housed in the seventh niche. The
Enchiridion provides two candidates, Vitus and Lawrence, for commemoration in the remaining oratory. The cult of the south Italian
Vitus is unknown in Rome before the mid-eighth century; the Enchiridion and the contemporaneous biography of Pope Paul I (757—

767) are the earliest secure witnesses to his veneration in the city.76

It is imprudent to use this same evidence in support of the otherwise
unwarranted claim that he had been incorporated in the Vatican sanctoral more than two and a half centuries earlier.

The cult of the Roman deacon Lawrence, the other saint mentioned
75Silvagni, Silloge, pp. 64—73.
76The lives of Pope Paul I, Leo III (795-816), and Benedict III (855-858) refer to

other Roman churches and monasteries dedicated to Vitus: Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 470;
H, 12, 21, 24; H, 145.

30 PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

by the Enchiridion, had a long history in Early Christian Rome; by the
time of Symmachus' election, Lawrence was the dedicatee of numerous
intramural and suburban churches and shrines.7"1 He was also, however,
the namesake of Symmachus' archenemy, the antipope Lawrence; this
martyr's commemoration in Andrew's rotunda ca. 800 is better understood as a post-Symmachan (and ironical) transformation of the original dedication rather than as an instance of continuity of cult. The
altars of Lawrence and Sixtus mentioned in the guidebook, I believe,
are late and closely related. Pope Sixtus II was the bishop of the deacon
Lawrence; in the course of the sixth century, the intertwined accounts
of their martyrdoms attained full development and enjoyed great popularity.78 Long after the conclusion of the Laurentian schism but perhaps as early as the seventh century, the Campanian Sossus was
replaced by the esteemed Roman martyr Sixtus; this change inspired
the substitution of the cult originally observed in the seventh niche
with the veneration of Lawrence, Sixtus' subordinate. It is possible
that in the eighth-century scheme, these martyrs, linked closely in
hagiographical legends, were venerated in the alcoves that flanked the
entrance. The elimination of Lawrence, Sixtus, and perhaps Vitus from
the cluster of cults gathered by Symmachus and the separation of
Cassian's oratory from that of Protus and Hyacinth make it possible
at last to envision the martyrological organization as Symmachus
planned it.
On entering the rotunda (fig. 2, D, entry at #8), the visitor looked
straight ahead to the altar and shrine of the martyr for whom Sym-

machus named the converted mausoleum, St. Andrew, the brother of

the apostle whose tomb was the focus of veneration in the adjacent

basilica (D, #1). Andrew's relic was housed in an elaborate canopied

structure crafted from 180 pounds of silver, probably as much of the
precious metal as was used in all six other martyr-shrines in the chapel.
To the visitor's right (D, #2) stood the shrine of Thomas, likewise a
martyred apostle and bishop. Next came the altar dedicated to St.

Apollinaris (D, #3), the well-known martyr-bishop of Ravenna. Just
to the right of the entrance (D, #4) was the niche of St. Sossus, the

77For a summary of views on the importance of Lawrence in the fourth through sixth
centuries see Huskinson, op. cit., pp. 96-99; Pietri, Roma Christiana, II, 714-718; and
John Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, AD. 364—425 (Oxford,
1975), pp. 363-365.

78See the excellent survey of these texts, today known as the "passio Polycronii," in
Bibliotheca Sanctorum, Vol. VIII (Rome, 1966), cols. 108-110, s.v. Lorenzo, santo,
martire.

BY JOSEPH D. ALCHERMES3 1

Campanian martyr. These three shrines, as well as the three on the
opposite side, were much less extravagantly ornamented than Andrew's: their silver decorations weighed an average of only about 30
pounds. To the left of the axial chapel of Andrew was an altar (D, #5)
commemorating St. Cassian, the martyred schoolteacher who is the
protector of educators and the patron of the Italian city of Imola. If
Vitus were part of Symmachus' scheme, his confessio may well have
stood in the next alcove (D, #6), since the author of the later guidebook seemed to find it there between Cassian's shrine and the altar

identified in the eighth century as Lawrence's. The niche to the left
of the doorway originally housed the relics of Protus and Hyacinth
(D, #7); their veneration, the Enchiridion implies, was later supplanted by the commemoration of Lawrence, which was attracted to
the rotunda by the presence of the memorial to Lawrence's bishop,
St. Sixtus.

What is most striking about the group of as many as eight saints
assembled in the rotunda by Symmachus is that in all but one of the
seven niches, the relics on display were of "imported" martyrs, that
is, saints whose deaths and burials had taken place far from Rome.79
What prompted the pope to accumulate at St. Peter's, the most sacred
martyr-shrine in the West, the relics of non-Roman saints? He was
attracted above all by their prestige and propagandistic value. Symmachus, moreover, organized these relics of non-Roman saints in a
coherent sanctoral program in the rededicated rotunda; its outlines
become clear -when we consider the associations of the martyrs commemorated in St. Andrew's.

Several principles of selection guided the pope in the choice of
martyrs included in his new oratory. He was drawn to Protus and
Hyacinth mainly for reasons of personal devotion and convenience:
their tombs were in a Roman catacomb just across the Tiber from the
Vatican, and it would have been an easy matter to secure their relics.
Symmachus may also have wished to include them because their familial bond underscored that of Peter and Andrew, the more famous pair
of martyred brothers whose memories were first joined at the Vatican
through the pope's efforts.80
79The mid-nineteenth-century discovery of Hyacinth's loculus apparently intact and
still closed by an early fourth-century inscribed slab suggests that this Roman saint and
his fellow martyr Protus were represented in St. Andrew's by contact relics, or possibly
by small body fragments. The shrines of the non-Roman saints gathered in the rotunda
must have also held small relics, perhaps corporal but more likely contact.
"The inscription placed in their tomb chamber by Damasus characterizes them as

32 PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

It must have been more complicated to procure the relics of the
non-Roman saints buried a considerable distance from the papal seat.
Of the group installed in the rotunda, only the veneration of Andrew

is securely attested in Rome before 500.81 Analysis of the historical

sources gives clues to the motives for the pope's zealous collection
of these foreign saints. Four of the five non-Roman cults that can be
assigned with confidence to St. Andrew's ca. 500—those of Cassian,
Sossus, Apollinaris, and Andrew himself—appealed to Symmachus for
the same reason: each involved the most prominent martyr displayed
in a see whose bishop opposed the pope.
The martyred bishop Apollinaris was the purported founder of the
diocese of Ravenna, held throughout the Laurentian Schism by the
metropolitan Peter II.82 Along with Bishops Lawrence and Marcellianus, the metropolitans of Milan and Aquileia, Peter was an early
adversary of Symmachus. Lawrence's followers pointedly observed
that the bishops of Milan and Ravenna even withdrew from communion with the pope. Symmachus' staunch ally, the Milanese deacon
Ennodius, could not deny their detachment, but with consummate
tact he claimed that the estrangement had been merely physical; spiritual communion among them had never really lapsed.83
"true" or "full brothers" (germani fratres): see Ferrua, Epigrammata Damasiana, pp.
190-193, no. 47.
81The dedicatory inscription of the intramural church of St. Andrew in Catabarbara
consecrated under Pope Simplicius (468—483) makes the claim that this was the first
Roman church named for Andrew:

And because we were lacking churches of the apostolic martyr,
he [sc. Pope Simplicius] constructed this in the name of Andrew.
Et quod Apostolici deessent limina Nobis
Martiris Andreae Nomine Composuit.
(Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, II, 155, lines 5—6)

The Liber Pontiflcalis (I, 255) credits Pope Gelasius (492-496) with the dedication

of basilicas of SS. Nicander, Eleutherus, and Andrew on the Via Labicana at a locality,
unfortunately otherwise unattested, named villa Pertusa (". . . basilicas sanctorum Nicandri, Eleutheri et Andreae in via Lavicana, in villa Pertusa"). Duchesne (Liber Pontiflcalis, I, 256-257, notes 12—13) convincingly located this church of Andrew at a
point about twenty miles southeast of Rome.
82See the development of Apollinaris' cult outlined in Bibliotheca Sanctorum, Vol.
II (Rome, 1962), cols. 239—246, s. v. Apellinare, vescovo di Ravenna, santo, martire.
"'Ennodius, Libellas adversus eos qui contra synodum scribere praesumpserunt 77,
in Friedrich Vogel (ed.), Magni Felicis Ennodi opera omnia, Monumenta Germaniae
Histórica, Auetores Antiquissimi, 7 (Berlin, 1885), p. 59: "Fuerunt quidam corporis
tantum conventione separati . . . animarum tarnen praesentiam non vitarunt." Ennodius
here responds to accusations made in the Contra Synodum Absolutionis Incongruae,
a document circulated by Lawrence's supporters in October, 502. For general remarks

BYJOSEPH D ALCHERMES33

The alienation of Bishops Peter and Lawrence, hedgingly acknowledged by Ennodius, was short-lived, according to the testimony of the
acts of the three Roman synods called during Symmachus' pontificate,
in March, 499, spring, 502, and November, 502.84 The registers of the
synodal resolutions and subscriptions demonstrate beyond doubt that
they were active participants in both assemblies of 502; their proSymmachan statements reveal that by mid-502, they were in communion with the pope.85 These synods, therefore, cannot be the occasion of estrangement to which Ennodius alludes; this must have
occurred earlier, presumably at the time of the first synod convoked
in 499 by the pope to address, in Symmachus' words, the problems
of "episcopal canvassing, confusion, and popular disturbance" which
marked the beginning of his pontificate.86 The bishops of Ravenna and
Milan are not listed as signatories of the acts of the 499 gathering
which confirmed the election of Symmachus and installed Lawrence
in the Campanian bishopric of Nuceria. Their initial withdrawal from
communion with the pope may have been related to the irregular
circumstances of his election and the highly politicized turmoil that
at the start disrupted his pontificate.87

Also absent from the 499 lists of participants and signatories were

the bishops of Misenum and Forum Cornelii (Imola), the sees whose
most prominent martyrs were Sossus and Cassian. The synodal acts of
November, 502, on the other hand, contain the subscriptions of Pacatianus of Imola and Concordius of Misenum.88 Their absence from

the earlier list and presence among the subscribers of 502 warrants
on the close collaboration of Symmachus and the Milanese deacon and diplomat, see
William T. Townsend and William F. Wyatt, "Ennodius and Pope Symmachus," inStudies
in Honor of Edward K Rand (New York, 1938), pp. 277-291. Ennodius noted the

persistent antagonism of the Aquileian bishop, Marcellianus (Epistula IV, 1 [ed. Vogel,
P- 167]).
"Picotti (op. cit., pp. 763-786) fully developed this chronology for the synods, a
convincing emendation of the traditional dates (499, 501, 502) accepted by Mommsen
and Caspar.
"'Theodor Mommsen (ed.), Acta synodhorum habitarum Romae ACCCCXCVIIIL
DI. DII, Monumenta Germaniae Histórica, Auetores Antiquissimi, Vol. XII (Berlin,
1896), pp. 419, 432, 447, 451.

"""Mommsen, ibid., p. 402 (from the pope's opening statement to the assembly):

"... episcopalem ambitum et confusionis incertum vel populärem tumultum, quem
subreptione diaboli usurpatione aliquorum tempore ordinationis meae constat
exortum ___ "

87It should be noted that among the signatories of the 499 synod appear few bishops

from dioceses as remote as Ravenna and Milan.

""Mommsen, op. cit. , p. 442.

34 PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

the conjecture that they too, like the northern metropolitans, initially
opposed the pope and refused to accept the resolutions of 499 that
instated Symmachus and demoted the pretender to the bishopric of
Nuceria. Following the lead of the bishops of Milan and Ravenna, they
¦were reconciled to Symmachus' cause by autumn, 502. The pope's
efforts to gather relics linked with the hostile sees of Ravenna, Imola,
Misenum, and Constantinople may have begun in response to the first
manifestations of antagonism in 499·89 This concern would have acquired greater urgency following his flight from Rimini and withdrawal
to St. Peter's in 501.

Symmachus was probably attracted to Sossus also by the particular
circumstances of his martyrdom, recounted in the extensive and popular hagiographical cycle connected with St. Januarius.90 The hagiographie tradition as preserved today, however, differs from the tale of
execution at which Symmachus' elegy on Sossus hints. In the sixthcentury poem, the deacon Sossus lays down his life so that the bishop
will be spared; the sixth- or seventh-century life of Januarius, on the
other hand, represents him as selflessly endangering himself out of
concern for the deacon.91 The Symmachan verses and the prose account of Januarius' death may at first appear to draw on conflicting
traditions, but the differences in these variants need not be attributed

to derivation from independent sources. The theme of self-sacrifice,
central in each case, links the accounts and raises the possibility that
the pope revised, and in a sense inverted, the role played by Sossus
in the traditional Januarius cycle. In the Symmachan version, he becomes a paradigm of steadfast loyalty, faithful to the bishop unto death.
The message of the revised figure of the Misenate deacon would hardly
"9MuCh direct testimony documents the hostility of ecclesiastical and imperial authorities in the eastern capital; Townsend collected and analyzed some of the primary
sources: William T. Townsend, "The Henoticon Schism and the Roman Church," The

Journal ofReligion, 16 ( 1936), 78—86. No links, however, between the relics assembled

by Symmachus in the rotunda of Andrew and the eastern and western sees opposed to
Symmachus have been drawn in previous evaluations of the Laurentian Schism.
90SeC the discussion of the cycle's components in Bibliotheca Sanctorum, Vol. VI

(Rome, 1965), cols. 135—139, s.v. Gennaro, vescovo di Benevento, e compagni, santi,
martiri.

9IRafFaele Calvino, the author of the entry on Sossus in the Bibliotheca Sanctorum
(Vol. XI [Rome, 1968], cols. 1320-1321), attempted to account for the conflict by
suggesting that the unnamed bishop of Symmachus' elegy is not Januarius but Sossus'
true superior, the bishop of Misenum. This conjecture is supported neither by other
epigraphical evidence nor by hagiographical or martyrological testimony to the cult of
a martyred bishop of Misenum.

BY JOSEPH D ALCHERMES35

have been lost on the Roman public, embroiled in a violent eccle-

siastical struggle incited by a rebellious faction of the Roman clergy.
The two most illustrious and powerful saints honored in the rotunda
were the apostles Thomas and Andrew. Several factors must have
contributed to the decision to provide for Thomas' veneration in the
new chapel. From at least the end of the fourth century, his tomb in
the city of Edessa was a goal of pilgrims from all over the Christian
¦world.92 With its large and active Monophysite population, Edessa ca.
500 was closely identified with the heretical movement that was one
of the causes of the Acacian Schism.93 Thomas' inclusion in the basilica

sancti Andreae should therefore be seen as dictated by Symmachus'
intransigent anti-Monophysite approach, the same policy that had precipitated the election of the antipope Lawrence and the rift in the
Roman Church. The presence of Thomas, it should also be noted,
brought to three the number of apostles venerated at the Vatican. With
the establishment ca. 400 of the imperial mausoleum ad sanctum
Petrum, the Vatican basilica already rivaled one of Constantinople's
greatest monuments: the Church of the Holy Apostles, which boasted
the tombs of Constantine and his successors and the relics of Andrew,

Luke, and Timothy, three martyrs of the apostolic age.94 The creation
of a triple apostle-cult under Symmachus further sharpened the contentious competition between Old and New Rome.
The brief report of the Liber Pontiflcalis demonstrates that Thomas'
richly ornamented oratory was second only to that of his apostolic
colleague. Andrew was the titular saint of the entire Symmachan chapel
and his altar was its physical and devotional centerpiece. It was fitting
for Andrew to be linked physically with Peter, since they were brothers. The family tie, although surely appreciated, was a secondary incentive; what impelled Symmachus to honor Andrew so conspicuously
92For a review of the sources regarding the Edessene cult of Thomas, see Bibliotheca
Sanctorum, Vol. XII (Rome, 1969), cols. 536—539, s. v. Tommaso, apostólo, santo.
"Bishop Paul of Edessa (510-522) publicly professed Monophysitism. Bishop Jacob
Baradaeus (542-572), favorite of Empress Theodora, organized Syrian Monophysites

in the Jacobite Church, which takes its name from him; see Ernst Honigmann, Évêques

et évêchés monophysites d'Asie antérieure au VI' siècle (Louvain, 1951), pp. 48—50,
and Hervé Leclainche, "Crises économiques à Edessa (494-506) d'après la chronique
du pseudo-Josué le Stylite," Pallas, 27(1980), 89— 100; for sixth-century developments,
Daniel D. Bundy, "Jacob Baradaeus. The State of Research," Muséon, 91 (1978), 4586.

94See Mango, op. cit., especially pp. 53—55, nn. 14—23, for references to the extensive
bibliography on this great Constantinopolitan monument.

36 PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

was the martyred apostle's longstanding association with Constantinople, the ultimate source of antagonism to the pope.95
Accounts of Andrew's martyrdom do not place his death in Constantinople; a venerable and popular tradition locates his crucifixion
and burial at Patras in Greece.96 Soon after the mid-fourth-century
transfer of the apostle's remains to Constantinople, however, his role
as protector of the city developed rapidly. In a half-dozen sermons,
the patriarch of Constantinople, John Chrysostom, solemnly pointed
to the presence in his city of Andrew's relics.97 This passage from a
homily of Chrysostom delivered on July 3, 399, vividly illustrates the
dependence felt by Constantinople's people and patriarch on their

apostolic defenders:

[at the height of a destructive rainstorm that threatened the capital three

days earlier] . . . there were prayers and supplications and our whole city
flooded to the place of the apostles, and we called on the advocates holy
Peter and blessed Andrew, the pair of apostles, Paul and Timothy. Afterwards, when the furious tempest had eased and we traversed the sea and
boldly confronted the waves, we went quickly to the princes of the apos95In the bishops' palace at Ravenna, Peter II built a chapel named, according to early
medieval tradition, for Andrew. It is possible neither to verify that this was the original
dedication nor to determine whether Peter's commission preceded or followed that of
his more eminent Roman colleague. There is, in any case, a link between these early
Andrew oratories founded within or adjoining episcopal residences in Rome and Ravenna. For the history of the Ravennate monument, see Friedrich W. Deichmann, Ravenna Haupstadt des spätantiken Abendlandes, Band L Ravenna Geschichte und

Monumente (Wiesbaden, 1969), pp. 201-202.

^Already ca. 400 Gaudentius of Brescia and Paulinus of NoIa acknowledged Andrew's
connection with Patras: Gaudentius of Brescia, Sermo 1 7, Patrología Latina, Vol. XX
(Paris, 1845), col. 961; Paulinus of NoIa, Carmen 19, line 78; Carmen 27, lines 406410 (Carmina, ed. Wilhelm von Hartel, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, Vol. XXX [Vienna, 1894], pp. 121, 280). For a summary of the early sources
for Andrew's execution and burial, see Bibliotheca Sanctorum, Vol. 1 (Rome, 1961),
cols. 1094-1100, s.v. Andrea, apostólo, santo.
97Dvornik's collation of the references to Andrew in the writings of prominent Constantinopolitan and western authors provides a nearly complete survey of views regarding the apostle current in the fourth and fifth centuries. Dvornik was so intent,
however, on demonstrating the seventh-century origins of the belief that the bishopric
of Constantinople was founded by Andrew that he underestimated the degree to which
Andrew was understood, in the eastern capital and abroad, as representative of Constantinople: see Francis Dvornik, The Idea ofApostolicity in Byzantium and the Legend
of the Apostle Andrew (Cambridge, 1958), pp. 138-146. He admitted the possibility,
however, that the legend of Constantinople's apostolic foundation may have circulated
"by word of mouth, and perhaps also in writing" well before the seventh century, since
"every condition necessary to its origin existed throughout Byzantium from the time
of Constantius at the latest" (ibid., p. 222).

BYJOSEPH D. ALCHERMES37

ties—Peter, the foundation of the faith, and Paul, the vessel of election—

where we held a spiritual assembly in their honor and heralded their
struggles, trophies, and victories.98

In his analysis of this text, Dvornik emphasized the apparently extraliturgical procession across the Bosphorus to the Church of Peter and
Paul and reduced the importance of Timothy and especially Andrew.
As Chrysostom noted, however, the initial supplicatory cortege of the
whole populace had as its goal the urban Church of the Holy Apostles
("the place of the apostles") which sheltered the relics of Andrew,
Luke, and Timothy.99 In the presiding bishop's words, the successful
ceremony of propitiation conducted at the Church of the Holy Apostles specifically invoked four martyrs, of whom two, Peter and Paul,
had just had their chief annual commemoration; both the eastern and
western churches celebrate the joint feast of these Roman saints on
June 29100 The prominence of Peter and Paul results from the date
on which the miraculous deliverance occurred, immediately after their
annual festival. The procession in Constantinople, rewarded by the
abatement of the storm, was followed immediately by the transfer of
the grateful crowd to a suburban basilica named for, and presumably
containing the relics of, the Roman martyrs; thanks must have already
"John Chrysostom, Homilía adversus eos qui ecclesia relicta ad circenses ludos et

ad theatra transfugerunt, !,Patrología Graeca, Vol LVI (Paris, 1862), col. 265 (cited
by Dvornik, op. cit., p. 142):

. . . ??et???a?, ?a? ttasa ?µ?? ? tt???? ?stte? ?e?µa???? em t??? t??ts?? t??
ap?st???? ?t?e?e, ?a? s????????? ??aµß???µe? t?? a???? ?et??? ?a? t?? µa??????
??d??a?, t?? ??????da t?? ap?st????, ?a???? ?a? ??µ??e??. ?et' e?e??a, t??
????? ???e?s??, ?a? p??a??? tte?asa?te?, ?a? ??µ?t?? ?atat??µ?sa?te?, Im t???
????fa????, et????µe?, t?? ?a???? t? s?e??? t?? e??????, tta??????? ?tpte????te?
?t?e?µat????, ?a? t??? ?????? a?t?? ??a????tt??te?, ta t??pa?a ?a? ta? ???a?

ta? ?at? t?? da?µ????.
99Of course, the remains of Luke were also part of the martyrological furnishings of
the fourth-century Apostoleion: for the historical sources, see most recently Mango,
op. cit., pp. 51-53, and his "Constantine's Mausoleum: Addendum," Byzantinische
Zeitschrift, 83 (1990), 434.
'°°For the Constantinopolitan observance of the feast of Peter and Paul, see John
Baldovin, The Urban Character ofChristian Worship (Rome, 1987), p. 195; Synaxarium
ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae. Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris, ed. Hippolyte Delehaye (Brussels, 1902), p. 720. For the trans-Bosphorus "pilgrimage," see

Jean Pargoire, "Les homélies de S. Jean Chrysostome en juillet 399," Échos d'Orient, 3

(1899-1900), 151-162.
Dvornik himself observed that perhaps Chrysostom's origins in Antioch, according
to tradition a city proselytized by Peter, encouraged in the patriarch a particular devotion to the prince of the apostles (Dvornik, op. cit., p. 143).

38 PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST. PETER'S

been offered at the relic-filled shrines of Andrew and Timothy in the
Constantinopolitan apostle-church.101
Chrysostom, therefore, attests Andrew's position ca. 400 as defender
of Constantinople on a par with the apostles Peter and Paul and Paul's
disciple Timothy. To a remarkable degree, literary and archaeological
testimony in the fifth- and early sixth-century West reveals widespread

devotion to Andrew and at the same time an awareness of his bond

with the eastern capital.102 In a poem composed five or six years after
Chrysostom's homily of 399, Paulinus of NoIa alluded to the saintly
protectors of Constantinople with sentiments strikingly reminiscent
of the patriarch's:
For when Constantine founded the city named for him

and first among Roman kings bore the name of Christian,
he made a divinely inspired decision: since at that time the construction
of his magnificent city had begun
and he was building walls that rivaled those of the city of Rome,
he resolved to follow the lead of Romulus' city with this gift as well
and readily resolved to make his city more secure with the bodies of
apostles.
At that time he carried Andrew away from the Greeks,
and Timothy from Asia. In this way with these twin towers looms Constantinople, rivaling the peak (caput) of great Rome—
or more correctly, resembling with this pinnacle the walls of Rome,
in that God has compensated Constantinople for Peter and Paul with equal
prestige, and Constantinople
has deservedly received the disciple of Paul together with the brother of
Peter.103

101The scant references to this church in an Asiatic suburb of Constantinople were
reviewed by Raymond Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique de Tempire byzantin, deuxième partie. Les églises et les monastères des grands centres byzantins (Paris, 1975),

pp. 36-37. Janin makes no reference to the passage from Chrysostom's homily of 399102Mango (Mausoleum, pp. 60-61) and Dvornik (ibid., pp. 149-153) enumerate
the principal western monuments in which Andrew was honored.
•"'Paulinus of NoIa, Carmen 19, lines 329-342 (ed. Hartel, pp. 129-130):
Nam Constantinus propra dum conderet urbem
330 nominis, et primus Romano in nomine regum
christicolam gereret, divinum mente recepit
consilium, ut quoniam Romae moenibus urbis
aemula magnificis strueret tunc moenia coeptis,
his quoque Romuleam sequeretur dotibus urbem,
335 ut sua apostolicis muniret moenia laetus
corporibus. tunc Andream devexit Achivis,
Timotheumque Asia; Geminis ita turribus exstat
Constantinopolis, magnae caput aemula Romae,

BY JOSEPH D. ALCHERMES39

Paulinus stressed, whether correctly or not, the initiative of the
emperor Constantine in removing from Greece to his new capital the
relics of Andrew.104 The emperor's motive, the poet added, was to

provide the new capital with a saintly shield that imitated and rivaled
Rome's, just as he had fortified the city named for him with walls that

emulated the defense of the city of Romulus.105 Constantinople, according to the poet, received divine compensation in the form of
martyrs' remains whose prestige (ambitio) was the equivalent of Peter's and Paul's. For Paulinus, a spirit of competition informed the
transferral of Andrew's and Timothy's remains to Constantinople; a

century and a half later, the fierce, at times bloody, competition with
Lawrence and his pro-Constantinople faction motivated the display by

Symmachus of a relic of Andrew, enshrined along with mementoes of
six or seven fellow martyrs in the refurbished rotunda ad sanctum
Petrum.106 Symmachus' primary goal in laying out this oratory was to
secure for his own veneration and use the relics of martyrs which in
a sense embodied the power of his opponents, the martyrs closely
identified with the bishoprics that did not support him against
Lawrence.107

verius hoc similis Romanis culmine mûris,

340 quod Petrum Paulumque pari Deus ambitione
compensavit ei, meruit quia sumere Pauli
discipulum, cum fratre Petri . . .

My translation of line 341 reads quia, listed as a variant in Hartel's appartus, in place
of the quae given in the text of his edition.

104In a postscript to his recent study of Constantine's tomb, Mango observed that

some recensions of the Alexandrian Chronicle report the translation of Andrew and
Luke in 336 rather than 357, the date furnished by most ancient authors and normally

accepted today (Mango, Addendum, p. 434). The earlier date would confirm Paulinus'

identification of Constantine as the imperial agent of the transfer.
""In view of Paulinus' repeated use of the word "aemula," which, like "emulous,"
combines notions of imitation and competition, I cannot accept Dvornik's claim that
"the transfer of the relics of St. Andrew to Constantinople was in no way regarded in

the West and in Rome as an act of rivalry with the old Imperial City" (ibid., p. 149).

Paulinus did not regard the transfer as a hostile measure, but he surely saw in it an act
of competition.
l06Dvornik acknowledged the growth in Rome of the veneration of Andrew during
the Acacian Schism but argued that the spread of devotion to this saint indicated that
"Westerners were not yet aware of any Byzantine attempt to overshadow or to equalize

the prestige of Peter with that of his brother ..." (ibid., pp. 153-154). Whatever the

intention of the authorities in the eastern capital, westerners like Paulinus clearly saw

an emulative impulse in Andrew's Constantinopolitan cult.
'07A special devotion to Andrew probably confirmed Symmachus' decision to honor
him as principal titular in the new chapel. Andrew's martyrdom, commemorated in
both Eastern and Western Christendom on November 30, was the first apostolic feast

40 PETRINE POLITICS: POPE SYMMACHUS AND THE ROTUNDA OF ST. ANDREW AT OLD ST PETER'S

The pope clearly had a specific political agenda when he gathered
Andrew and the saintly representatives of other sees hostile to Rome
and commemorated them in the rotunda next to St. Peter's. He wished

to emphasize that Peter's brother, and all the other bishops and martyrs
venerated in the new oratory, were subordinates of the chief apostle.
Peter was the greatest of all martyrs, and Symmachus, who controlled
Peter's shrine, was the legitimate pope, the successor to Peter and the
superior of all those bishops on whom, indirectly at least, Lawrence
the antipope's power rested. Symmachus had no choice but to concede
that he had been excluded by force from the Lateran, the traditional
seat of Rome's bishop. His ingenious solution was to make for himself
a new episcopal complex on the Vatican hill and to multiply its saintly
potential by marshaling martyred apostles, bishops, and other saints
in the struggle against his rival Lawrence. This strategy was in the long
run effective, since he and his followers finally prevailed. In 506, a
combination of political pressure and old age induced Lawrence to
give up his claims and retire to a country estate.108 At last the conflict
began to ease, slowly but definitively. Allied with Peter, Andrew,
Thomas, Apollinaris, and the rest of the sainted group, Symmachus
eventually won the contest for the bishopric of Rome, the most venerable and authoritative see in the ancient Christian world. When the

pope regained jurisdiction over the Lateran cathedral and palace,
the Vatican episcopia, no longer needed, were all but abandoned. The
martyr-shrines dedicated by the pope, on the other hand, were frequented for centuries after his death by the pilgrims that thronged to
Peter's tomb. Symmachus' oratories were the starting-point for a millennium and a half of further development which culminates in the
sanctoral array found at St. Peter's today, where the sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century basilica shelters about fifty altars used in venerating hundreds of saints' relics. Symmachus never imagined that his
piety and political maneuvering would ultimately bear such fruit.

at which the pope presided after his election late in November, 498. For the date of
the western commemoration, see Bibliotheca Sanctorum, Vol. I (Rome, 1961), col.
1097, s.v. Andrea, apostólo, santo.

"»Caspar, op. cit., p. 117; Richards, op. cit., p. 76.

CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA:

CARTUSIA NUNQUAM DEFORMATA,
REFORMAR! RESISTENS
BY

Dennis D. Martin*

At least since Hubert Jedin and Joseph Lortz,1 based on the work
of Joseph Greven and others,2 gave high marks to die Cardiusians for
their role during the Catholic Reformation, this most silent and leastknown of monastic orders has been the subject of occasional and
passing attention in literature on the Reformation era.3 Carthusian
studies specialists, aware that the cliché "Cartusia nunquam reformata,
quoniam nunquam deformata,"4 represents an ideal no human organization could ever live up to, have on occasion tilted in die opposite
direction, going out of their way to find instances of laxity within the
Order. The present study surveys what happened inside and outside
the Cardiusian Order during the sixteenth century. On balance, the
present writer can only conclude that the "nunquam deformata" label
was well deserved. Carthusians bowed to external political pressure
in regions that became Protestant, but, with few exceptions they submitted only under duress. In many instances their loyalty to the "old
*Mr. Martin is an assistant professor of theology in Loyola University Chicago. He
presented a shorter version of this article at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference
in October, 1992. A summary of its conclusions, minus the documentation found here,
will appear in the Encyclopedia of the Reformation, ed. Hans Hillerbrand (New York,
1995).
'Hubert Jedin, Geschichte des Konzils von Trient, Vol. 1 : Der Kampf um das Konzil
(Freiburg im Breisgau, 1 949), pp. 143—1 45; Joseph Lortz, TheReformation in Germany,
trans, from the 1949 German edition by Ronald Walls (London, 1968; New York, 1968),

esp. vol. 1, pp. 105-106 (where he incorrectly claims the Order had 230 houses on
the eve of the Reformation), 412; vol. 1, pp. 150—156.
zJoseph Greven, Die kölner Kartause und die Anfänge der katholischen Reform in
Deutschland, edited by Wilhelm Neuss ("Katholisches Leben und Kämpfen im Zeitalter
der Glaubensspaltung," Vol. 6 [Münster, 1935]).
'E.g., Erfurt: Robert W. Scribner, "Civic Unity and the Reformation in Erfurt," Past
and Present, No. 66 (1975), 29-60.
4For the supposed seventeenth-century origins of this phrase, see the summary by
Giovanni Leoncini, "Cartusia nunquam reformata: Spiritualità eremítica fra Trecento
e Quattrocento," Studi medievali, 29 (1988), 561-586, at 561, n. 1.
41

42CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

faith" was heroic. To be sure, they also produced some outstanding
individual "apostates." But these exceptions only confirm the rule.
I. The Carthusians in the Late Middle Ages

The Carthusian Order5 traces its origins to 1 082— 1 084,6 when Bruno

of Cologne,7 a cathedral canon and head of the schools at Reims, left
his prestigious positions in the wake of the Gregorian reform party's
failed efforts to eliminate ecclesiastical corruption in the diocese. He
and six companions eventually found themselves in the Alpine wilderness near Grenoble, where Bishop Hugh of Grenoble welcomed

them and helped them establish a monastery that became known as

the La Chartreuse (later the "Grande Chartreuse"). Their aim was to
live a very simple, primitive monastic life along the lines of that lived
by the Desert Fathers but retaining elements of the common life as it
had developed in western monasticism. They drew on the statutes of
the canons regular of St. Ruf near Avignon, the home community of
two of the seven companions, as well as the Rule of St. Benedict and
the writings of Jerome. To ensure that their strict regimen (one meal
a day from the Ides of September to Easter, with a strict fast on bread,
water, and salt three days a week throughout the year; no meat under
any circumstances whatsoever; refusal to receive lay guests of any sort
and limited hospitality even for monastic guests; weekly rather than
5A general introduction to modern Carthusian life is Robin Bruce Lockhart, Halfway

to Heaven (New York, 1985). No single-volume scholarly history of the Order exists;
among the best historical introductions are lexicon articles in Dizionario degli fstituti
di Perfezioni ("Certosine" and "Certosini") and Dictionnaire de Spiritualité ("Chartreux") or the first part of E. Margaret Thompson's book, The Carthusian Order in

England (London, 1930). For an exposition of Carthusian theology and spirituality in
the earliest generations, see Gordon Mursell, The Theology of the Carthusian Life in

the Writings ofSt. Bruno imrfGî«go/("AnalectaCartusiana," Vol. 127[Salzburg, 1988]).

A combination of scholarly and popular history is found in Die Kartäuser Orden der
schweigenden Mönche, ed. Marijan Zadnikar and Adam Wienand (Cologne, 1983). The
monograph series, "Analecta Cartusiana," published at Salzburg since the early 1970's,
has a wealth of information but offers no coherent overview [hereafter cited as "AC" ].
'The chronology of events surrounding Bruno's departure from Reims ca. 1082 and
his subsequent movements before settling at what became the Grande Chartreuse

cannot be reconstructed with complete precision. See Gerardo Posada, Der heilige

Bruno, Vater der Kartäuser, ein Sohn der Stadt Köln, trans. Hubertus Maria Blüm, with
contributions by Adam Wienand and Otto Beck (Cologne, 1987), pp. 72-75, 95-98.

7Not to be confused with Bruno, the Archbishop of Cologne, brother to Otto I, whom

he served as chancellor. He died in 965. His feast day is October 1 1 ; Bruno the Carthusian
(d. 1101) is honored on October 6.

BY DENNIS D. MARTIN43

daily conventional Masses) would not be relaxed, with Bishop Hugh's
assistance, they acquired a large tract of wilderness land as a "desert"

(eremus) with clearly established boundaries. More than a century of
episcopal and papal legislation prohibited the entry of lay people into
this preserve,8 and the Carthusians put severe restrictions on themselves to ensure that the members of the community would have no
reason to leave the bounds of the eremus.

When several newly founded primitivist monastic communities
asked the fifth head of the Chartreuse, Prior Guigo I (d. 1136), for a
¦written summary of its pattern of life, he wrote down what became
the Customs (Consuetudines Guigonis) of the Chartreuse. A centralized order emerged by the mid-twelfth century when several of
the monasteries that had requested written customs from Guigo formally placed themselves under the authority of a General Chapter,
with the prior of the Grande Chartreuse as their head. Individual
houses are known as charterhouses, an anglicized version of the Latin
Cartusia. They are headed by a prior, not an abbot.
Some of the original strictness and simplicity was slowly relaxed,
but in the later Middle Ages the Order as a whole became famous,
indeed notorious in some circles, for its success at retaining much of
its original rigor. Part of the explanation for this lies with the system
of visitations: the General Chapter named two priors in each province
as official visitors; each charterhouse was to be visited biennially. These
visitors were expected to examine thoroughly the spiritual, liturgical,
economic, and administrative health of the community and were given
real authority and power to mandate reforms, including the power to
depose unworthy priors.9
Late medieval Carthusians assembled in convent daily for Matins

and Lauds, a conventual Mass, and Vespers. Each choir monk recited
the other hours of the Office in his cell, which was a two-story cottage

with enclosed garden. Lay brothers brought meals to the individual
cells, except on Sundays and major feast days, when the community
gathered in the chapter house and refectory. Communities were small,
"The texts have been collected by Bernard Bligny (ed.), Recueil des plus anciens
actes de la Grande Chartreuse (1086-1196) (Grenoble, 1958).
'Heinrich Rüthing has written a fine study of how this system worked in his article
"Die Wächter Israels: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Visitationen im Kartäuserorden,"
in Zadnikar and Wienand (eds.), Die Kartäuser, pp. 169—183. Visitation protocols were
to be destroyed after serving their purpose; hence few have survived. Friedrich Stöhlker
discovered a trove of such late medieval reports but they remain inaccessible to other
scholars.

44CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

consisting normally of thirteen or twenty-five choir monks, and approximately as many lay brethren under permanent vows or other lay
members under temporary vows.
The Carthusian Order grew very slowly at first.10 Rapid expansion

began in the late thirteenth century and reached its peak during the

fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.11 On the eve of the Reformation

approximately 200 charterhouses were found across Europe,12 divided

into eighteen provinces.13 The late medieval foundations have been

described as marking a shift from isolated rural valleys to the environs
of major cities.14 However, despite the increase in urban and suburban
houses, rural charterhouses continued to predominate in the Order

throughout the period after 1350. Moreover, no major change in patronage took place—even the new suburban and urban foundations

were made primarily by rural and urban nobles and territorial princes
after a flurry of episcopal patronage, ca. 1250—1350. The most important shift in patronage between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries was from local, lower, nobles to higher nobles, royalty, and
territorial princes.15
Because of its reputation for discipline and rigor the Carthusian
'"Good surveys, with maps and charts, are found in various encyclopedias and atlases.

A concise overview with references to the wide-ranging publications in the series
"Analecta Carrusiana" is found in James Hogg, "Die Ausbreitung der Kartäuser," in Die

Ausbreitung der Kartäuser I La Chartreuse de Lugny 1172-1789, by James Hogg and
Leon Landel (AC, Vol. 89 [Salzburg, 1987]), pp. 5-26. A more detailed overview is
found in Heinrich Rüthing, Der Kartäuser Heinrich Egher von Kaikar, 1328—1408
("Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte," Vol. 18 / "Studien zur

Germania Sacra," Vol. 8 [Göttingen, 1967]), pp. 9-50.
"Foundations: twelfth century: 36; thirteenth century: 33; fourteenth century: 105;
fifteenth century: 45; sixteenth century: 18; seventeenth century: 21; eighteenth cen-

tury: 0.
12In the literature, statistics vary, since one scholar may treat instances where one
house is transferred or combined with another as a single house, while another scholar

may consider these separate foundations. Hogg, "Ausbreitung," p. 8, gives the number
as 1 96. A list is found in the 1510 Amerbach edition of the Statuta ordinis cartusiensis,
reprinted by Hogg as The Evolution of the Carthusian Statutesfrom the Consuetudines

Guigonis to the Tertia Compilatio (AC, Vol. 99.1-4 [Salzburg, 1989]).

"For the dates of the various provinces, see Hogg, "Ausbreitung," pp. 10—11.
'"•Heinrich Rüthing, "Zur Geschichte der Kartausen in der Ordensprovinz Alemannia
inferior von 1320 bis 1400," in Zadnikar and Wienand (cas), Die Kartäuser, pp. 139-

167 [ = chapter one of Rüthing, Der Kartäuser Heinrich Egher],
"Tables providing a Statistical analysis of late medieval foundations as summarized

above, are found in " "The Honeymoon Was Over': Carthusians between Aristocracy
and Bourgeoisie," in Die Kartäuser and ihre Welt—Kontakte und gegenseitige Ein-

flüsse, Vol. 1 (AC, Vol. 62.1 [Salzburg, 1993]), pp. 66-99.

BY DENNIS D. MARTIN45

Order attracted wealthy patrons. The General Chapter was cautious
about establishing new houses, insisting on clear evidence of sufficient
endowment and adequate planning before accepting a new foundation.
In general, houses of the Order thus found themselves in good financial
shape during the late Middle Ages.
During the late Middle Ages a "Copernican Shift" is said to have
taken place in the Order.16 In or near such cities as Nuremberg, Cologne, Freiburg, Basel, Strassburg, and Paris, Carthusians carried on
correspondence with leading humanists and lent books to printers
and scholars.17 Charterhouses in Italian cities and near Dijon in France
became tourist attractions because of their rich art and architectural

ornamentation.18 The patriarch of Venice in 1504 was a Carthusian.
The urban surroundings of the London Charterhouse forced the community to tolerate the reception of lay visitors, including women.19

The conventional assumption that outstanding discipline and spiritual fervor typified late medieval Carthusian communities has been
challenged by Friedrich Stöhlker, who argues that at least the German
charterhouses could not have been in such fine shape or they would
not have been so easily toppled by the Protestant Reformation, particularly in northern and eastern German lands.20 Although Stöhlker's
foils, Jedin and Lortz, undoubtedly exaggerated and lacked little firsthand knowledge of the history of individual charterhouses during this
¦The term was coined by Hubert Jedin, op. cit. ,p. 115. See also Dieter Mertens,
Iacobus Carthusiensis: Untersuchungen zur Rezeption der Werke des KartäusersJakob
von Paradies ("Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte," Vol. 50 /
Studien zur Germania Sacra, Vol. 13 [Göttingen, 1976]).
''Literature on these houses is cited in Dennis D. Martin, Fifteenth-Century Carthusian Reform: The World of Nicholas Kempf ("Studies in the History of Christian

Thought," Vol. 49 [Leiden, 1992]), pp. 230-239. Die Kölner Kartause um 1500, Auf-

satzband which accompanies the catalogue of a 1991 exhibition under the same title

(Cologne, 1991), contains important new research showing how thoroughly the Co-

logne Charterhouse was integrated into urban society.
l8See Leoncini, op. cit., with references to his extensive studies in the AC series.
Something similar happened at Basel, where Hieronymus Zscheckenbürlin built an

extravagant monument to himself in the form of a chapter house, which is known as

the "Zscheckenbürlin House" to this day. See Rudolf Wackernagel, Geschichte der Stadt

Basel (Basel, 1907; repr. 1968), Vol. 2, pp. 846-847, and Vol. 3, p. 270.

"Thompson, op. cit., p. 178.
20Stöhlker, "Die Bedeutung der Reichskartause Buxheim für den Kartäuserorden in

Deutschland, Österreich, und in der Schweiz im Zeitalter der Gegenreformation (ca.
1548-1610)," in Die Kartäuser und die Reformation, Internationaler Kongreß vom

24. bis 27. August 1983 (AC, Vol. 108.1 [Salzburg, 1984]), Vol. 1, pp. 25-65, at 26
[hereafter Kartäuser und Reformation}.

46CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

period, Stöhlker himself is too eager to debunk the "myth of nunquam
deformata." Countering the few instances of laxity he cites (Eppen-

burg near Kassel, Crimmitschau, Grünau, Nuremberg), are the heroic

stories of London, Roermond, Basel, and others (see below). Gerhard
Jaritz strikes a more calm and reasoned tone in a description of the
Lower Austrian charterhouses during the sixteenth century. Likewise,
Gerald Chaix, examining the vicissitudes of charterhouses in Frenchlanguage regions during the Wars of Religion, concludes that, despite
the absence of detailed comparisons with other orders, the tentative
conclusion that the Carthusians bore up under die test remarkably
well is warranted.21

We turn now to the events of the sixteenth century.
II. The Carthusians and the Protestant Reformation

Of the approximately 200 charterhouses existing on the eve of the
Protestant Reformation, forty-four ceased to exist during the sixteenth
century. Of these, thirty-eight were lost as a direct result of the
Protestant Reformation. The six other houses disappeared from a combination of religious change and political instability, including the

Turkish advance on the Habsburg frontier (see the Table, below). One

is struck immediately by the fact that all the French charterhouses
survived, despite numerous instances of sacking during the Wars of
Religion, whereas the two houses located in Protestant Canton Vaud
of French-speaking Switzerland and one in neighboring Savoy were
eliminated. Similarly, although nearly all the Flemish houses were
sacked, only those in the northern Netherlands disappeared as institutions. The major areas of loss were England (100 percent), the
northern Netherlands, and Northern Germany (for convenience we
have included here Silesia and the Szepes region).22 During the first
21Jaritz, "Das religiöse Leben in den niederländischen Kartausen im Zeitalter der

Reformation," in Kartäuser und Reformation, pp. 66-91;Chaix, "Les Chartreuses françaises et la Réforme," ibid, pp. 203—214; cf. Chaix, "Contributions cartusiennes aux
débuts de la réforme Catholique dans les pays de langue française ( 1 560— 1 620 )," Revue
d'histoirede ¡Eglise de France, 75 [= no. 194] (1989), 115-123.
22Of the two houses in the Szepes region (Lechnitz, Lethenkow), only one was lost
because of Protestantism (Lethenkow), although the territory in general became Protestant. See Jozsef Török, "Les chartreuses Hongroises: Réalités spirituelles et culturelles,"

in Bernard Bligny and Gérald Chaix (eds.), La Naissance des chartreuses, Actes du VIe

BY DENNIS D. MARTIN47

half of the century the major losses came in northern Germany and

England, with secondary losses in southern Germany and French Switz-

erland. During the second half, the northern Netherlands were hardest

hit, with significant losses again in northern Germany and on the edges
of the southern and eastern Habsburg dominions.23 Clearly the politicoreligious outcome in a given region or city was determinative. One

sees this, for instance, in the urban-suburban houses in major German

cities: Nuremberg, Basel, Strassburg24 were lost; Mainz, Cologne, Freiburg, Würzburg—in Catholic areas—survived. A partial exception to

this pattern was the charterhouse at Erfurt, which survived despite

severe losses in property and personnel, although it survived largely
because the Erfurt city council tried to steer a biconfessional course
for a number of years.25 The single south German rural loss was Güterstein in the emergent territorial state of Württemberg. Houses in
rural Franconia and Bavarian-Swabia survived.

In short, except for the Habsburg border areas, no charterhouses
in Catholic territories were lost. Something of the resilient strength

of the Carthusians is indicated by the fact that French, Belgian, and

various German charterhouses survived repeated pillages during the
Wars of Religion, the Peasants' War of 1 525, and the Thirty Years' War

(Limbach, Astheim), while several rural German houses managed to

survive even though their noble founders and patrons became Lutherans. These were located outside of consolidated territorial lord-

ships or cities (Grünau, Buxheim). Only in the consolidated territories
colloque international d'histoire et de spiritualité cartusiennes, Grenoble, 12-15 septembre 1984 (Grenoble, 1986), pp. 311-324.
25TwO Lower Styrian houses were closed in the second half of the century by Catholic
authorities (with their endowments given to Jesuits in Graz and Laibach [Ljubljana]).
Ostensibly the reason for their demise was the Turkish threat, which had played a role

in declining recruitment and incomes. But church politics also were involved. The
Order managed to retain two of the four Lower Styrian houses, whose holdings were

also eagerly sought by other Catholic institutions. A similar situation obtained in Lower

Austria: in 1 596 the Bishop of Vienna coveted in vain Mauerbach's holdings for his
own, poorly endowed, diocese. See Jaritz, "Das religiöse Leben," pp. 82-83. The Hun-

garian losses (Varoslöd [Löwöld/Leweld] and Tarkan) were more directly the result of
the Turkish advance. Zierikzee in the Netherlands was dissolved for non-Reformation
reasons.

24The Strassburg house survived under great pressure until 1592, when its members
took refuge with the Jesuits at Molsheim, where they eventually re-established themselves. Unlike the Basel or Nuremberg charterhouses, they were indemnified for their
losses by the city of Strassburg.
25See Scribner, "Civic Unity."

48CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

and towns of Germany, Switzerland, England, and the Netherlands was
there no room for Carthusian survival.26 A brief survey of the major
regions may be helpful.
In France and French-speaking regions bordering the kingdom of

France, Gerald Chaix counts sixty-four houses in 1525, nearly one-

third of all the houses in the Order. Of these, based on Chaix's sum-

maries,27 forty-four were attacked at some point during the sixteentii
century. The Carthusian provinces of Picardy and Aquitaine in the
northwest and southwest were hardest hit (100 percent). Eighty-five
percent of the houses in the Carthusian province of Provence (southeast) were attacked. Four of eleven houses in the province of Char-

treuse (Dauphiné and Savoy) were sacked, including the Grande

Chartreuse itself. In the central French Carthusian provinces of the
Loire and Seine, 70 percent were struck. The least affected was the
Carthusian province of Burgundy (imperial Burgundy, 10 percent).
Apostates were relatively few: Chaix lists three priors (at Castres,
Villeneuve, Bonpas) during the sixteenth century.28

In the Low Countries, Jan de Grauwe's survey29 distinguishes two
waves of destruction: the iconoclastic riots of August-October, 1 566,
and the campaigns of William of Orange, 1578—1585. All the charterhouses in the Northern provinces were eliminated, except Roermond, which survived after an utterly savage attack by the Prince of
Orange's troops only because the town was reoccupied by Spanish
troops.30
26On urban society and the fate of monastic corporations during the sixteenth century,
see Kaspar von Greyerz, "Stadt und Reformation: Stand und Aufgaben der Forschung,"

ArchivfürReformationsgeschichte, 76 (1985), 6-63; Rhiman A. Rotz, " 'Social Struggle'

or the Price of Power? German Urban Uprisings in the Late Middle Ages," ibid , pp. 6495; Jürgen Sydow (ed.), Bürgerschaft und Kirche ("Stadt in der Geschichte," Vol. 17
[Sigmaringen, 1980]).
2'Chaix, "Chartreuses françaises," pp. 204-206.
2t>Ibid, p. 210.
29"L'histoire événementielle de la Réforme dans les chartreuses flamandes," in Kartäuser und Reformation, pp. 192-201.
"Eight of sixteen choir monks and three of eight lay brethren were killed, several
after extended torture—the soldiers grabbed a lay brother, Stephan of Roermond, and
threw him to the ground "like a prostrate pig," castrated him, eviscerated him, stuffed
his testicles in his mouth, and called the surrounding women to observe this "beautiful
and charming spectacle," crying out, "Do you know this monk well?" H. J. J. Scholtens,
"Het Roermondsche Kartuizer-convent in de zestiende eeuw," Publications de la So-

ciété historique et archéologique dans le Limbourg, 76 ( 1940), 91-121, at 104-109,
based on the Latin account by Arnold Havensius, a Carthusian of Ghent, translated into

Dutch by Michael Uwens (d. 1674 or 1675), published in 1649 at Roermund, Historie

BY DENNIS D. MARTIN49

The Carthusian communities in modern-day Belgium survived,
mostly by taking refuge, often permanently, inside nearby cities. Individual monks also fled to German charterhouses. Grauwe could find

only seven donati (lay associates under temporary commitments),
two or three choir monks, and one prior (Bruges) who defected.31
In Southern Germany and German Switzerland we find the only
example of an entire convent turning Protestant: at Nuremberg.32 At
Güterstein in Württemberg the prior and two monks became Lutheran,
but the Carthusian Chapter General tried to rectify the situation, until
Duke Ulrich of Württemberg intervened and suppressed the house in
1534.-«

The story in Basel is particularly striking: after the prior, Hieronymus
Zscheckenbürlin fled to Freiburg under rumors of impending imprisonment, the community valiantly stood its ground under the leadership of the vicar, Nicholas Müller (Molitoris). Only one monk and one
lay brother gave in to the city council's wheedling efforts to empty
the monastery, efforts that were largely successful in the city's other
convents.34 Despite an iconoclastic riot, despite being held under
house arrest and subjected to all manner of ridicule, despite confiscation of their properties, they managed to survive until the last monk

died in 1 564. The apostate monk, who continued to function as pro-

curator (business manager) under city council order and at Carthusian
expense, having set up housekeeping with his fourteen-year-old wife
in the prior's empty dwelling, went out of his way to mock his former

van twelf martelaers der Carthuyser ordre, . . .). Severus, a visiting monk from the
charterhouse of Koblenz, was stripped naked and scalded with boiling water in the
kitchen. Most of die murders occurred in the monastery church.
""L'histoire événementielle," p. 201.
"Heinrich Heerwagen, "Die Kartause in Nürnberg, 1380—1525," Mitteilungen des
Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 15 (1902), 88-132. The prior chosen in
1524, Blasius Stöckl, wanted his brethren to give up "den Sack darin sie bisher ihre
guten Werke cumuliert und nach Ellen verkauft oder unserm Herrgott geschenkt."
Initially the rest of the community did not share his opinion. Stöckl was deposed by
visitors in December of 1524; but he barricaded himself behind the city's Schutzherrschaft over the monastery as established in the foundation documents. The city
council forced the Order to hand over the charterhouse to the city in 1525, and twelve
of thirteen monks married.

33See James Hogg, "Gueterstein," Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, Vol. 22 (1988), cols. 735-737.
54On the Reformation in Basel, see the convenient summary of the decisive year
1529, by Paul Roth, Durchbruch und Festsetzung der Reformation in Basel ("Basler
Beiträge zur Geschichtswissenschaft," Vol. 8 [Basel, 1942]), with references to Roth's
other publications in this area.

50CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

brethren, taunting them with the delights of Protestant matrimony in
the form of his wife's naked breasts. When the monks complained to
the city council, they were told to shut up, since everyone knew that
all monks secretly lusted for exactly what the procurator had provided

them. This burlesque went on until the procurator and his friend, the
Leutpriester from a neighboring parish, fell to quarreling over the poor

girl's favors. Tired of it all, she smacked her husband in the face with
a bunch of keys, and the resulting black eye, evidence to the Carthusians of the true joys of Protestant matrimony, embarrassed the council
into ordering an end to the domestic farce in die prior's cell.35 Although
the Carthusians offered to give up their property if they were permitted
to remain Catholic, the council insisted on conversion to Protestant-

ism. The Carthusians persisted—all of them died as Catholics.

Elsewhere in German Switzerland, Thorberg in Canton Bern was
suppressed by the city after having come under Bern's protection
when Thorberg was attacked by Lucerne in the wake of the Swiss-

Burgundian war of the late fifteenth century.36 At Ittingen, despite the
notorious sack of 1524 and several apostasies, the monastery survived
until the Liberal State of the nineteenth century eliminated it.
Southern German houses, however, did furnish some of the more

dramatic cases of individual apostates. Perhaps the most significant
was Otto Brunfels, an associate of the multi-talented Gregor Reisch at

Freiburg. Brunfels left the Freiburg charterhouse to become a Prot-

estant pamphleteer.37 A similar case took place at Eisenach in 152338
Georg Koberer, prior of the charterhouse Engelgarten at Würzburg,
1521—1525, took up contact with Lutheran leaders and filled his Ii"[Nicolaus Molitoris], Aufzeichnungen eines Basler Karthäusers aus der Reformationszeit, 1522-1532, in Wilhelm Vischer and Alfred Stern (eds.), with assistance from

Moriz Heyne, Basler Chroniken, published by the Historische Gesellschaft in Basel
(Leipzig, 1872), Vol. 1, pp. 439-490, at 462-464. For additional details and literature
on the socio-political context, see Martin, " "The Honeymoon Was Over.' "

^Christoph Nicklès, Thorberg 1397—1538: L'ancienne chartreuse de Berne (Fribourg, Switzerland, 1894); Hans von Greyerz, Studien zur Kulturgeschichte der Stadt

Bern am Ende des Mittelalters ("Archiv des historischen Vereins des Kantons Bern,"

Vol. 35 [Bern, 1940]), pp. 322-346, 459-465, 474-477.

37See Brunfels, "Vom Pfaffenzehnten," in Adolf Laube and Hans Werner Seiffert (eds.),

Flugschriften der Bauernkriegszeit (Berlin, 1975), pp. 158-177. Brunfels completely
rejects the concept of monastic leisure, e.g., in par. 129, p. 176: monks are no longer
useful (as if they ever were, in any bourgeois sense); monasteries are full of useless

people. See par. 133-134, p. 176.

'"Stöhlker, "Buxheim," p. 28; E. G. Franz, "Die hessischen Klöster und ihre Konvent

in der Reformation," in Hessisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte, 19 (1969), 147—
233.

BY DENNIS D MARTIN5 1

brary with Protestant books. When, in 1524, the General Chapter,

through its visitors, deposed prior Blasius Stöckl of Nuremberg for his

Lutheran tendencies, they had the misfortune to replace him with
Koberer (perhaps to placate the Nuremberg City Council, which refused to recognize the General Chapter's authority to depose Stöckl).
By April the City Council was asking the General Chapter to permit
Koberer, who had temporarily returned to Würzburg, to remain as
prior in Nuremberg, and tried to force him on the Poor Clares as

confessor. Under Koberer, the traditionalist Catholic party in the Nu-

remberg charterhouse shrank to a minority. On June 14, 1525, he
handed over the Nuremberg Charterhouse to the City Council and
asked the council to put its property and income in the community
chest. Koberer became a favorite theological counselor of Andreas
Osiander, Wenzeslas Linck, and others and served as a theological
peritus for the Nuremberg City Council in the controversy over aural,
private confession in 1533-39
In Northern Germany houses were lost at Frankfurt on the Oder;
Rügenwald; Crimmitschau near Zwickau in Saxony (purchased by Lu-

ther's father-in-law, Johann von Bora, 1548-1560), Eppenburg near

Kassel, Hildesheim in Lower Saxony (where all the monks remained

Catholic, despite repeated plunderings and intense harassment40);
Schivelbein in West Pomerania (which came under Mark-Brandenburg
control in 1536); Konradsburg near Aschersleben, south of Magdeburg; and Rostock (after stubborn resistance). In many instances,
representatives of the Order undertook legal action to regain its properties, but they were unsuccessful in each case.

In Lower Austria, although the nobility largely became Protestant
and Lutheran ideas penetrated the charterhouse, relatively few defections occurred among the Carthusians. Three monks left the Charterhouse of Gaming, presumably as Protestants, at mid-century; on the

other hand, the severe financial and personnel losses41 only inspired

"Alfred Wendehorst, "Der Kartäuser Georg Koberer: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der
Reformation in Würzburg und Nürnberg," in Ecclesia Militans: Studien zur Konzilienund Reformationsgeschichte Remigius Bäumer zum 70. Geburtstag gewidmet (Pad-

erborn, 1988), Vol. 2, pp. 395-406.

40GrUyS, op. cit., II, 300; Zadnikar and Wienand (eds.), Kartäuser, p. 307.
4'Jaritz quotes at length from the oft-quoted letter of Prior Paul II to Emperor Ferdinand I in 1535, explaining that he cannot come up with the 1500 Gulden Türkensteuer. The Turkish depredations in Lower Austria in 1528 and 1532 had devastated

300 of Gaming's peasant holdings; the monastery had incurred great expenses building
fortifications that saved it during the Turkish siege of 1532 and had contributed considerably to the defense of Vienna in 1529; its granges at Nussdorf, Kritzendorf, Baden,

52CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

Prior Paul II of Gaming (1532-1541) to attempt, unsuccessfully, as

it turned out, to erect a house of studies designed to encourage new
postulants. All three Lower Austrian houses, despite depleted personnel, furnished leaders for charterhouses elsewhere or were designated
by the territorial princes to assist houses of other orders. They contributed to Catholic reform in a variety of other ways. After 1600 the

situation gradually improved and recruitment increased markedly.42

The fate of the four Lower Styrian houses has been discussed above
(note 23). Schnals in South Tyrol survived until the Josephine reforms
of the eighteenth century.

The London Carthusians resisted the Act of Supremacy at the cost

of either being hanged and quartered or slowly starved to death (without trial).43 The Stuart foundation at Perth in Scotland did not survive
the abdication of Mary Stuart in 1 567.

Italian charterhouses had much less to fear from Protestantism, but

especially those houses built just outside city walls had much to fear
from the military campaigns that ravaged the peninsula: e.g., the charterhouse at Padua was ordered razed in 1 509 so that it could no longer

aid besieging armies; the monks took refuge on one of their farms and
finally established a new house in a neighboring town in 1564. Al-

though Pontignano near Siena was ravaged by the imperial armies in
1559, it survived until 1785. The artistically celebrated major urbansuburban houses (e.g., Pavia, Bologna, Venice) survived during the

sixteenth century but Belriguardo, Maggiano, Pontignano (all near
Siena), Padua, Parma, and others suffered in wars.44 Pavia's properties,
but not the monastery itself, suffered in the battle of Pavia (1525). In
the seventeenth century it was the turn of houses in the upper Po
River watershed: Banda-Avigliana (which had been moved from Monte
Benedetto to Banda in 1498 to escape Waldensian threats) was razed

and elsewhere were destroyed; the monastery annually gave 3,000 people a loaf of
bread, a measure of wine, and a silver penny; because the king had failed to hold the
customary alms in Krems, Gaming was giving fifty to sixty people who came every day

to the monastery a loaf of bread. See "Das religiöse Leben," pp. 68-70.
"Ibid, pp. 86-88.
«David Knowles, TheReligious Orders in England (3 vols.; Cambridge, 1948-1959),
III, 222-240, esp. 230-236, repeated in Bare Ruined Choirs: The Dissolution of the
English Monasteries (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 104-120; Thompson, op. cit., 371-479,
with documents.

"Leoncini, op. cit., p. 579, notes that the General Chapter tried to discourage the
founder of the Florence Charterhouse, Niccoló Acciaioli, from building his own fortified

palace near the charterhouse, fearing that someday it might attract unwanted and violent
attention.

BY DENNIS D. MARTIN53

in 1630 during the War of the Succession of Mantua, with the Carthusians eventually being re-established inside Turin. Other Piedmontese houses attacked included Val de Pezio and Montbracco.

Additional examples of suburban foundations that suffered under
siege warfare include Liège, Rouen, Antwerp, Trier, and Parma. Under
these conditions, the predilection for suburban locations, in which a
modicum of the traditional Carthusian "desert" could be preserved
while yet locating near the late medieval centers of patronage, disappeared. Nearly all the newly founded sixteenth- and seventeenthcentury French and Belgian houses were located inside city walls.
In Spain, no charterhouses were lost, apart from an abortive foundation of only eight years' duration at Ara Coeli.
Was the violence against Cardiusians any more severe than violence
against other institutions? Gerald Chaix identified three motivations

for violence against French charterhouses.45 Two of the three would
seem to apply generally to other regions as well: ( 1 ) desire for material

plunder or, in some instances, the desire to destroy landholding records; (2) a power struggle over criminal jurisdiction (Liget in France;
not so widely applicable, since few charterhouses held the higher, or
criminal, jurisdiction); (3) a desire to violate the sacral, religious symbolism embodied by the Carthusians. Of the three, the third may well
have been the most significant at the time, even though modern scholars are not much impressed by violence against sacred objects.46 Repeatedly Carthusians resisted efforts to force them to hear Protestant
preaching or to abandon the celebration of the Catholic eucharist.47
"""Chartreuses françaises," pp. 207—208.
46Natalie Zemon Davis, "The Rites of Violence," in Davis, Society and Culture in

EarlyModem France (Stanford, 1975), pp. 152-187, concludes that the preponderance
of violence should be charged to the Cadiolic side, although, concerned only with
crowd violence, she excludes attacks by soldiers and effectively devalues the significance
of Protestant violence against sacred objects and space. From a modern perspective
this is perfectly understandable, indeed, defensible. From a sixteenth-century perspective, however, in which people created in the image of God inhabited a sacral universe,
to privilege one over the other is problematic. Cf. Robert M. Kingdon, Myths about

the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacres, 1572-1576 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1988),

pp. 37-41; Barbara Diefendorf, Beneath the Cross: Catholics and Huguenots in Sixteenth-Century Paris (New York, 1991 ), and Denis Crouzet, Les Guerriers de Dieu- La
Violence au temps des troubles de religion, vers 1525— vers 1610 (2 vols.; Paris, 1990),
for the most recent literature on the subject.
47One example is at Oujon in the Swiss Canton Vaud: when forbidden by the Bernese,
who had asserted control over the area, to celebrate Mass, the community gave up its

property rather than convert. The same issue was the sticking point at Basel and numerous other charterhouses.

54CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

Soldiers and mobs went out of their way to profane Carthusian
churches: at Castres the wives of the Huguenot leaders relieved themselves in the church.48 Repeatedly monks were stripped of their cowls,
which had become a main symbol, both positively and negatively,
of the monastic life.49 Elsewhere Carthusians monks were forcibly
stripped and displayed to onlookers, especially women.50 Incidents of
castration, not uncommon in the religious violence of the Wars of
Religion, like the one at Roermond cited above, occurred at Bonnefoy,
south of LePuy, near Béage, where the vicar (second in authority to
the prior) was castrated for having refused to eat meat. Two Carthusians died at the hands of Turkish or Tatar invaders. In all, more than

fifty Carthusians died for their faith.

Professor Chaix does not think the Carthusians were the object of

specific forms of violence or were singled out more than other religious orders.51 As he has pointed out, in the absence of careful comparative studies, one cannot be sure on this point. The present writer
suggests that the very mysteriousness of the hidden Carthusian life,52
which contributed to a high degree of discipline and hence to the
Carthusian image in the late Middle Ages as a stellar representative of
monasticism, may have contributed to the level of ritual violence and
violation performed against them. Precisely because they so silently
symbolized monasticism, their "obstinate silence"53 in the face of torment may have infuriated their enemies all the more.
Finally, we have noted repeatedly the General Chapter's interven48Chaix, "Chartreuses françaises," p. 208; the entire story of the assault on the charterhouse located at Saix, near Castres, a Huguenot stronghold, is told in graphic detail
in Abbé Auriol, "La destruction de la chartreuse de Castres par les huguenots en 1 567,"
Bulletin de la Société archéologique du Midi de la France (Toulouse), 11 (1898),

132—141; cf. Robert F. Kingdon, Geneva and the Corning of the Wars ofReligion in
France, 1555-1563 ("Travaux d'humanisme et renaissance," 22 [Geneva, 1956]), pp.
57-58.

49At Basel the attempt to persuade the monks to strip diemselves of their cowls was
a recurring theme during the long "negotiations" between city council and monastery.
See Martin, " 'Honeymoon,' " and Basler Chroniken, e.g., pp. 461—462, 473-476.
,0Chaix cites examples at Bonnefoy and La Verne.
sHbid

,2Georg Carpentarius tells us how, in Basel, people's heads turned on the rare and
"almost marvelous" occasions when Prior Heinrich Arnoldi was sighted on the streets
of Basel: "There goes the Carthusian Pater" they whispered. Georg Carpentarius, Con-

tinuatio chronicorum Carthusiae in Basilea minori, auctore fratre Georgio Carpen-

tarii de Brugg eiusdem domus monacho professe, 1480—1526, in Vischer and Stern
(eds.), Basler Chroniken, Vol. 1, pp. 320-356, at ch. 1, p. 324.
"Chaix, "Chartreuses françaises," pp. 209—210.

BY DENNIS D. MARTIN55

tion—at Nuremberg, Güterstein—in many of the North German
houses. It would be more accurate, perhaps, to refer to intervention

by the Prior of the Grande Chartreuse, for, between annual meetings

of the General Chapter (which consisted of the priors of all individual
houses plus the choir monks of the Grande Chartreuse),54 the actual
administration of the Order was in the hands of the Prior of the Grande

Chartreuse, assisted to some limited degree by a council of difflnitores
composed of several priors of individual houses and selected monks
of the Grande Chartreuse. Since the composition of the council of
difflnitores changed frequently, whereas the prior of the Grande Char-

treuse remained in office for life, the head of the Order was clearly
the key to its administration.

Intervention by the Order typically involved employing whatever
legal remedies were available and was usually undertaken from the
nearest surviving charterhouse. In the case of Basel, the prior fled to
the Freiburg charterhouse (under Habsburg rule), from which location
he took up contact with the Grande Chartreuse and negotiated with

the Basel City Council. Where entire regions were lost in relatively
short order, e.g., Northern Germany, the Order could only plaintively

seek redress by sending a representative from greater distance, after
the dissolution was an accomplished fact.

Most commonly, however, it was the prior of a nearby charterhouse
who was delegated to do what he could. We see this in action at La
Lance, a house in French Switzerland near the town of Concise on
Lake Neuchâtel. It suffered harassment at the hands of the Bernese

and Fribourgeois after Bernese Protestants gained control in Concise
in 1528,55 leading ultimately to the expulsion of the community (the
prior, four monks, and one lay brother) in 1538. The prior fled to
Savoy, where he headed another charterhouse until his death in 1542

or 1543. Meanwhile, the General Chapter named the former procur-

ator of La Lance to head La Lance in exile and to attempt to recover
,4On the General Chapter, see Léo Moulin, "L'Assemblée, autorité souveraine dans

l'Ordre des Chartreux," Res publica, 12 (Brussels, 1970), 7-75.
"In 1536 the prior was put under house arrest in his cell for three days by officials

from Bern and Fribourg, then carried off to the Castle of Grandson for seven weeks,
where he was threatened with torture in what proved to be a successful effort to force

him to reveal where the monastery's charters and documents were hidden. The city
officials broke up an altar, took the liturgical furnishings and vessels and keys in an
unsuccessful effort to prevent the community from celebrating Mass (they continued
to celebrate in secret). For the rest of the details, see Albert-M. Coutray, O.Carth., "Trois
documents inédits sur la suppression de la chartreuse de La Lance," Revue d'Histoire
Ecclésiastique Suisse (1912), pp. 277-290.

56CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

its goods, operating from his temporary refuge at the charterhouse of

Aillon in Savoy. In 1541, the Order deputed the prior of the chart-

erhouse of Part Dieu, near Bulle, south of Fribourg, to assist. An expense account statement from the latter survives. It includes expenses
incurred in travel to the Grande Chartreuse to report on the situation,
as well as expenses for messengers and aid to the new prior of La
Lance at Aillon.56

III. Carthusians in the Catholic Reformation

A. Germany
Carthusians played a central role in the Catholic Reformation in
Germany, with Cologne as their initial center57 and Buxheim58 near
Memmingen as a later and secondary rallying point. In many ways
Cologne took over the leading role played during the late fifteenth
and very early sixteenth century by the upper Rhenish houses at
Freiburg, Strassburg, and Basel. Cologne and Buxheim were connected
by the person of Dirk Loher, a product of St. Barbara's Charterhouse
in Cologne and the activist Catholic reform leader at Buxheim and

throughout Germany. As prior at Buxheim, 1543—1554, Loher tem-

porarily took over as prior at several south German houses that had
fallen on hard times and negotiated with the Emperor to save Buxheim
from the city of Memmingen, which had formerly held criminal jurisdiction and advocate's rights over the monastery. The resulting
"imperial Charterhouse" enjoyed a constitutional situation unique
among charterhouses. Loher also gained partial indemnity for the
Württemberg house of Güterstein from Duke Ulrich, helped the Erfurt
house survive, but failed to salvage Grünau (which was revived as a
Carthusian house only in 1629) or Christgarten near Nördlingen,
seized by the Counts of Oettingen in 1557.59
^Coutray, op. cit., p. 283.
"Gerald Chaix, Réforme et Contre-Réforme Catholique: Recherches sur la Chartreuse

de Cologne au XVIe siècle (AC, Vol. 80 [3 vols.; Salzburg, 1981]) [cited as Chaix,

Réforme}; Greven, Kölner Kartause.
«Friedrich Stöhlker, Die Kartause Buxheim, 1402-1803 (AC, Vol. 96 [3 vols.; Salzburg, 1987]).
wStöhlker, "Reichskartause Buxheim," pp. 33-34. Christgarten remained under Oettinger control until it was restored by the Reichskammergericht to the Carthusian order

BY DENNIS D MARTIN57

The main center of Carthusian leadership in Catholic reform was
Cologne60 under its two outstanding priors, Peter Blommeveen (or
"Blomevenna," 1507-1536)61 and Gerhard Kalkbrenner (1536- 1566).62
Well known in the city and region, this may be the unspecified charterhouse that tempted a young student named Heinrich Bullinger in
1522 to consider becoming a Carthusian.63 Already as a simple monk
Blommeveen translated the writings of the fifteenth-century Franciscan mystic, Hendrik Herp, into Latin (1496—1504), which made them
accessible across Europe and permitted them to exercise special influence in Counter-Reformation Spain. Blommeveen's other writings
were his Vita sancti Brunonis; Candela Evangélica (1526—27), an
anti-Protestant polemic; Libellus introductorius in vitam contemplativam (1527); Manuductio in vitam contemplativam (1528);
Enchiridion sacerdotum (1532); and Assertio purgatorii (1534), an
anti-Anabaptist defense of several Catholic teachings.64 Blommeveen's
main work, however, was De bonitate divina (1538), consisting primarily of conferences given to monks at St. Barbara's but intended for
the edification of clerical and lay circles outside the monastery, as
indicated by its publication in the "pocket-size" half-octavo format
in 1631, only to be destroyed finally by the Swedish invasion of 1632. See Gruys,
Cartusiana, vol. 2, p. 327; Blüm in Zadnikar and Wienand (eds), Kartäuser, p. 296.
""That St. Barbara's in Cologne experienced something of a crisis late in the century
is not as well known. It reached its lowpoint in 1 586 when five monks challenged Prior
Johannes Reckschenkel's leadership, sending a list of twenty-one grievances to the
General Chapter. See Katharina Zey, Geistliche Texte des Kölner Kartäuserpriors Johannes Reckschenkel (1525-161 /J (AC, Vol. 123 [Salzburg, 1989]), pp. 13-14. Harald
Goder discussed the remarkable aftermath at Cologne: Prior Georg Meyer ( 1600-1605)
began to build up a large-scale agricultural enterprise within the charterhouse grounds
inside the city walls. When he used the monastery's exemptions from taxes and customs
duties to gain a competitive advantage selling the surplus produce, the city council
protested. The council's complaints to the General Chapter resulted in Meyer's depo-

sition—not because he was a bad leader (as alleged by the council) but because he
had embarrassed the Order. Goder, "Ackerbau und Viehzucht in der Stadt Köln: Der

Fall des Priors Georg Meyer ( 1600-1605)," in Die Kartäuser und ihre Welt (AC, Vol.
62.1 [Salzburg, 1993]), pp. 227-243.
r"See Matthäus Bernards, "Zur Kartäusertheologie des 16. Jahrhunderts: Der Kölner

Prior Petrus Blomevenna (t 1 536) und seine Schrift 'De bonitate divina,' " in Remigius
Bäumer (ed.), Von Konstanz nach Trient: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Kirche von den

Reformkonzilien bis zum Tridentinum, Festgabe für August Franzen (Paderborn,

1972), pp. 447-479; Peter J. A. Nissen, "Peter van Blommeveen's Writing 'Assertio
Purgatorii' (1534-1535): A Polemical Treatise against Münsterite Anabaptism," inKartäuser und Reformation, pp. 160—191.
62Chaix, Réforme, I, 244-326
«"Bernards, op. cit., p. 454.
"See Nissen, op. cit., pp. 164-166.

58CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

frequently employed by the Cologne Carthusians.65 According to Matthäus Bernards, Blommeveen's work is oriented less toward contem-

plation than toward the dieological and doctrinal underpinnings of
Catholic piety. The Cologne Cardiusians were, given their setting,
particularly oriented toward the via antiqua of Albert the Great,
Thomas Aquinas, and the contemporary Dominican theologians at the
university. Blommeveen's most-cited sources were, however, Augustine and Bernard of Clairvaux; he also made use of odier twelfth-

century theologians and monks. Blommeveen was little interested in
the Rhenish Dominican mystics of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In other words, facing the Protestant challenge, he focused on
"meat-and-potatoes" Catholic teaching.

Under Blommeveen the edificatory publishing apostolate of the Cologne Carthusians66 was furthered by Johann Justus Lanspergius (Johan
Gerecht of Landsberg, 1489— 1539 )67 Although he was best known
for his Alloquia Jesu Christi ad fideletn animara (1532),68 his Pharetra [divini] amoris (1538) and Enchiridion militiae Christianae
(1538) also enjoyed wide dissemination in various European vernaculars during the next two centuries.69 In the 1530's Blommeveen's
eventual successor as prior, Gerhard Kalkbrenner, together with Dirk
Loher and Johann of Landsberg, undertook editions of the writings of
a circle of devout -women surrounding Maria van Hout at the béguinage
of Bethléem at Osterwijk near Tilburg in the Netherlands, as well as
a German version of the anonymously written Gospel Pearl, and the
65See Bernards, op. cit., pp. 466—479, for a summary of this work.
"^Chaix gives a graph depicting the entire publishing work of the Cologne charterhouse, 1 500- 1624 (Réforme, I, 95). This chart and many of the maps found in his book
were repeated in "Les traductions de la Chartreuse de Cologne au XVIe siècle," in
Kartäusermystik und -mystiker, Dritter internationaler Kongreß über die Kartäusergeschichte und -Spiritualität, Vol. 5 (AC, Vol. 55.5 [Salzburg, 1982]), pp. 67-78. For an
overview of publishing in Cologne in this period, see Wolfgang Schmitz, "Buchdruck
und Reformation in Köln,"Jahrbuch des kölnischen Geschichtsverein, 55 (1984), 117—
154. For intellectual life in Cologne in general, see James V. Mehl (ed.), Humanismus
in Köln ("Studien zur Geschichte der Universität zu Köln," Vol. 10 [Cologne and Vienna,
1990]).
67See Gerald Chaix, "La Réception du Chartreux Lansperge: Survivance ou métamorphose de la Devotio Moderna," in Jan de Grauwe (ed.), Historia et spiritualitas
Cartusiensis: Colloquii Quarti Internationalis Acta, Gandavi-Antverpiae-Brugis, ??? 9 Sept. 1982 (Destelbergen, 1983), pp. 59-67; Chaix, Réforme, I, 175-202.
"The recent edition, A Letter from Jesus Christ to the Soul that Really Loves Him
by John of Landsberg, trans. John Griffiths (New York, 1981 ), is more of a paraphrase
than a translation.

"Summary and maps of the diffusion in Chaix, "Réception," pp. 65—67, based on
Réforme, 1, 175-202.

BY DENNIS D. MARTIN59

writings of the thirteenth-century Cistercian mystic, Gertrude of
Helfta.70

All of this laid the groundwork for publishing activities to move into
high gear under Kalkbrenner. The origins of the massive edition of
the eclectic, scholastic-contemplative Carthusian writer, Denis the
Carthusian (Denys of Rijkel), go back to Gregor Reisch, who helped
edit the 1510 Basel edition of the Carthusian statutes and was well

connected with humanist writers and publishers in Basel, Freiburg,
and Strassburg. Reisch died in 1525 before publishing any of Denis's
writings. Blommeveen took up the project, under explicit approval
from the Carthusian General Chapter in 1 530. The vicar of St. Barbara's,
Dirk Loher, initially became the leading force behind the project, until
he was called to the priorate at Buxheim in 1 543.
The Cologne Carthusians under Kalkbrenner did not limit themselves to publishing their fellow Carthusian, Denis of Rijkel. Laurentius
Surius, who was to become the leading editor during the mid-sixteenth
century, undertook a Latin translation of the writings ofJohann Tauler,
whose German writings had been published in 1543 by Surius's friend
and future Jesuit apostle to Germany, Peter Canisius.71 Editions of
Tauler, Ruusbroec, Suso, Nicholas Eschius (a local writer in the tradition of Herp and Ruusbroec, who entered St. Barbara's as a lay prebendary in 1539), and of the contemporary Carthusian, Florentius of
Haarlem (d. 1543), all appeared between 1548 and 155372 The purpose of these translations from German into Latin was to show the
rest of Europe that Germans were not inherently heretical.73
Surius did not limit himself to mystical writings. Between 1557 and
1 563 he published Latin translations of the German writings of the
Catholic controversialists Johannes Gropper, Friedrich Staphylus, Martin Eisengrein, and Johann Fabri,74 before turning his attention to his-

tory and hagiography, 1561-1575. In this last phase he published
70Chaix, Réforme I, 202-209.
7lGérald Chaix, "Laurentius Surius (1523—1578)," Rheinische Lebensbilder, 2
(1988), 77-100 [my attention was drawn to this by James Mehl]; Chaix, Réforme, I,
310-313.

72See the chart giving an overview of Surius' editions, 1548-1575, in Réforme, I,
316. Already in 1545 Surius had published a Latin version of the "Gospel Pearl," about

the same time as Kalkbrenner brought Maria van Hout (who, in Kalkbrenner's eyes,
was another Catherine of Siena [1347-1380]) and two of her associates to Cologne,
where they took up residence near the monastery. See ibid , p. 296.
75Chaix, "Surius," p. 87; Réforme, I, 306-310.
1HbUt, pp. 317-323.

60CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

editions of the works of Leo I, conciliar acta, and the homilies of
Pseudo-Alcuin, as well as a continuation of Nauclerus' chronicle, an

early response to Flacius Illyricus's Magdeburg Centuries. His final
effort was a six-volume Latin collection of lives of saints ( 1 570— 1575),
based on earlier Italian models. It also appeared in German (Munich,
1574— 1580).75 At the end of the sixteenth century the translating and
publishing apostolate at Cologne was taken over by Anton Dulcken
(d. 1624) and Theodore Petreius (1569-1640).76
The Carthusians of St. Barbara in Cologne also helped the Society
of Jesus establish itself in Cologne and encouraged the early development of Peter Kanis (Canisius).77 Surius's collection of the lives of
the saints played an important role in the early formation of the Jesuit
saint, Aloysius Gonzaga, among others.
B. France, Spain, Portugal
Four new charterhouses were founded on the Iberian peninsula
during the sixteenth century, two in Spain (Aula Dei [Saragossa], 1564;
Ara Christi [Valencia], 1585) and two in Portugal (Evora, 1587; Lisbon,

1594).78 Three were founded in France (Lyons, 1584; Bourbon-lez-

Gaillon near Rouen, 1 57 1 ; and Toulouse, 1 569 ), although the Toulouse
house was really a continuation of the charterhouse of Castres. Another
seven French houses were founded in the first half of the seventeenth

century, two of which continued the charterhouse of Bonnefoy diat
had suffered so much during the Wars of Religion. As noted above,
the French houses were urban foundations. Other early seventeenthcentury foundations were in Spain, Poland, Belorussia, Bohemia, and
Belgium (Nieuwpoort, a continuation of the English house of Sheen).
Many of the French houses, founded by leaders of the Catholic Reform
(prelates, princes of the blood, members of the Parlements, urban
elites), were intended to help raise the spiritual level of the Catholic
faithful. Thus these new charterhouses were remarkably open to outsiders. The Paris Charterhouse played a key role in the Catholic
League.79 But nothing of the stature of the Cologne charterhouse was
1HUd, pp. 373-378.

76Gruys, Cartusiana, Vol. 1: Chartreux ( 1976), pp. 80, 147; Chaix, Réforme, I, 381402.

11IbId, pp. 297-304.
78A third was founded in Spain, but lasted only from 1 588 to 1 596.
79ClIaIX, "Contributions cartusiennes," p. 211.

BY DENNIS D. MARTIN61

to be found in France or Spain. Indeed, Catholic reformers in France
and Spain drew heavily on the Cologne Latin translations of devotional
and mystical spirituality for translations into their own languages.80
As is well known, after his conversion, Ignatius of Loyola initially
considered becoming a lay brother at the Charterhouse of Seville, a
flourishing center of spirituality and the initial burial site of Christopher Columbus. While studying at Paris he and his companions met
on Sundays at the Paris charterhouse on the island of Vauvert just
outside the walls of Paris.81 B. Spaapen has studied Ignatius's use of
Carthusian writings, notably Denis the Carthusian, but also the
thirteenth-century mystic, Hugh of Balma.82 Perhaps best known is his
reading of Ludolph of Saxony's Vita Christi meditations while convalescing from battle wounds—together with the lives of the saints
in the Golden Legend. The German Carthusian's Vita Christi had been
translated by Spanish Carthusians as early as 1502.83 The Franciscan
writer and member of the early Catholic reform movement in Spain,
Francisco de Osuna (ca. 1492—1540/41), drew on Ludolf of Saxony,
Denis the Carthusian, Hendrik Herp, and the German mystics edited
by the Cologne Carthusians for his Third Spiritual Alphabet, which
in turn affected the Spanish Carmelites.84
80FOr the Carthusians in Spain, the fundamental work is Ildefonso M. Gómez, La

Cartuja en España (AC, Vol. 114 [Salzburg, 1984]). See also Chaix, Réforme, I, 395-

402; idem, "Les Traductions de la Chartreuse de Cologne au XVIe siècle," in Kartäusermystik und -mystiker, V, 67-78; T. H. Martin, "Los místicos alemanes en la España

del XVI y XVIl," Revista deEspiritualidad, 48 ( 1 989), 1 1 1 - 1 28. The Franciscan Hendrik
Herp, the German Dominican mystics, and the Carthusian Hugh of Balma, among others,
played important roles.
"'Chaix, Réforme, I, 298; Jean Beyer, "Saint Ignace de Loyola chartreux," Nouvelle
revue théologique, 78 (1956), 937-951; Cándido del Dalmases, Ignatius of Loyola,

Founder of theJesuits: His Life and Work, trans. Jerome Aixalá (St. Louis, 1985), pp.

32, 46-47, ?3.
82"Kartuizer-Vroomheid en Ignatiaanse Spiritualiteit," Ons geestelijk Erf 30 (1956),
337-366, continued in 31 (1957), 129-149. A critical edition of Hugh of Balma by
Abbé Francis Ruello is forthcoming in the "Sources Chrétiennes" edition; the present
writer is preparing a translation for Paulist Press's "Classics of Western Spirituality"
series. For now, see James Hogg, "Hugh of Balma and Guigo du Pont," in Kartäuserregel
und Kartäuserleben, Internationaler Kongreß vom 30. Mai bis 3. Juni 1984, Stift Hei-

ligenkreuz (AC, Vol. 113.1 [Salzburg, 1984]), I, 61-88.
"Beyer, op. cit.,p. 938.
84Mary E. Giles (trans, and introd), Francisco de Osuna- The Third Spiritual Alphabet
(New York, 1981), pp. 11-12; Fidèle de Ros, Un Maître de Sainte Thérèse: Le père
François d'Osuna, sa vie, son oeuvre, sa doctrine spirituelle ("Etudes de théologie

historique" [Paris, 1936]), pp. 54-55, 287, 361, 529, 610, says Herp's writings were
not used by d'Osuna.

62CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

We have already seen something of the efforts of Lower Austrian
Carthusians to respond to the growth of Protestantism, despite the
weakened economic and personnel situation in these once flourishing
houses. In Italy the Carthusians did not play nearly so central a role
as in Germany, since there were a variety of new orders and other
forces more closely allied to the centers of Roman Catholic power
(although die charterhouse of Trisulti, in particular, enjoyed papal
patronage). The Carthusians preferred to be left to themselves and
did not seek out the sort of active reform role thrust on them by
circumstances in Germany and, to a lesser degree, in France.85
Carthusians as Catholic Controversialists

We have already noted how the Cologne Carthusians, including Dirk
Loher at Buxheim, took the initiative in countering German Protes-

tants. After 1 524 they did this with full encouragement from the Gen-

eral Chapter, given the situation of Catholics in Germany. One of the
earliest publications of this nature was Peter Blommeveen's Candela
Evangélica (1526—27), which was concerned largely to refute the

Lutheran doctrine of salvation by grace through faith alone,86 followed
by his Assertio purgatorii (1534), which also dealt with the Sacrifice

of the Mass, church authority, fasting, veneration of saints, absolution,
rebaptism, and so forth. It was published in a German translation as
Von dem feegfeuer in 1535. In addition to Surius's Latin translations
of the German writings of early Catholic controversialists, as mentioned above, the very timing of the first volumes of the Cologne
edition of the writings of Denis the Carthusian was also aimed at the
confessional debates—the edition began with Denis's commentary on
Paul's epistle to the Romans and on the penitential psalms (1530).87

French and English Carthusians also took part in controversialist
publishing. John Batmanson (prior of Hinton Charterhouse) and Pierre
Cousturier (Sutor) took aim at Erasmus on the narrower topic of
Erasmus's translation of the Bible, receiving in return salvos from loyal
Catholics, Thomas More (who himselfhad spent four years considering
a Carthusian vocation in the London charterhouse), and Erasmus.88
85See Martin, Fifteenth-Century, pp. 189-239.
86NiSSCn, op. cit., p. 105.
87Chaix, Réforme, I, 215, 220-223.
""See Heinz Holeczek, Humanistische Bibelphilologie als Reformproblem bei Eras-

BY DENNIS D. MARTIN

63

Sutor also took pen in hand to attack Luther and to defend the Carthusians from verbal violence and threats of physical violence.89
IV. Conclusion

What should one make of the Carthusians during the Reformation
era? Perhaps their opponents are the best witnesses to the degree to
which they remained or did not remain, nunquam deformata. Testimony from one of the most conservative Protestant reformers, from
one of the most radical Protestant reformers, and from a Catholic

reformer with a reputation for irenicism, forms our conclusion.
Hans Hergot's pamphlet, Von der neuen Wandlung eines christlichen Lebens (1526/27), called for the elimination of the nobility,
the elimination of mendicancy rights for the four orders of friars, the
elimination of the rich abbeys' rents and interest income so that the
common folk might own their own homes and all Christians might
live together "like Carthusians." Hergot does not mean all Christians
ought to live an ascetic, celibate life, but that the elimination of the
nobility and other economic and social elites would permit everyone
to have a small cottage like the Carthusians and live in a combination
of privacy and community. Whatever Hergot may have thought of the
traditional liturgical life or celibacy of the Carthusians, he did not
associate them directly with the "rich abbeys" that mercilessly exploit
the poor. Above all, their combination of individual cottages in community fit his social vision.90
Martin Luther also employed the Carthusians as a symbol, as a quintessential symbol of monasticism. A diorough study of all his references
to them, which fill two pages in the new indexes to the Weimar edition
of his works, would be a valuable undertaking. They are on the receiving end of his polemic against monks as incorrigibly guilty ofworks
righteousness, but the very fact that he employs them as his symbol
of monasticism par excellence could well be taken as a backhanded
compliment to their Regeltreue. As I have argued elsewhere with
mus von Rotterdam, Thomas More, und William Tyndale ("Studies in the History of
Christian Thought," Vol. 9 [Leiden, 1975]). Batmanson also challenged Luther.
89CtIaIx, "Chartreuses françaises," p. 210. See also H. Bernard-Maitre, "Un théoricien
de la contemplation à la chartreuse parisienne de Vauvert: Pierre Cousturier dit Sutor
(c. 1480-18 juin 1537)," Revue d'Ascétique et de Mystique, 32(1956), 174-195.
""Hans Hergot, "Von der neuen Wandlung eines christlichen Lebens," in Laube and
Seiffert (eds.), op. cit., 547-557, at 548.

64CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

regard to the Austrian Carthusian, Nicholas Kempf,91 Luther was mistaken when he linked monasticism and works righteousness, at least
as far as the Carthusians were concerned. One need only study the
remarkable mid-fifteenth-century confession made by an otherwise
unremarkable member of the Basel Carthusian community as he prepared to take his monastic vows. In it Martin Ströulin expressed his
confidence in Christ's works, rather than his own merits, in unmis-

takable and affective language that evinces precisely the sort of confidence in a gracious God for which Luther searched so hard:
For all these my many and great transgressions and sins I offer you, most
loving God, for satisfaction, the most precious and overflowing treasure
of the most innocent passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, the crucified, your
most beloved Son, since I know that I can be saved and satisfy you in no
other way than by the merit of his innocent suffering and death.92

Erasmus's attitude toward the Carthusians is noteworthy, for it illustrates how a Catholic irenicist might also misunderstand the Carthusians. In part Erasmus mirrors Lorenzo Valla's critique of monastic
vows as undermining the validity of virtuous living by replacing human
freedom with obligatory vows.93 Actions of caritas, Erasmus insists,
always take precedence over Rule and precepts (something with

which Bernard of Clairvaux and the Carthusians would have com-

pletely agreed); indeed, monastic vows almost render the Christian's
baptismal profession invalid. Erasmus makes it clear that he has the
Carthusians in mind here.94

Yet unlike Valla, Erasmus went on to damn the Carthusians with

faint praise: although he insists that he greatly respects the Carthusians,
they can enjoy his respect only when they nicely and safely restrict
themselves to contemplation and inspire concord in lay society. Petrus
Sutor is unworthy of the Carthusian profession because he engages in
furious polemics, illegitimately claiming Bruno the Carthusian and
Bernard of Clairvaux as his models. Erasmus's neat portrait of the
""Fifteenth-Century, esp. ch. 4.

92Appendix VI in Vischer and Stern (eds.), Basler Chroniken, I, 510-515, text 514—

515, translation, 516-517.
9,For a discussion of Valla see Martin, Fifteenth-Century, pp. 152—153.
94RaIiO seu Methodus compendio perveniendi ad veram theologiam, in Desiderii

Erasmi Roterodami Opera Omnia (Leiden, 1704; reprinted Hildesheim, 1962), Vol. 5,

cols. 75-138, at 1 07A; Responsio ad Albertum Pium, Opera, Vol. 9, cols. 1093-1197,
at 11 43BC, 1147F; cf. Apologiae aliquot in Natalem Beddam, Vol. 9, cols. 442-736,
at 708B.

BY DENNIS D. MARTIN65

proper role for cloistered monastics95 begs the real question: extraordinary circumstances call for extraordinary actions, and the General
Chapter had in effect given its blessing to a more active Carthusian
role in sixteenth-century religious controversy, a role that had plenty
of precedents in Carthusian history. Erasmus is disingenuous here
because he has otherwise challenged the legitimacy of the very monastic vows that make possible the peaceful cloistered life he now

praises. When stung by the pen of a cloistered religious (and former

Sorbonne professor), he now becomes a champion of a safely cloistered contemplative ideal.
A less polemical view of the Carthusian role in church politics than
that of Erasmus would point out that although Carthusians had never
sought out an active role in church politics, when called under obedience they responded. Bruno served as an advisor to Urban II, his
former student at Reims; Hugh of Avalon became bishop of Lincoln
in the late twelfth century, later facing down Henry II and Richard I;
Anthelm, bishop of Belley and contemporary of Bernard of Clairvaux,
took sides in the papal schism; Boniface of Savoy became Archbishop
of Canterbury in the first half of the thirteenth century, later facing
down Henry III over the disputed election of Richard Wyche to the
see of Chichester. Moreover, the Carthusians had always considered
the use of the pen a legitimate way to reach beyond the cloister.96 On
occasion, individual Carthusians exceeded that legitimate function and
were censured by the Order, notably in the case of Denys of Rijkel
(Denys the Carthusian) in the mid-fifteenth century.97

Erasmus's double-edged effort to put the Carthusians in their (safe)

place, when combined with his insistence on the illegitimacy of monastic vows and his vision of Christian society as a single, vow-less
monastery, illustrate how much the "society of orders" that undergirded contemplative, cloistered monasticism as a socially valuable
institution had been undermined in his experience.98 One should,
however, beware of making the experience of a cosmopolitan humanist such as Erasmus normative for rural and small-town Catholicism

elsewhere in Europe.
The Carthusians offered an elite and conservative spirituality to the
'''Apologia adversus debacchationes Petri Sutoris, Vol. 9, cols. 739-804, at 740C,
740E, and Appendix respondens ad quaedam antapologiae Petri Sutoris, Vol. 9, cols.
805-812, at 803D-804E, 809C.
«'Martin, Fifteenth-Century, pp. 227-239.
91IbId, p. 231.
9Hbid, pp. 91-98, 150-156.

66CARTHUSIANS DURING THE REFORMATION ERA

Reformation world.99 This Carthusian spirituality was a fully Catholic
and evangelical spirituality which modern scholars have failed to
recognize, in large part because the Protestant Reform, bourgeois
Enlightenment, Marxist activism, and the contemporary consumer society alike have shared a contempt for the contemplative life of prayer
and its real influence in church and society.100 In large measure the
Carthusian Order does, indeed, merit the label, nunquam deformata,
or, far better, semper reformans.
CHARTERHOUSES DISSOLVED DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY*

15001549

15501599

lóthc
total

5
2

9
13
5

Scandinavia1

1

French Switzerland (2) / Savoy (1)3
Hungary, Lower Styria4

3
4

Netherlands8
Scotland1

8
1

England9
N. Germany (incl. Saxony, Silesia, Szepes)8
South Germany, German Switzerland3

242044
"Compiled from Albert Gruys (Gruijs), compiler, Cartusiana: Un instrument heuristique, vol. 2-.Maisons (Institut de Recherches et d'histoire des Textes, Bibliographies,

Colloques, Travaux préparatoires [Paris, 1978]), supplemented and corrected by con-

sulting various secondary literature on individual houses and publications. Cf. Hubertus
Maria Blüm, O.Cart., in Zadnikar/ Wienand, Kartäuser, pp. 288-344.

"Chaix, "Contributions cartusiennes," p. 123.
°°Martin, "'Honeymoon,'" and Fifteenth-Century, esp. pp. 150-152.

THE AMERICAN CATHOLIC PRESS
AND THE EASTER REBELLION
BY

Thomas J. Rowland*

From the onset of European hostilities in the summer of 1914, the
maintenance of American neutrality had proven a serious challenge
to the American Catholic press. This was particularly the case in the
many papers and periodicals with a distinctive Irish-American flavor.
While ethnic, cultural, and religious prejudices vied for the sympathies
of all Americans, the American Catholic press steadfastly clung to the
government's position of unequivocal neutrality and admonished the
Wilson administration for any departure from that stance. The outbreak
and subsequent suppression of the Easter Rebellion in Ireland in the
spring of 1916, however, tested the mettle and capacity of IrishAmerican Catholics to adhere to established policy.
Representing scores of diocesan news organs, the American Catholic
press had emerged at the turn of the century as both a reflector and
molder of its community's attitudes, aspirations, and biases. Circulation
had risen dramatically in the years leading up to World War I. Because
these papers reported on a wide range of political, social, and religious
events, they provided a telling and panoramic view of the divisive
issues affecting the community.1 No issues were more turbulent, yet
more germane, to the Irish-American community than the progress of
Irish Home Rule and the maintenance of American neutrality.
For a variety of reasons, Irish-America rallied strongly in defense of
the Administration's declaration of neutrality in 1914. Ardent supporters of Irish nationalism, particularly the New York-based Clan-na*Mr. Rowland teaches history in the Continuing Education Department of Georgetown University and serves as a health care management consultant.
¦Research for this essay included a review of over twenty diocesan newspapers and
Catholic periodicals. Research focused on the English-speaking press, nearly all of which
was controlled by Irish-Americans. It should be noted that in several American cities
Catholic papers were edited and managed by German-Americans. For insight into the
increase in both circulation and influence of the Catholic press by World War I, see
Donna Merwick, Boston Priests: A Study ofSocial and In tellectual Change ( Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1973), p. 189, and Aaron I. Abell, American Catholicism and Social
Action: A Search for SocialJustice, 1865-1950 (Garden City, New York, I960), p. 289.
67

68THE AMERICAN CATHOUC PRESS AND THE EASlTR REBELLION

Gael, though supportive of German war aims as a means of liberating
Ireland, labored passionately to hold the government accountable to
its pledge. They doubled their efforts in times when they perceived
that American favor was veering toward the Allies. Although others
were outspoken in their preference for the Allies, the vast majority of
Irish-Americans cooled their ardor for Irish nationalism and insisted

on neutrality as a way of taming the potentially inflammatory ethnic
allegiances ofAmerican Catholicism. Such restraint also had the benefit
of trumpeting Catholic patriotism and loyalty at the same time. The
parameters of this struggle remained relatively fixed through numerous crises and permutations in public opinion leading up to April,
1916. Then, the issues of Irish liberation and American neutrality

emerged in such a convulsive way as to undermine the fragile balance

which had been respected by most in the Irish-American community.
The Easter Rebellion in Dublin served as both the catharsis and catalyst
in reshaping the definition of the status quo.2

The outbreak of war in August, 1914, had placed the entire progress
of Irish freedom in abeyance. The British Empire's war effort had
wrought a co-operation between the Conservatives and Liberals which
effectively robbed John Redmond's Irish party of the political maneuverability necessary to enact the Home Rule measure. Eroding hopes
for a Home Rule settlement even further was the promotion of its
most implacable foe—Sir Edward Carson of Ulster—to a post within
the London coalition government. Redmond's vigorous support of the
British Empire appeared to have his countrymen's blessing. However,
by April, 1916, with Irish casualties mounting, and with the specter
of conscription looming larger, a heightened sense of apprehension
and unrest had been woven into the national fabric. Yet, despite these
adverse circumstances, the vast majority of Irishmen were opposed
to fomenting open rebellion.3
While John Redmond labored to establish credit with the British
government to exchange for postwar favors, the small and weak though
greatly determined Sinn Fein party continued its pursuit of separatist
ways. Taking advantage of the rising disaffection with Irish involvement
2For a useful discussion on the tensions and divisions affecting the Irish-American
community during World War I, see Thomas Brown, Irish American Nationalism
(Philadelphia, 1966); Edward Cuddy, Irish-Americans and National Isolationism,
1914— I9I7 (New York, 1976); F. M. Carroll, American Opinion and the Irish Question,
1910-1923 (New York, 1978).
5Eunan O'Halpin, The Decline of the Union: British Government in Ireland, 1892—
1920 (Syracuse, New York, 1987), p. 111.

BY THOMASJ. ROWIAND69

in the war and the absence of countless Redmondites serving in Irish
regiments in France, the military council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood determined to stage a rebellion for Easter Sunday, 1916. In
February of that year, the plotters stepped up their communications
with the Clan-na-Gael in New York. John Devoy and Daniel Cohalan
of New York and Joseph McGarrity of Philadelphia, leading IrishAmerican nationalists, had always dreamed of taking advantage of the
European war to bring about Irish independence. Hoping for German
assistance, they established contacts with the German diplomatic corps
in the United States.4

From the outset of the war, ardent Irish-American nationalists in-

sisted on the need for arms and a cadre of capable German officers in

their discussions with Berlin. Between August, 1914, and Easter, 1916,

myriad coded messages passed between Clan conspirators and Berlin
concerning the raising of money and the vacillating prospects for
German aid. One example of diminished hope for German succor was
the progress of Roger Casement's mission in Berlin. Not only had his
efforts to raise an Irish regiment among Irish prisoners of war ended
in abject failure, but it dawned upon him in March, 1916, that the
Germans had no intention of rendering adequate assistance for a fullscaled rebellion in Ireland. Their only interest, he claimed, was to
deceive Irish-Americans and encourage their agitation within the
United States.5

Casement's long-overdue pessimism merely echoed similar sentiments shared by Clan officials in the United States. Writing in typically
cryptic fashion to Bulmer Hobson, Secretary of the Irish Volunteers,
Joseph McGarrity doubted that the Germans would risk sending a
sizable landing force in Ireland's cause as he feared that "the sea serpent

[Britain] is too strong in his naval strength to permit strangers to come

in large numbers."6

Despite the many factors militating against success, not the least of
which was the Clan-na-Gael's inability to supply an ample provision
of arms and munitions, the military council of the Irish Republican
4IMd., pp. 112-113.
¦John Devoy, Recollections of an Irish Rebel (New York, 1929), p. 403- Perhaps the
most tragic figure of the Easter Rebellion, Sir Roger Casement had served as a distinguished humanitarian in the British Foreign Office before he became an outspoken
champion of Irish independence. For Casement's pessimistic assessment of German

intentions, see Casement Diary, March 17, 1916, Casement Papers, New York Public

Library.
'Joseph McGarrity to Bulmer Hobson, 1915, Joseph McGarrity Papers, New York
Public Library.

70THE AMERICAN CATHOLIC PRESS AND THE EASTER REBELUON

Brotherhood agreed to a general mobilization of the Irish Volunteers
for Easter weekend. The ill-starred rebellion immediately began on a
poor footing when Roger Casement, dropped off the Irish coast at
Tralee by a German submarine with the ostensible purpose of convincing his compatriots of the futility of rising, was captured and
arrested shortly after his arrival on April 21. On the same day, the
disguised German steamer Aud, carrying a modest supply of arms for
the intended uprising, was intercepted by the Royal Navy in the Irish
Sea. When escorted into Queenstown Harbor, her crew promptly
scuttled the vessel. In light of these developments, Eoin MacNeill,
commander of the Irish Volunteers, published a notice in Dublin's
Sunday Independent cancelling the general mobilization previously
scheduled for Easter Sunday. For all intents and purposes, the rising
appeared aborted.7
That a rising would occur under such adverse conditions never
dawned upon British authorities at Dublin Castle. Noting that Casement was already en route to a London prison and that the dreaded
mobilization had been cancelled, the British garrison in Dublin relaxed
its vigilance. Shortly before noon on Easter Monday, a radical element
of the Sinn Fein party rose up in arms. Seizing a number of strategic
locations within the city, including the General Post Office, the rebels
were able to withstand the pressure of British reinforcements commanded by Sir John Maxwell for only five days. Given a free hand to
suppress the uprising, Maxwell brutally crushed resistance and summarily began executing a handful of rebel leaders. Maxwell's zeal
quickly provoked an outpouring of Irish outrage, including that of
John Redmond and John Dillon of the Nationalist party, which eventually inspired London to curb its Dublin commander's reprisals.8
As news of the uprising seeped into America, it was initially greeted
with general disbelief and dismay by the Irish-American Catholic community. In the days before reports of Maxwell's handiwork were revealed, the Irish-American community was incredulous that such a
foolhardy enterprise had taken place. The irrepressible John Quinn, a
prominent New York lawyer and pro-Ally enthusiast, vented his disgust
with the "horrible fiasco" in a letter to the English author Joseph
Conrad, by branding the rebellion as "sheer lunacy." John D. Crimmins,
'Although a vast majority of Volunteers stood behind Redmond's commitment to
the Empire, a force of nearly 7,000 refused to do so. Maintaining the name "Volunteers,"
this was the force expected to respond to the general mobilization. See, O'Halpin, op.
cit., pp. 105, l\3;Leon 0'ftroin,Dublin Castle and the 1916 Rising (NewYork, 1971),
pp. 82-83.
Hbid, pp. 123-127.

BY THOMAS J. ROWLAND7 1

former president of the American-Irish Historical Society, glibly proclaimed that "Sir Roger is crazy." P. T. Barry, Chicago's representative
of Redmond's Nationalist Party, somberly predicted that the rebellion
"is bound to fail." An emergency session of the New York Council of
the United Irish League of America resolved that the insurrection was
no more than an "insane attempt at rebellion," and expressed continued support for Redmond's Home Rule movement. When a small group
of radical Irish-American demonstrators attempted to disrupt the proceedings, they were unceremoniously ejected by a single police officer
named Charles J. Clancy.
Other prominent Irish-Americans lamented the outbreak of rebellion, not only because it was ludicrous, but because it jeopardized the
cause of Home Rule which Redmond and John Dillon were diligently
pressing forward in the British Parliament. Francis Hackett of the New
Republic was one of the many Irish-Americans disenchanted with the
uprising. Claiming that there was "no chance of material victory,"
Hackett judged the rebellion as not only imprudent but "wild and
futile" as well. Joseph C. Walsh, editor ofIreland, deplored the uprising
as a repudiation of the vast sentiments of the Irish people, particularly
their civil and religious leaders.9
Such moderate and conservative sentiments were repeated in the
Catholic press by Irish-American editors. William A. McKearney of the
Catholic Universe in Cleveland endorsed life magazine's version of
the rebellion as a "crazy outbreak, timed to the hour of England's peril,
dangerous, hapless, and pitiable," and added his own opinion that,
¦while some may call the victims "martyrs or fools . . . we must acknowledge that their activities have injured rather than helped the
cause of a free Ireland."10 William A. Hughes in Detroit declared that
the "affair was clumsily managed, started at an inopportune hour and
encouraged by men who kept well without the sniper's bullets." Blaming the rising on "over-zealous youths and men, harangued by curbstone agitators," he feared that it would be perceived as "malice and
treason."11 William Campbell bemoaned the uprising as "all other judicious friends of Ireland have already done." He expressed a prevailing fear in Irish-American circles that the rash actions of "a handful
of disloyal Irishmen in Dublin" would offset "the thousands of patriotic
'John Quinn to Joseph Conrad, May 1, 1916, John Quinn Papers, New York Public

Library; Crimmins quoted in New York Times, April 25, 1916; ibid., April 29, 1916;
quoted in New York Times Magazine, April 30, 1916; New Republic, May 6, 1 9 1 6, May
13, 1916; Walsh quoted in New York Times Magazine, April 30, 1916.
'"Catholic Universe, June 2, 1916.
"Michigan Catholic, May 4, 1916.

72THE AMERICAN CATHOUC PRESS AND THE EASlTR REBELLION

Irish soldiers who are doing and dying in the ranks of the Allies."12
Mainstream Irish-American Catholic disenchantment was not re-

served entirely for those of the Irish Republican Brotherhood who
responded to the call to arms on Easter Monday. There was a large
measure of disgust and contempt left over for those Irish-Americans
perceived as having encouraged the rebellion. For its duplicity and
lackluster support of the rebellion, the German government was also
heavily criticized. Leading the wave of criticism of the role ardent
Irish-Americans played in fomenting the crisis in Ireland was the dean
of the American Catholic prelature, James Cardinal Gibbons. Upon

hearing of the outbreak of fighting, Gibbons reportedly confided to
the British ambassador, Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, that "all respectable Irishmen condemned [the] revolt in unqualified terms," but feared that if
the British did not manage the aftershocks of rebellion carefully, there
would be the "danger of 'manufacturing martyrs' for American use."13
In New York John Cardinal Farley immediately condemned the role
the Friends of Irish Freedom had played in stirring up rebellious action
in Ireland, indicating that he had disapproved of this society from its
inception.'4
While most of the Catholic editors supportive of Sinn Fein's program
initially appeared to offer muted sympathy for Ireland's plight, they
also expressed disapproval of the uprising itself.15 Most Irish-American
editors quickly endorsed John Redmond's indictment of those IrishAmericans who encouraged young Irishmen "into this insane and antipatriotic movement while they have remained in the safe remoteness
of American cities."16

From the editorials of the Catholic Messenger in Davenport, Iowa,
came the most stinging attack upon Irish-Americans who encouraged
the Easter uprising. The first reaction was that the "ill-advised propaganda" of Clan-na-Gael leaders in the United States "has resulted in
the slaughter of their incredulous dupes in Ireland."17 When it became
"Southern Messenger, May 16, 1916.
"Quoted in Carroll, op. cit., p. 64.
"Quoted in PatrickJ. Buckley, "The New York Irish: Their View of American Foreign
Policy, 1914-1921" (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1974), p. 30.
"The Freeman's Journal, Catholic News, Boston Pilot, and The Monitor all questioned the wisdom of the uprising. Of all those editors in this survey who generally
supported strong measures on behalf of Irish freedom, only Joseph P. O'Mahoney in
Indianapolis gave unqualified support for the Easter uprising from the start. See Indiana
Catholic, May 5, 1916.
"'Pamphlet, Strong Words from Mr. Redmond. Treason to the Home Rule Cause
(London, 1916), p. 5.

"Catholic Messenger, April 27, 1916.

BY THOMAS J. ROWLAND73

known that the United States government intended to investigate
whether the Clan's activities were in violation of neutrality, the Catholic Messenger applauded this news.18
Father Peter Gannon in Omaha colorfully represented many Catholic editors' feelings when he favorably compared the role of those
who died in the uprising to that of the Clan-na-Gael.
They certainly stand on a higher plane in public estimation than the
contemptible blowhards of New York and other American cities who

urged them on . . . [these] fools and fakirs can be proud of their work.
True Irishmen, loyal to the principle of rational liberty . . . have nothing

but contempt for men who urge others to enter in a campaign of armed
insurrection while they themselves are careful to keep three thousand

miles between them and the scene of the conflict.'9

Thomas O'Flanagan of the Hartford diocese was equally vehement
in his denunciation of certain New York clerics for their adoption of
revolutionary rhetoric. Noting unanimous disapproval of the rebellion
in Irish religious circles, O'Flanagan inveighed against the "wisdom of
a few New York priests" who deemed that their opinions of what was
best for Ireland "may outweigh that of the hierarchy and priesthood
of Ireland."20

The Germans did not escape the derision of Catholic editors either.
For both their feeble support of the rebellion, which all but assured
its failure, and their transparent display of opportunism, they were
highly censured. Humphrey Desmond caustically employed biblical
metaphor when he claimed that "Casement was vomited up by a
submarine much as the whale disgorged Jonah." Later, he laconically
observed that while the Irish were renowned for their bravery and
the Germans for their efficiency, "the recent German invasion of Ireland and the ensuing Dublin uprising are not the best proofs of either
proposition."21
Moderate and conservative Irish-Americans also were quick to dispel
any notions that Germany was Ireland's friend. P. T. Barry insisted that

the Irish people were not in league with the Germans and had "long
ago cast their lot on the side of the Allies and are fighting for them."
Desmond concurred with Barry's assessment, noting that the "only
real rising that day . . . were the masses of Irish who went about their
usual daily work." In Hartford, O'Flanagan railed against those who
'"Ibid, May 4, 1916.
"True Voice, May 5, 1916.
¿"Catholic Transcript, May 4, 1916.
"Catholic Citizen, May 6, 1916.

74THE AMERICAN CATHOUC PRESS AND THE EASTER REBEUION

thought "Germany cares a whole lot for Ireland." Once Germany's
purposes were achieved, "she would fling Ireland sheer into the jaws
of the British lion."22

IfJohn Devoy and others in the Clan-na-Gael were dismayed by the
hostile reception that news of the Dublin uprising received in IrishAmerican and Catholic circles, they were delighted by the revulsion
which greeted reports of General Maxwell's bloody dispatching of the
rebel leadership. For the first time in the course of the war all segments
of the Irish-American Catholic community were unified in their denunciation of British brutality. However, moderate and conservative
Irish-American Catholics remained detached from the Clan's agenda,
particularly the idea of supporting the Irish-German coalition. While
some moderates were weaned from the Home Rule cause, there re-

mained a good measure of support for it in many Irish-American
quarters, most notably the American Catholic Church. The Dublin
executions revived anti-British agitation which had become somewhat
muted in the months following German transgressions on the high
seas. Similarly, they stimulated Clan-na-Gael fortunes, and the organization intensified its efforts to assail the government's pro-Allied
policies.
It is hardly surprising that the entire Irish-American community was
incensed by the execution of the rebel leaders. American opinion in
general reflected shock and disgust with the extent of British savagery
in meting out punishment to the Irish. The Literary Digest's survey
of American editors pointed to near-unanimity in condemning the
executions and cited the Washington Post's terse verdict of British
action as "stupid and vengeful."23 British reprisals even horrified some
of the nation's leading Anglophiles. In a letter to the New York Evening
Post, the novelist William Dean Howells remarked, "In giving way to
her vengeance, England has roused the moral sense of mankind against
her . . . she has left us who loved her cause in the war against despotism
without another word to say for her."24
British justice might not have rendered all of her American friends
speechless, but it did edge popular opinion back toward adherence
to strict neutrality. Having earlier believed that Americans sympathized
with Britain's wartime plight in Ireland, Walter Lippmann, editor of
"Barry quoted in New York Times, April 27, 1916; Catholic Citizen, May 16, 1916;
Catholic Transcript, April 27, 1916.

^Literary Digest, 52 (May 6, 1916), pp. 1263-1265, 1355.

"Quoted in Arthur S. Link, Campaigns for Progressivism and Peace (Princeton,
1965), p. 13.

BY THOMAS J. ROWLAND75

the New Republic, declared, "The Dublin executions have done more
to drive Americans back to isolation than any other event since the
war began." In his frequent reports to the British Foreign Office, SpringRice could find little in American opinion to suggest that sentiment
toward Great Britain was anything but hostile and contrary. The British
ambassador's counterpart, Count Johann von Bernstorff, was finally
able to report optimistic news to his superiors, noting that American
opinion was "more favorable owing to the influence of the Irish
executions."25

To a great extent, the Catholic press reflected the same ambivalence
and tensions expressed in secular circles. Irish-American Catholic editors who had previously voiced support for the overthrow of British
rule in Ireland by any means now brandished their pens in defense of
the martyred rebels. Father Thomas V. Shannon of Chicago's New
World spurned England's posturing as the "champion and defender of
the liberties of smaller nations." Pointing to the "historic brutality" of
England in South Africa, India, and Ireland, he compared her to the
proverbial leopard which "does not change its spots."26 The Catholic
News of New York concluded that England had made it "impossible
for genuine Irishmen to regard her as anything but the enemy of their
race."27 This same paper dramatized this sentiment by describing in
gory detail how the noted rebel leader Francis Skeffington was actually
assisting a wounded British officer when he was arrested and executed.
The accompanying editorial contemptuously dismissed the circulating
opinion that "England isn't as brutal as in years gone by," by retorting,
"England is the same old ruthless England."28 In Indiana, Joseph P.
O'Mahoney not only condemned the executions, but also assailed
moderate Irish-Americans for their timidity in defending Ireland. Labeling some men of Irish blood as "Tories who would have probably
endorsed Benedict Arnold," he clarified that they were a "very small
element" who did not represent the views of "any living Irish society
in the nation."29

It is hardly surprising that radical Irish-American editors unleashed
a barrage of criticism against the British government for the bloody
"New Republic, 7 QuIy 29, 1916), 321-322; Sir Cecil Spring-Rice to Lord Grey, May
10, 1916, May 19, 1916, May 30, 1916, in Stephen A. Gwynn (ed.), The Letters and
Friendships of Sir Cecil Spring-Rice (2 vols.; London, 1929), II, 327, 331, 334; Johann

von Bernstorff, My Three Years in America (London, 1930), p. 264.
26JVe^ World, May 19, 1916.

"Catholic News, May 6, 1916.
2sIbid, May 20, 1916.
^Indiana Catholic, May 5, 1916.

76THE AMERICAN CATHOLIC PRESS AND THE EASITR RI-BEILION

suppression of the Easter Rebellion. However, Irish-American Catholic
editors who had previously written of the Irish situation in temperate
tones now swelled the chorus of condemnation. Father Richard Tier-

ney, SJ. , oíAmerica concluded that the history of England and Ireland
reiterated one ageless theme: "a narrative of savagery and blood, met
by intrepid patriotism and unswerving fidelity to the teachings ofJesus
Christ."30 In Brooklyn Father John L. Whelan sadly reflected that since
the uprising had been quickly and almost effortlessly suppressed, there
had been no need for such vengeance. Characterizing British policy
as the "astoundingly stupid . . . work of weak men," he predicted that
this action would accord Britain the "alienation of the sympathies of
many men and women all over the world."31
Boston's William Cardinal O'Connell was dramatically radicalized
by the British execution of Irishmen. In fact, O'Connell's disassociation
from Home Rule and his subsequent endorsement of a free and completely autonomous Ireland can be traced to the executions, and he
used the Boston Pilot to express his outrage. In a departure from its
usually restrained reporting of international news, the June 3 edition
printed a collection of articles from both the secular and religious
press condemning British atrocities, headlined: "England Arraigned at
the Bar of Humanity."32 O'Connell's venom was not reserved for the
British only; his paper also assailed those "English subsidized papers"
which presented the uprising as the work of malcontents. In particular,
he attacked the Boston Transcript, as "so faithful to the Union Jack . . .
the Koran of the brahmins."33

With moderate and conservative Irish-American Catholic editors

turning their attention to the executions, the ranks of Irish America
were massed against the British. Father Peter Gannon observed that
while the insurrection failed to garner the support of Irish America,
the "cruel infliction of the death penalty . . . has exerted a feeling of
horror everywhere . . . and there will henceforth be little sympathy for
the cause of England among Irishmen in America."34 In Philadelphia,
Edward Spillane argued that since the rebel leaders had laid down
their arms "to spare further effusion of blood," they should not have
been "butchered by court-martial process."35 William Hughes was
equally dismayed by this "latest British, brutish murder," and warned
"'America, May 29, 1916.
"Brooklyn Tablet, May 20, 1916.
«Boston Pilot, June 3, 1916.
»Ibid, July 1, 1916.
»True Voice, May 12, 1916.
^Standard and Times, May 20, 1916.

BY THOMASJ. ROWIAND77

Britain that such action would "rally every Irishman worthy of the
name around the holy cause" for which the rebel leaders had lost
their lives.36

Father John Burke, C.S.P., of the Catholic World, the one Irish-

American Catholic editor with decided sympathy for the Allies, delivered one of the most stinging rebukes of British policy. Britain's treat-

ment of the rebels was "atrocious," and her use of courts-martial to
execute them was reminiscent of the draconian methods of Lord

Castlereagh.
Whenever the English Government has to deal with Ireland, it shows a
pitiful, blundering sense of misunderstanding and oftentimes of injustice
which shocks the world."

Irish-American enmity for Great Britain was exacerbated later in the
summer when Casement was hanged for treason. The Catholic press,
which during the summer made little mention of his trial, assailed the
British for this deed. The Boston Pilot proclaimed that "another martyr
has been added to the long roll of the Irish patriotic dead." Answering
its own question, "Why Do Irishmen Hate England?," the paper offered
that "once again has England answered the question and answered it
in the only way she knows—by the sword."38 Thomas Shannon suggested that the "execution of Sir Roger Casement was logical and
stupid," adding that "it might prove to be the sorriest day's work that
England ever did."39 Richard Tierney, SJ. , oí America, an inveterate
Anglophobe, eulogized Casement by declaring that he "loved his ideal,
and spoke devotion in love's highest terms, and sweetest tone, sacrifice."40 Even William Hughes, who frequently assaulted the Clan-naGael and other avid nationalists for their support of Germany, did not
spare British feelings. Likening the British government to "bullhounds," who "lap their jowls in clean Irish blood," he presented
Casement as the apotheosis of Christian martyrdom in his "suffering
the modern crucifixion on a British gibbet."41
It is misleading to conclude from such vituperation over the executions that solidarity among Irish-American Catholics extended into
other related issues. Ardent Irish-American nationalists and those in

the Catholic Press sympathetic to the liberation of Ireland applauded
«•Michigan Catholic, May 25, 1916.
^Catholic World, CIIl (June, 1916), 430-431.
»»Boston Pilot, August 12, 1916.
"New World, August 11, 1916.
''"America, August 12, 1916.
^'Michigan Catholic, August 10, 1916.

78THE AMERICAN CATHOUC PRESS AND THE EASTER REBELLION

the setback to Home Rule caused by recent events in Ireland. However,
the executions did not destroy interest in Home Rule among mod-

erates and conservatives in the Catholic Press. Fred Sharon in Iowa

reflected that had England enacted Home Rule at the outset of the

war, the uprising would have been averted.42 In Texas, William Campbell noted that, despite the harsh measures undertaken by the British,
Redmond's cautious course remained the "one hope and security of

a free future for poor Ireland."43 In Cincinnati Dr. Thomas P. Hart
echoed Campbell's sentiment that the quick enactment of Home Rule
would be a judicious decision. Claiming that the British government
"is in a bad odor over all the world," he indicated that the establish-

ment of Home Rule would restore her "in the good graces of the world

at large."44 Reflecting several Catholic editors' hopes that there might

be a silver lining to the pervasive despair instilled by the uprising and
deaths was Thomas O'Flanagan's observation:

If the present European struggle does not prove to England that she needs
Ireland and that both countries are to place their highest hopes in mutual
friendship and good will, then she is blind indeed.45

Despite widespread condemnation of British methods in quelling
the uprising, mainstream Irish-American Catholics continued to shun

the Clan-na-Gael and other ardent Irish-American nationalists. Moderate and conservative Irish-American Catholics in both secular and

religious sectors remained resilient, even resolute, in their endorsement of Home Rule. Their shared distaste for British brutality with
other avid nationalists was purely circumstantial and did not signal

any departure from positions they held at the outbreak of the war.

They continued to profess a strict neutrality with respect to warravaged Europe, and they adamantly refused to be pulled into a proGerman orbit.

The reaction of the American Catholic Church, particularly its IrishAmerican leadership, to events in Ireland and Europe paralleled that
of the overall community in its varying expressions of ambivalence,
apathy, and division. It remains difficult to determine precisely where
most rank-and-file Irish-American Catholics stood on the issues generated by the failed Dublin uprising. Other than O'Connell'r, sharp
denunciation of the Dublin executions, the powerful hierarchy refused
to be drawn into any debate over the affair and clearly encouraged
"Catholic Messenger, June 1, 1916.
^Southern Messenger, June 3, 1916.
"Catholic Telegraph, June 8, 1916.
^Catholic Transcript, May 11, 1916.

BY THOMAS J. ROWLAND79
their faithful to do the same. Given the authoritarian structure of

church discipline with its strong accent on absolute obedience, few
priests strayed from the advice tendered by their appointed superiors.
The few outspoken clerics, such as Peter Yorke of San Francisco,
Timothy Dempsey of St. Louis, and the small coterie of priests in the
Archdiocese of New York who supported the overthrow of British
rule, frequently ran afoul of their local ordinaries. Though these clerics
appeared to be popular with their parishioners, their voices were
muffled by the appeals of most clerics for moderation and restraint.46
Obedience to hierarchical directives remained the cornerstone of

the most popular Irish-American Catholic fraternal organization—the
Knights of Columbus. Despite their distinct Irish identification, the
Knights maintained a monumental silence throughout the spring and
summer of 1916, eschewing commentary on Irish or European affairs
in favor of local and parochial concerns.47 That the Knights were
sometimes the target ofJohn Devoy's Gaelic-American and other IrishAmerican firebrands for their absolute and unquestioning loyalty to
conventional forms of civil authority suggests that they were not to
be counted among those fomenting rebellion in Ireland.48
Rather than become embroiled in the politics of the Irish question,
the institutional Church in America sought to alleviate the suffering
resulting from the ill-fated Dublin uprising. In a letter addressed to
his priests, similar to those issued in most dioceses, Cardinal Farley
ordered a collection to be taken up at all Masses on July 9 for the

victims of the Irish rebellion. With the exhortation that "Christian

charity imposes on us all . . . but especially on those of us of Irish
blood," he commanded his priests to collect money for the establishment of an Irish Relief Fund. While acknowledging that England's
suppression of the rebellion had induced widespread misery in Ireland,
he enjoined his priests to refrain from offering opinions upon the
46John C. Crighton, Missouri and the World War, 1914-1917 (Columbia, Missouri,
1947), p. 98. See also, New York Times, July 10, 1916.

47Of the four Catholic papers (Boston Pilot, Brooklyn Tablet, Catholic Messenger,

and Indiana Catholic) which regularly printed summaries of the Knights of Columbus
meetings, none revealed any comments or opinions regarding the Dublin uprising or
its suppression except to mention relief efforts underway. An examination of the two
institutional histories of the Knights of Columbus does not uncover any involvement
in the issue. See, Maurice Francis Egan and John B. Kennedy, The Knights of Columbus
in Peace and War (2 vols.; New Haven, 1920), and Christopher J. Kauffman, Faith and
Fratemalism: The History of the Knights of Columbus, 1882—1982 (revised ed.; New
York, 1992).
^Gaelic-American, October 23, 1915.

80THE AMERICAN CATHOUC PRESS AND THE EASTER REBELLION

manner in which the British had handled the matter.49 In San Francisco,
Archbishop Edward J. Hanna actually presided over meetings of the

Irish Relief Crusade, which raised over $10,000 in its first week's

effort.50 In other dioceses fairs and bazaars contributed substantially
to the growing amounts of cash available for relief distribution.51 By
the end ofJuly, 1916, Church-sponsored fund-raising efforts had netted
over »100,000 for Irish relief.52

The church hierarchy also refused to issue any political opinions
or to forge any partisan attachments over the Irish issue in the spring
and summer of 1916. Clearly, partisan expressions would have undermined the neutrality it had long endeavored to maintain. Moreover,
such favoritism might smack of foreign allegiance at a time of heightened anxiety over the issue of hyphenated Americanism. Rather than
explicitly condemn the cause of Ireland's misery, or confront the
conflicting forces involved, the American Catholic Church opted to
palliate the suffering caused by conflict and change. In the case of the
Irish question, the hierarchy shunned political considerations and directed church efforts to relief.53 The Church also kept these fundraising efforts strictly separate from those conducted by Irish-American
societies and organizations. In particular, the Church avoided any
connection with the Clan-na-Gael or its offshoot, the Friends of Irish

Freedom. Evidently the institutional Church's relief efforts received
far greater support among Irish-American Catholics than those of secular or fraternal organizations. In Syracuse, for instance, the Friends
of Irish Freedom managed to raise a mere $600 while Bishop John
Grimes produced $10,000 with minimal effort on his part.54
The American Catholic press, much of which was controlled by
Irish-Americans, reflected the same ambivalence and political diversity
over the Irish issue in the summer of 1916. Certain papers such as
the Freeman's Journal, Indiana Catholic, and The Monitor hardly
needed the provocation of the executions to adopt strident attitudes
toward the violent overthrow of British rule in Ireland. These papers
"Quoted in New York Times, July 10, 1916.
""The Monitor, June 17, 1916.

""'Michigan Catholic, August 24, 1916; Pittsburgh Catholic, January 18, 1917.
"Carroll, op. cit., p. 79.

"While both Farley and Gibbons refused to condemn British actions, they quickly

assumed leading roles in the Irish Relief Fund effort. Farley accepted the position of
honorary chairman while Gibbons joined him later as honorary president. See New
York Times, May 18, 1916, May 28, 1916.
"John A. Beadles, "The Syracuse Irish, 1812-1928. Immigration, Catholics, Socioeconomic Status, Politics and Irish Nationalism" (Ph.D. dissertation, Syracuse University,
1974), p. 274.

BY THOMAS J ROWLAND8 1

had, from the outbreak of the war in 1914, made their pro-German
and anti-British feelings patently clear. Only the Boston Pilot seemed
to accept a more aggressive nationalism as a result of the British
suppression of the Irish rebellion.55 In the months following the Easter
Rebellion until America's entry into war, the majority of the American
Catholic press continued to toe the hierarchical line by adhering to
a strict and impartial attitude toward the Irish issue and how it affected
sympathies toward the European belligerents.56
Britain's long-standing political and religious oppression of Ireland,

highlighted by the executions following the uprising, made it nearly
impossible for Irish-American Catholic editors to avoid criticizing her
in the summer of 1916. All the same, an aversion to the Germans and
Irish-American agitators tended to mute this criticism and reinforce

neutral attitudes. Most Irish-American Catholic editors viewed the

executions that summer as a political blunder on England's part that
made it difficult to accept her avowed altruism in the Great War.57
Others, like Humphrey Desmond, though outraged by British brutality,
continued to hold the Clan-na-Gael and Sinn Fein factions primarily
responsible for the uprising and the deprivation which followed.58
This ambivalence over the Irish issue was best demonstrated in William

Hughes's exasperated claim, that while the "moral indignation of the
world" might have been aroused by British barbarism, "we say this
not by way of venting anti-British speen [sic], but as a true friend of
England who would save her from herself."59

No other event during the extended period of American neutrality

raised the anxiety levels of Irish America as did the Easter Rebellion
and its bloody suppression by the British. Given the nature of the
provocation, and the overall negative reaction to it by the American
public, Irish-American Catholics might well have indulged in relentless
attacks on the British. There were, however, no substantive attitudinal
shifts in the Irish question once the initial expressions of shock and
outrage were exhausted. As a distinct minority in the Irish-American
community, ardent nationalists were no more successful in winning
55In an editorial on Casement's death, the paper concluded that "England by their
deaths has justified the growing sentiment that the sword is the only answer to the
sword." See Boston Pilot, August 12, 1916.

^Catholic Transcript, October 12, 1916; Baltimore Catholic Review, February 10,

1917, March 10, 19 17'; Pittsburgh Catholic, March 22, 1917; Freeman's Journal, Feb-

ruary 24, 1917; Catholic Telegraph, February 23, 1917.

^Catholic Messenger, August 10, 1916.
"•"Catholic Citizen, June 2, 1916, September 30, 1916.
"""Michigan Catholic, August 3, 1916.

82THE AMERICAN CATHOUC PRESS AND THE EASTER REBELLION

converts to their position than at any other time during the war. This
stark reality was not lost upon John Devoy, who was forced to draw
credit from the sale of his own brother's estate in order to provide a
legal defense for Casement.60
Devoy was also well aware that the nationalist cause languished for
want of support by the American Catholic Church, and he regretted
that the hierarchy had not been won over to his standard. While
acknowledging that Cardinal O'Connell was the first to adopt the
nationalist position in early 1918, well after America's entry into the
war, Devoy recalled that it was not until the Irish Convention of
February, 1919, that the Church rallied behind the movement. Then,
Devoy noted, "Cardinal Gibbons, who had up to then opposed the
advanced movement . . . with twenty-eight bishops . . . gave his blessing
to the movement." His frustration with Gibbons actually spilled over
into his editorials in the Gaelic-American. He once censured the

cardinal for his continued friendliness toward John Redmond and for
his involvement in various international movements to the exclusion
of Irish liberation.61

The contention that the majority of Irish-Americans were patently
anti-British, and that they generally expressed "hopes for a German
victory" is difficult to maintain. Nor is it correct that both John Redmond's pledge to recruit Irish soldiers for the British Empire and the
bloody suppression of the Easter Rebellion served as death blows to
the Home Rule cause in Irish America.62 Numerous Irish Catholic

editors continued to promote Home Rule as the only rational and
peaceful alternative for ending Ireland's misery. Their views were
underscored by the restraint they exercised in dealing with the British

in the spring and summer of 1916. Indeed, they clearly believed Irish-

American agitators in collusion with German opportunists had instigated the uprising, and that they had done so in contradiction to the
wishes of Irishmen. They pinned blame for the rebellion and its bloody
reprisals squarely on the shoulders of the radicals and encouraged
their readers to have nothing to do with them. While remaining sympathetic to Irish issues, many Irish-American Catholic editors sup60DeVOy, op. cit. , p. 496. For the depressed financial condition of the Clan-na-Gael
on the eve of the Easter Rebellion, see Michael J. Jennings to Joseph McGarrity, February
24, 1916, Joseph McGarrity Papers, New York Public Library.

6lDevoy, op. cit., 126-127; Gaelic-American, April 1, 1916.
62ArthurS. Link, Wilson: The Strugglefor Neutrality, 1914-1915 (Princeton, I960),
p. 22; Cuddy, Irish-Americans and National Isolationism, 1914-1917, pp. 44-47,

and Edward Cuddy, "Irish-American Propagandists and Neutrality, 1914-1917," MidAmerica, 49 {June, 1967), 259.

BY THOMASJ. ROWLAND83

ported the hierarchical preoccupation with promoting Irish-Americans
as loyal, patriotic Americans.63
In the end, then, it was New World concerns rather than Old World

memories that framed the Irish-American Catholic response to the
Easter Rebellion. Irish-American Catholics were forced to reconcile

long-standing animosity for British and Protestant rule in Ireland with
the emerging geopolitical realities in their adopted homeland. It was
becoming clearer that should America go to war, she would do so as
an ally of Great Britain. Their interests as Americans and Catholics
prevailed over their sincere longings for a liberated Ireland. Under
the leadership of Americanists such as Gibbons, the Catholic Church
in America had long been guiding its faithful along political and social
paths compatible with American norms and culture. The Catholic press
in America was a willing and energetic ally in this cause. When Woodrow Wilson called for the support of the American people in the war
against the Central Powers, he could count on the Irish-American
Catholic community. Despite the fresh memory of British cruelty,
William McKearney of Cleveland's Catholic Universe spoke for many
Irish-American journalists in declaring:
We have great allies, and we must stand or fall with them. There can be
no such thing as "hoping the United States wins, but that England loses."
People in this country do not love England. We have sound reasons for
not loving her. But now we are fighting the same fight and must win.64

'•'"Catholic Transcript, October 12, 1916; Catholic Messenger, February 8, 1917;
Brooklyn Tablet, February 10, 1917; Baltimore Catholic Review, February 10, 1917,
March 10, 1917; Catholic Telegraph, March 8, 1917; Pittsburgh Catholic, March 22,
1917.

"Catholic Universe, April 20, 1917. While mainstream Irish-American Catholic opinion reflected conservative views on the Irish question, it did not spare the Wilson

administration criticism for some of its other policies. The American Catholic press was
very critical of Wilson's anti-hyphenate campaign, his Mexican policies, and his overt
violations of the neutrality pledge. See Brooklyn Tablet, July 1, 1916; T. J. Walsh to

George Cardinal Mundelein, September 13, 1 9 16, T. J. Walsh Papers, Library ofCongress;
Catholic Universe, November 3, 1916; Denver Catholic Register, January 11, 1917.

BOOK REVIEWS

Modern European
Galileo: A Life. By James Reston, Jr. (New York: Harper Collins. 1994. Pp.
xiii, 319. S25.00.)

Over the past twenty-five years we have come to know much more about

the intellectual world in which Galileo moved. We understand better the

complexities of the Aristotelian traditions which informed sixteenth) and
seventeenth-century European culture and the relationship of Galileo to these
traditions. Scholars no longer accept the traditional account of Galileo's overthrow of Aristotelian science. We are now amply informed, thanks to the work
of William Wallace, A. Crombie, and others, of Galileo's commitment to an
Aristotelian ideal of scientific demonstration. We have also come to recognize

the arguments of leading theologians such as Cardinal Bellarmine as being far

more than an attempt to protect the authority of the Church. In fact, the
controversy between Galileo and the Inquisition is unintelligible were it not

the case that both Galileo and the theologians in Rome shared first principles
about the nature of science and the relationship between faith and reason.

Despite the fact that James Reston relies on a wide range of primary documents, especially letters to and from Galileo, in writing his book, there is

little evidence in this biography of the fruit of recent scholarly reflection on
Galileo. For the most part, Reston retells the old story of a conflict between
religion and science, with emphases on the intrigue of the Jesuits and the

paranoia of Pope Urban VIII, concerning which Reston takes special note of
the importance of astrological forecasts. The popular legend of Galileo, so
important a part of modern culture, is alive and well in the pages of Reston's

text. At the end of the book Reston writes ofhis meeting with Cardinal Poupard
in April, 1993- The Cardinal was the head of the commission appointed by

Pope John Paul II to re-examine the Galileo affair. Reston observes that the
Cardinal "repeated again the standard church line 1 had heard often in three

years of writing: Galileo had been condemned because he insisted on treating
his Copernican theory as truth rather than hypothesis, and he could not prove

it. This position deflected attention from a simple fact: The Copernican theory
was true, and the church had used extreme and rigorous methods to crush
the truth and protect its falsehood" (p. 285).
84

BOOK REVIEWS85
The anachronistic character of Reston's comment is obvious. Nowhere in

the book does Reston adequately address the notions of science and scientific
demonstration which were current in the early seventeenth century. Recent
examinations of the different senses of suppositional reasoning, so important
for understanding the positions of Bellarmine and Galileo, are also absent.
Thus, Reston sees the controversy between Galileo and his Aristotelian opponents as a "debate between philosophy and science, between the first principles of Aristotle and the evidence of the senses" (p. 69).
Theological distinctions also escape the author; yet these are crucial for
understanding me Galileo affair. Reston does not seem to be aware of the
difference between a literal interpretation of Scripture and one based on what

Galileo calls "the nude signification of the words" [il nudo signiflcato délie

parole]. On several occasions Reston observes that the view mat the heavens
were pure, unchanging, and incorruptible was "a cherished central belief in

Christian theology" (p. 1 18). To conceive of the moon as being similar to the
earth was "a sacrilege to the church" (p. 93), Reston ignores the fact that

Cardinal Bellarmine, when he was a professor at Louvain in the late sixteenth
century, had challenged several conclusions of Aristotelian cosmology. Furthermore, if a geocentric cosmology, Aristotelian or otherwise, was a central
belief of the Church, how could Bellarmine admit the possibility—as he did

in 1615—that the opposite might be demonstrated?

Reston writes an engaging narrative, but the reader must be careful to
distinguish between the evidence he uses and his additions to that evidence.
For example, working with the documents from the Inquisition's questioning
of Galileo concerning whether he wrote the Dialogue, Reston quotes from
the sources, yet adds comments such as the following: "The inquisitor shoved
the book forward on the table toward Galileo with evident distaste" (p. 247).
The absence of an adequate system of footnotes makes it difficult for the

reader to check Reston's sources; many quotations receive no textual reference at all. Reston's language is often heavy-handed: Bellarmine, for example,

had "the burning passion of an inquisitor" (p. 160); the "entire machinery of
the Vatican had been harnessed [by Pope Paul V in 1615 and 1616] behind

the effort to snuff out the new science" (p. 164); or that one needs to escape
"the clammy reach of the Inquisition" (p. 74).

It is true that under the direction of Pope Urban VHI the Inquisition set
out to humiliate Galileo, and, for a time at least, succeeded. Many of the
theological arguments which supported the disciplining of Galileo were erroneous. Reston certainly captures Galileo's humiliation, but he does not
significantly advance our understanding of what led to it. He is critical of
Galileo's vanity and arrogance, but Galileo remains the hero of the epic.

Reston, whose recent books include The Lone Stan The Life ofJohn Con-

nally and Collision at Home Plate: The Lives ofPete Rose and Bart Giamatti,
is working on a television series on Galileo for PBS. If this book is any indication, the series is likely to highlight the clash of personalities and only

86BOOK REVIEWS

reinforce a constitutive myth of the modern world about the relationship

between religion and science. The book may well be valuable for students of
contemporary popular culture, but not for those who wish a deeper understanding of Galileo and the Inquisition.
William E. Carroll

Cornell College

Le Père Houdry SJ. (1631-1729). Prédication etpénitence. By Marie-Christine Varachaud. [Théologie historique, 94.] (Paris: Beauchesne. 1993. Pp.
454. FF 297.)

Father Houdry, after fifteen years of teaching and thirty years of preaching,
devoted the rest of his life to writing "la Bibliothèque des prédicateurs" (The

Preachers' Library). This monumental work of twenty-two volumes, published
between 1711 and 1725, has often been republished in Catholic countries. It

was probably one of the wellsprings of devout Catholicism in the Age of
Enlightenment. At all events "la Bibliothèque des prédicateurs" put a mark
on that century not only by its juridic style and the soundness of its doctrine,
but also by its aptitude for moving souls and winning hearts.

Marie-Christine Varachaud's book has two parts. In the first part, the author
introduces Father Houdry and his work. According to the methods of "quan-

titative history," she then presents and comments on the biblical, patristic,
and theological references of "la Bibliothèque des prédicateurs." Finally, she

explains Father Houdry's conception of preaching. The second part of the
book is devoted entirely to the study of penance in its broadest possible
meaning. The author indeed does not restrict her work to the virtue and the
sacrament of penance; she analyzes not only all that can be useful, in Christian

life, for the expiation of sins committed (though they may have already been

been forgiven by the sacrament of penance), but also all that can help to
preserve the Christian from sin. As the first part of the book ends with an

analysis of the titles given to Christ by Father Houdry, the second part finishes

with a very sound study of the Mystery of the Passion, where Christ is presented as the Perfect Penitent.

This book is the rewriting of a doctoral dissertation and, though most of
the technical elements are omitted from this presentation, it remains as austere
as the topic treated. Fortunately, page after page and chapter after chapter,

the reader is guided step by step and very clearly, to such a point that it is
difficult for him to wander. The author justifies all her choices, especially her
choice of the theme of penance, which is treated in only twelve percent of
the pages of "la Bibliothèque des prédicateurs." Before writing this book, she
had written a memoir about conversion; it is obvious that this reflection has

had an influence on her thought, making her very sensitive to Father Houdry's

BOOK REVIEWS87

frequent efforts to hold Christ up to the congregation as a model of penance,
patience, and humility according to the will of God.

This book is quite interesting, and its approach is very original. But when

one closes it, some dissatisfactions remain. Its conclusion is too weak, and the
comparisons with contemporary thought and circumstances are not satisfactory. The achievement of a lifetime in the distant past is well understood in
the present only if it is put into perspective accurately.

Philippe LÉcrtvain, S. J.
Centre Sèvres Paris

St. Petersburg Dialogues: Or Conversations on the Temporal Government of
Providence. By Joseph de Maistre. Translated and edited by Richard A.
Lebrun. (Montreal, Quebec: McGill-Queen's University Press. 1993- Pp.
xxxvi, 407.)
Les Soirées de Saint-Pétersbourg was almost but not quite complete at the
time of Maistre's death in 1821, and appeared posthumously a few months
later. It consists of eleven dialogues, each ¦with three participants, set on long
summer evenings in the Russian capital where Maistre served as Sardinian
Ambassador 1803—1817. It is a work impossible to categorize, and difficult
even to describe. Its nominal scope is le Gouvernement temporel de la Providence; its actual scope is very wide indeed, touching on war, sacrifice, punishment, suffering, eighteenth-centuryphilosophie, Indian religion, the history
of language, revolutionary politics, science and society, the status of women,
prayer, and much more. We know that Maistre's intention was to challenge
and to contradict, more than to convey his own position; and indeed,
the writer of a dialogue cannot be read as agreeing with every statement
that he puts in the mouth of every participant. Of the three participants in the

Soirées, it is the Count who most often speaks with Maistre's voice, but the
other two have distinctive voices which are also at the author's disposal. The
important Dialogue 7 is opened with a long introduction by the Senator,
and dialogue 8 begins with a recapitulation by the Chevalier. The dialogue
form allows the author to soften, or otherwise modify, statements made

by one or another character. Further rhetorical flexibility is provided by
the extensive endnotes that accompany each dialogue: some of the notes

are identified as 'Editor's note,' though we know that Maistre wrote most
of them himself! Only very occasionally does Maistre lose his way, as in

Dialogue 9 (p. 266) where he seems to forget that it is the Chevalier, not

the Count, who is supposed to be speaking. For the most part he maintains
a masterly control, literary as well as expository, over a work of nearly 400
pages.

It is an energetic work of controversy, and centrally, a work attempting, in

88BOOK REVIEWS

the words oí Paradise Lost, to justify the ways of God to man—an enterprise
always mildly comic, since plans that are divine are not likely to be fully
comprehended by minds that are human. Nor does Maistre make any attempt
to delimit his task in order to make it more workable; on the contrary, he
occupies and defends positions which have only the remotest connection to
his central aim, and which admit of no certain conclusion: for instance, that
the earliest humans were far superior in abilities to us (Dialogue 2), or that
hereditary monarchy, in theory "absurd," is in practice the best form of gov-

ernment (p. 263). He can be quirky, too, about such things as the origins of
words (e.g., pp. 49—50). But for the most part he knows very well what he
is about. The nature of his argument requires him to contend that the ideas
he is attacking are not merely false, but also socially pernicious, (e.g., p. 193)
and that the men propounding them are in some way blameworthy for doing
so.

He is constantly attacking writers for such shortcomings as "a contentious
pride" (p. 90), and can often make the charges stick. Locke he considers to
be merely "foolish"; Condillac is "brazen," Hume "employed the most talent

in the most cold-blooded way to do the most harm" (p. 180), and Voltaire is
"... heavy and gross in comedy . . . for the wicked are never funny," and lacking
"seriousness, good faith, and dignity," and much else (p. 1 10). Maistre does
not hesitate to commit himself to such assertions as,

There is a sure rule for judging books just as there is for judging men: it is
enough to know by whom they are loved, and by whom they are hated,
(p. 190).
His armory of controversial weapons is very diverse. We keep encountering
such advice as,
If you wish, read irreligious doctors as scholars or as writers, if they have
the merit of style, but never call one of them to your bedside, (p. 299)
Especially, a twentieth century reader may add, if you are elderly or infirm!
He is at his most deadly in turning his opponents' arguments back on them.
Evil as an argument for atheism
. . . reduces itself to this argument: God is unjust, therefore he does not
exist. So these gentlemen know that God, who does not exist, is just by

nature. . . . The atheist, to deny God, assumes him. (p. 251)

His attack on Locke's epistemology in Dialogue 6 is a delight to read. But
some of his most arresting passages are so without reference to any controversial point—most notably, perhaps, in Dialogue 7, on war.
Maistre's polemics call for a remarkable erudition (his notes refer us to
works in Greek, Latin, German, Italian, Spanish, and English, as well as French),
a memory to match, and a great suppleness of mind in marshaling his arguments and references. But they also depend on his admirable command of
the French language. Such a writer is bound to lose something in translation,

BOOK REVIEWS89

so that anyone who can read French should read and savor Maistre in the

original (a new critical edition has been prepared by Darcel). Jack Lively's

Works ofJoseph de Maistre (New York, 1965) translates excerpts from all
eleven dialogues of the Soirées, but omits the endnotes, and tries rather toe
obtrusively to save the reader from falling under Maistre's spell. Lebrun, who

has been writing on Maistre for thirty years, and who translated Maistre's
Considerations on France (Montreal, 1974) has now given us the first com-

plete version of the Soirées in English. Readers may be pained to see a writer

like Maistre described as "honing his literary style" and "polishing his linguistic
skills" (p. xi), and the incidence of typos is distressingly high. But Lebrun

would not claim to write English as well as Maistre wrote French (if such a
comparison makes sense), nor would he claim to have rendered the original

version redundant (p. xi). What he has done is to produce a clear and complete

translation, including numerous corrections (following Darcel) to Maistre's

reference: (e.g., p. 48, n. 29), and a fifteen-page, three-column index, "so that
those who are unable to read him in his original language can come to a
better understanding . . ." (p. xi). We can be glad that he did.

E. D. Watt

University of Western Australia

The Jesuit Myth: Conspiracy Theory and Politics in Nineteenth-Century
France. By Geoffrey Cubitt. (New York: Clarendon Press, Oxford Uni-

versity Press. 1993. Pp. viii, 346. S59.00.)

The king of France scuttled through the tunnel connecting the royal palace

with the Jesuit novitiate. There the Master of Novices told him how to rule

the country. Meanwhile the novices were in the basement practicing small

arms drill. This was not the stuff of Gothic novels but only a small snippet of

the "true facts" that made up the Jesuit myth. However ridiculous the myth,

all too many people in nineteenth-century France firmly believed such stories
and others much more far-fetched than these about the Jesuits.
TheJesuit Myth is "a study on what has sometimes been called the 'paranoid
style' in politics or 'conspiracy theory.' " René Rémond, the historian of French

anticlericalism, said that around the Jesuits there developed "a veritable myth,
comparable in many respects to those which have formed around witchcraft,

the Templars, Freemasonry or the Jews." A literary and political tradition of
anti-Jesuitism exists in the English-speaking world, to be sure, but in no way

does it rival in breadth and intensity that tradition in France. This was a
phenomenon that engaged Beranger in libelous anti-Jesuit songs, gave Eugène

Sue fame with his potboiler serial novel, LeJuifErrant, intrigued Balzac, and
turned the deservedly great historian Michelet into a vulgar anti-Jesuit pro-

pagandist.

90BOOK REVIEWS

In an introduction, ten chapters, and a conclusion this book provides a
vivid, thoroughly documented case study, replete with example, of "the propensity to formulate and to accept conspiracy theories" in nineteenth-century
France. The first of two such leading theories came from the Right which
"provided a tradition of counter-revolutionary conspiracy theory, focusing on
Freemasonry and revolutionary secret societies." Plenty of serious studies exist
on this end of the spectrum. The liberal and republican Left had its own
tradition of such theory, "as highly developed, as tenacious and as influential. . . . The enemies denounced in this tradition were the Jesuits." About this
end of the spectrum, there have been few such serious studies.
Cubitt's book treats the phenomenon in all its complexity. The first chapter
explores in general anti-Jesuitism and the Jesuits in France from the sixteenth
through the eighteenth century, and then after die Society's restoration in

1814. Then three chapters deal with the opposition to the Jesuits as portrayed

in myth during the Restoration and the July Monarchy and, in its third great
manifestation, in the debate that culminated in the Ferry Decrees of 1880 to
its final spasm in the anti-Jesuit portion of the Dreyfus Affair. Then in six more
chapters the author turns to an analysis of the structures, imagery, and argument of anti-Jesuitism, to "murder, money and spies" as Jesuit tools, to
Jesuits in plain clothes, to the confessor and the schools, to history and morality, and to the supposed Jesuitism which produced Jesuits. The concluding
tenth chapter is an excellent recapitulation and analysis of how "the Left's
appetite for the myth of a Jesuit conspiracy like the Right's fascination with
Masonic plotting . . . did much to encourage the habits of rhetorical intransigence and moral ostracism that bedeviled French public debate on numerous
occasions in the century and a half after the Revolution."
This is an excellent book. As usual, the price of Í59.00, set by the Oxford
University Press, is so outrageously high as to be a positive disservice to the
author. But it is still eminently worth reading, first and foremost, in and for

itself. It also has the additional advantage, at least implicit, of making us in

the United States, serenely free of the fesuit myth, ask what myths we have
fed on in trying to simplify reality.
John W. Padberg, SJ.

The Institute offesuit Sources
Saint Louis, Missouri

Civilizing Mission: Exact Sciences and French Overseas Expansion, 1830—
1940. By Lewis Pyenson. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
1993. Pp. xxi, 378. »45.00. )
Pyenson's fine book, following others on German colonies and Indonesia,
is for historians of science, imperialism, religion, and the dozen lands where

BOOK REVIEWS9 1

French savants conducted research. Although there are a few misreadings of

secondary sources (The Tunisia-Morocco chapter mentions Khéreddine/Khayr

ad-Din as two persons), Pyenson has carefully mined government and private
papers. For scores of scientists his wit enlivens narratives of career vicissitudes
and bureaucratic-military-academic politics. The style is erudite yet brisk. In
Algeria Albert Camus passed through 1937-38 as a research assistant in meteorology (p. 124). "The physical climate is omnipresent in his novels and
essays." Meticulous scholarship fills the notes, and the publisher is lavish with
photographs. Both appear in the pages where they matter. The handsome
edition has a Glossary of French Terms, Note on Sources, and Index (but no
bibliography). Pyenson catalogues French endeavors in the carte du ciel and
other astronomical measurement, meteorology, seismology, vulcanology, and
mapping the earth, its geology, and its magnetic variations. In the twentieth
century wireless time signals from the Eiffel Tower, and data cabled or radioed
from weather stations, unified the program. French cultural imperialism
spanned more than a century in some lands. In the Americas it included
Québec, Martinique, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Equador, and Mexico.
The Society of Jesus made particular contributions to science and to the
mission civilisatrice. Jesuits carried on despite Third Republic anticlericalism;
they resumed after the Great War in which some of them fought. Pyenson
describes a Jesuit's fifteen-year formation. Superiors identified adolescent talent and planned the seminarians' doctoral research in philosophy and theology. They scheduled decade-later assignments in Madagascar, Shanghai
(which ended after Mao's victory), and the Beqa'a Valley (which Lebanon's
recent civil war ended). Many careers demonstrate the inner discipline which
made Jesuits so productive and cost-effective in the view of "metropolitan
mandarins." These Third Republic bureaucrats, military brass, and academics
collaborated, during the late unpleasantness, with Jesuit authorities exiled to
Britain or Jersey. As for the latter, "In their view, no civil regime could alter
the fact that France remained a profoundly Catholic country" (p. 155). Government money somewhat compromised the autonomy of the Jesuits' ob-

servatories and weather stations (a problem for principal investigators in
general). But it went for the greater glory of God. As Father Pierre Lejay
remarked (p. 187): "Science is one of the most glorious parts given to man
in unfolding the Creation that continually advances."

J. Dean O'Donnell, Jr.

Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University

Die Franziskanerinnen von Bonlanden: Licht and Schatten. By Paul Kopf.
(Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag. 1992. Pp. 308. DM 48,-.)
The book tells the story of the Franciscan nuns of Bonlanden, located in

Württemberg, founded in 1854 by Faustin Mennel (1824-1889). As the author

92BOOK REVIEWS

correctly mentions in the introduction, Mennel and his congregation are
widely unknown in Germany. Mennel, who became an orphan at the age of

seven months, studied theology in Tübingen and, in 1867, became pastor of
a parish in a little village near Tuttlingen. Influenced by the 1848 revolution
and me suffering of the population, he first cared about young people. He
intended to improve their situation by learning and education. In November
1853, he became pastor in Erolzheim. There, he met a couple who gave him
as a present a piece of land near Bonlanden. This was the place to build his

school for young girls, indigent widows, and sick people. In 1855, he asked
the Franciscan nuns in Dillingen to support his work (till 1918, it was for-

bidden in Württemberg to found a male religious congregation). One year
later, the first two nuns were robed in Bonlanden. In the following years, he
expanded the property to provide the economic basis.

Although the Prussian Kulturkampf Laws in 1875 made Mennel's work

more difficult, he was able to increase the number of nuns and students in
his institute. At the end of the Kulturkampf there were forty-five sisters in
Bonlanden. On June 17, 1898, Mennel died after several years of illness and

afflictions. Up to that time, there were already forty-three Franciscan nuns,
diirty-six tertians (members of the third order of St. Francis), and seventyeight students living in Bonlanden. The year 1925 can be regarded as a turning

point in the history of the congregation. The nuns decided to found missions
overseas. The first project was to be in Argentina. The reason was that since
1922 there already existed connections to a colony in Misiones-Argentina. In

the following years, the political atmosphere in the Weimar Republic changed

dramatically. After the so-called Machtergreifung in 1933 the work became
more and more difficult. Finally, in May, 1937, tfiirty-two sisters left Bonlanden
to continue Mennel's work in Argentina, Brazil, and the United States of America. Brazil was the center of the sisters' work. During the following years, they

took over seven convents. Mainly they were busy in the educational field. The
same was true for Argentina. In that country the nursery was another important
aspect. In the United States, the sisters were not as successful as in Latin

America. Nowadays, their activities focus on the poor in the Brazilian cities.

They established projects under the motto: "Help others to make them help
themselves."

The book under review gives a detailed story of the sisters' history. It is

worth reading for those who are particularly interested in this congregation.

Other readers, I suspect, will be bored as it is a large collection of material
and data. It should be added that two thirds of the book consist of pictures.
Susanne Bohr-Hiri e

Cologne

BOOK REVIEWS93

Carlo Bayer: Ein Römer aus Schlesien und Pionier der Caritas Internationalis. By Christian Heidrich. [Arbeiten zur schlesischen Kirchengeschichte,

Volume 6.] (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag. 1992. Pp. 380. DM 48,-.)

Carlo Bayer (1915—1977), a German priest, was the first secretary-general

of Caritas Internationalis after its foundation in Rome in 1950—51. Under

his dynamic leadership it early became an important factor in international

relief work in stricken areas. In 1968 his agency, other church-related orga-

nizations, and the Red Cross were confronted with a near-catastrophic food
crisis in Biafra, which in the course of its war with stronger Nigeria had been
completely surrounded by its foe's army and denied access by land to foreign
food sources. Before Western aid groups had gotten on top of the problem
through the creation of a large air-lift operation, deaths from malnutrition had
mounted to the high hundreds of thousands. Carlo Bayer was probably the
most energetic and resourceful and certainly the most daring of the aid officials
who were involved in the whole effort to feed the Biafran people. It was his
willingness to take certain risks which would either provide the occasion or
be the actual cause of his sudden and humiliating dismissal from his highly
profiled position in February, 1970.
Christian Heidrich believes that Bayer, whom he much admires, lost his

office because of the joint desire of Monsignor Jean Rodhain, the French

president of the Catholic relief agency, and of Archbishop Giovanni Benelli,
the Deputy-Secretary of State at the Vatican, to take over control of Caritas
Internationalis. He stresses the fact that the German episcopate showed its
confidence in its countryman by making him the head of its own well-funded
program of aid to the Eastern European Catholic churches, a post he would
hold till his death in January, 1977. The author may be unfair to the two high
churchmen who forced Bayer out of his longtime post as chief operating
officer of Caritas Internationalis. Bayer had earlier said that he did not observe
diplomatic considerations when he was confronted with starving people. From
time to time he found that his agency in trying to feed the people of Biafra
needed to buy foodstuffs on its domestic markets, an undertaking which
required the exchange of hard Western currency for the inflated paper money
of Biafra. On one occasion, when the Biafran government was out of its own
currency, he arranged for the printing of a large amount of it in European
presses, paid the bills for that work, and then concluded an exchange arrangement with the Biafran government in which his agency secured Biafran
paper money for Western currency. The agreement provided that Caritas
Internationalis could send its payments to Biafra's European diplomatic missions and not to the home government itself so that it would not be used to
purchase weapons. The Nigerian government soon angrily protested, however,
that the Catholic relief agency and the Catholic Church itself had become
allies of Biafra, and President Richard Nixon of the United States made a formal
protest over the above currency pact to Pope Paul Vl in an audience at the
Vatican.

94BOOK REVIEWS

For all his admiration of his subject, Heidrich does present a broad and
detailed account of Bayer's Biafran operations so that his readers can come
to their own conclusions as to whether his critics or supporters had the more
right on their side. It is puzzling then that in his writing on the young Bayer
as a seminarian, new priest, and non-combatant soldier in the Nazi years

(1933—1945) his approach seems to be unusually narrow in focus and ano-

dyne in approach when he deals with the young man's responses to dramatic
public events, some of them horrendous in nature.
By the later 1930's Adolf Hitler had achieved a charismatic leadership in
Germany with special effects on youth. Nevertheless, there is no evidence in
the Heidrich study that the seminarian Bayer's determination in 1938 to enter
the army if war came was due in any way to the dictator's inspiration. He did

postpone taking that step until after his ordination in December, 1940, and

his priestly status enabled him to serve as non-combattant, usually doing office
tasks. The author's narrative shows that Bayer served at minor fronts or in
quiet sectors except for a late assignment in his beloved Italy. What is strange
about Heidrich's narrative is that we learn nothing about the young soldier's
reactions to the great military and political developments of the war period,
including Germany's defeat, Hitler's death, and the earlier large-scale crimes
of his regime. His units might just as well have been stationed in the Gobi
desert without radio communications.

There may be, however, an intellectually satisfying and possibly sound
rationale for the author's treatment of the young Bayer's thinking and actions
in response to the above major historic events. Like most other Germans,
Catholics had negative feelings about the Treaty of Versailles. Hubert Jedin,
the noted Silesian priest and church historian and a Bayer friend, would later
write that he, because of his resentment against that treaty, would have wel-

comed Germany's victory over France in 1940 if he had not had to worry as

a half-Jew what consequences it might have for his own security. On the other
hand, many German Catholics had since World War I a strongly positive
attitude toward the German army in which they or some of their family
members had served. Bayer's own soldier father had fallen in battle in 1917.
For some Germans, religious, political, or intellectual foes of Nazism, the army
was an honorable institution in which they could serve their country and
escape persecution from the regime, or, as one prominent critic put it, "sit
out the war." The young Bayer certainly did not sit out the conflict, but he

may have been standing with his back toward Berlin and its works.

This is certainly a serious, informative, and worthwhile biographical study
of Carlo Bayer's life and career as it stands. Nevertheless, it would be more
satisfying if Christian Heidrich had told us what his subject's later reflections
were on the causes of the war, for which the author does blame Hitler, and
the mass murders ofJews and other smaller ethnic and religious groups. After
all, the central theme of this book is Bayer's zealous efforts as a relief administrator after 1945 to save the lives and relieve the sufferings of peoples in

BOOK REVIEWS95

disasters caused by man or by nature. If he did not leave a record of his later
thoughts on the war and the massive Nazi crimes committed in it, the author

could have said so. In the final analysis it is not the subject of a biography
who has the last word but his biographer.

John Zeender

The Catholic University ofAmerica

The Letters of Teilhard de Chardin and Lucile Swan Edited by Thomas M.

King, SJ., and Mary Wood Gilbert. Textual editor, Karl Schrnitz-Moorman.
(Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. 1993. Pp. xx, 316.
«45.00 cloth; S24.95 paper.)

When they met in Peking in 1929, Teilhard de Chardin was forty-eight, a
paleontologist who had been a Jesuit for thirty years; Lucile Swan was ten
years younger, a divorced American artist. Their friendship flourished for a
decade in Peking, for another sixteen years across the globe as both moved
and traveled. They discussed Teilhard's ideas, the books and essays on evolution that he was writing and circulating to friends in mimeographed editions.
Ms. Swan came to share his views and helped in preparing typescripts. More
than two hundred of Teilhard's letters to her are included in this edition, the
last major collection of his letters to be published. About forty of Ms. Swan's
letters are extant, and selections from them have been included along with

portions of her journal and notes to herself about Teilhard. Most of Teilhard's

letters were written in English and those written wholly or partially in French
have been presented in both languages, with Teilhard's lapses in English and
eccentric French punctuation faithfully reproduced. The critical apparatus
contains a parallel chronology of their lives, a select bibliography, an index
of names, and a guide to indexed names. Ten photographs are included.
The collection is valuable for several reasons. It further illuminates Teil-

hard's personality and affords more glimpses of his reactions to the trajectory
of his career, the genesis and reception of his ideas, and the health problems
of his last years. Some more detail is added to what we know of the circumstances in which various of his writings were prepared. The most important
aspect of this volume, however, is that it should put to rest once and for all
any doubt as to the nature of Teilhard's commitment to his celibate vocation.
Ms. Swan many times expressed her desire that their relationship include
sexual intimacy, asserting that its omission was inconsistent with his ideas on
the relation of matter and spirit. Repeatedly Teilhard denied the possibility
of his ever embarking on such intimacy with any woman, explaining to her
the organic role of virginity in his continued spiritual and intellectual development and reiterating the views he had set forth in his 1918 essay, "The
Eternal Feminine." Indeed, "The Evolution of Chastity," written in 1934, seems

96

BOOK REVIEWS

an attempt to deal with the problem presented by his friendship with Ms.

Swan. In an epilogue, "Teilhard and the Feminine," Father King rehearses (as

he did in pp. 158-174 of his 1988 book, Teilhard de Chardin) the role played

both by the idealized view of women and the friendship of specific women
in Teilhard's life and thought.

This handsome and useful compilation would have been enhanced by the

inclusion of an index of topics as well as that of names.

Joseph M. McCarthy

Suffolk University
American

Sanctuaries of Spanish New Mexico. By Marc Treib. (Berkeley: University of
California Press. 1993. Pp. xviii, 352. 855.00.)

A big, handsome production designed by the author, this volume brings
California to New Mexico. Even though Marc Treib earned degrees in architecture and design in the late 1 960's at the University of California, Berkeley,

where today he is professor of architecture, and the University of California
Press published the study, the subject is not California missions, but, surprisingly, New Mexico missions. It began as a guide book. Treib then perceived
the need "for an architectural history that synthesized material from these

[i.e., previous] studies and bolstered them with fieldwork and formal analysis"

(p. xii).

To that end, he achieves a neat balance of words and pictures. Still, it is
the latter initially that stand out—dozens and dozens of crisply reproduced
black-and-white photographs, period shots interspersed with the author's; a
rich color section of his prints (featuring in plates 16 and 17 a creative

juxtaposition of natural lighting in church and kiva); and an impressive series

of floor plans all to the same scale, allowing easy comparison (as with distinct
seventeenth) and eighteenth-century structures at Pecos on facing pp. 212—
213).
Accessibility determined Treib's selection of churches; because the pueblo
of Santa Ana is rarely open to visitors, the eighteenth-century monument there
gets left out. His choice of the word "sanctuaries" allows him to add to the
usual canon of roofed or ruined New Mexico mission churches a number of

non-mission buildings that served the Hispanic population of the colony.
Part I sets the scene physically and culturally. Treib is at his best discussing
continuities, discontinuities, and accommodations between Pueblo Indian and

Spanish building traditions, as well as the architectural tides that washed over
New Mexico after U.S. occupation in the mid-nineteenth century. In Part II,

BOOK REVIEWS97

the author offers well-crafted compilations detailing the often-confusing
successions of churches that occupied at least twenty-nine different sites.

Here, he utilizes almost every pertinent published primary source, numerous

specific secondary studies, along with the standard general ones: Prince

(1915), Forrest (1929), Kubier ( 1940), Hewett and Fisher ( 1943), and Kessell

(1980).

To see the evolution of these historic monuments through a modern architect's eye is delightful. "The play of curvilinear and planar forms in adobe"
(caption 15—3), referring to the famous buttresses and apse of Ranchos de
Taos, or Las Trampas, with "the most poised facade of the New Mexican
churches, a composition pitting the strong verticals of the towers against the
lighter wooden balcony" (caption 13-1)—who but an architect? Typical is
this description of the same church inside: "Fortunately, SanJosé is not covered
by the tin shed roofs that now protect many of the adobe churches, and as a
result the light quality from the windows—however enlarged—and the clerestory reveal an interior characterized by softness and repose. The wash of
light over the white plastered walls and the soft rendering of the prismatic
masses create a spacial impression that complements the cubic forms of the
exterior towers" (p. 176).
Even we who fret about the Californication of New Mexico can celebrate

Marc Treib's welcome contribution of this beautiful guide-book-turnedarchitectural-exposition.
John L. Kessell

University ofNew Mexico

Cultivating a Landscape of Peace: Iroquois-European Encounters in
Seventeenth-Century America By Matthew Dennis. (Ithaca, New York:
Cornell University Press. 1993. Pp. xiv, 280. 837.95.)
Cultivating a Landscape ofPeace deals with relations between the Iroquois,
Dutch, and French in the seventeenth century, prior to the British conquest

of New York and the development of the covenant chain between the Iroquois
and the English. Matthew Dennis, an assistant professor in the Department of
History, University of Oregon, suggests that the central theme in this period

of the history of the Five Nations is a continuous search for peace, on Iroquois
terms, with the two European powers.

Cultivating a Landscape of Peace is divided into two sections. The first
examines the Iroquois world prior to contact; the second their post-contact
relations with the Dutch and French. In part one, Dennis examines the development of the Iroquois ideal of establishing peace with hostile groups by
establishing ties of kinship between them, and their desire to establish a world

98BOOK REVIEWS

of universal peace. Part two records Iroquois attempts to apply this ideal in

the decades following the establishment of Dutch and French colonies on the

Hudson and the Saint Lawrence, as they sought peace with Europeans by
incorporating them into their kinship system. In die course of the seventeenth
century, the Iroquois earnestly attempted to assimilate Dutch and French
colonists, and to instruct them in their obligations and roles in the Iroquois
kinship system. Neither group proved receptive. The Dutch at tempted to

distance diemselves from Amerindians, whom they perceived solely as com-

mercial partners. The French sent Jesuit missionaries to Iroquoia with the
avowed intention, not of bringing the French colony into the Iroquois world,
but of assimilating the Iroquois and converting them into Christian Frenchmen.
This portrayal of the Iroquois as cultural imperialists provides an invaluable
insight into the dynamics of the Catholic missionary effort in Iroquoia, as

Dennis depicts the attempts of a confident and successful native society to

assimilate Europeans. Viewed from this perspective, the Jesuit enterprise
ceases to be a unilateral venture in -which European missionaries preach to
more or less receptive Native Americans. Instead, it becomes a competitive
process, in which each group seeks to convert and assimilate the other to an
alien way of life.
In skillfully portraying me attempts of a confident and successful native
society to deal with Europeans on their own terms Dennis has made an
important contribution to the literature on the Iroquois, their European neighbors, and the process of evangelization.
D. Peter MacLeod

Ottawa, Ontario, Canada

Missionary Conquest: The Gospel and Native American Cultural Genocide.
By George E. Tinker. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press. 1993· Pp. ix, 182.
Paperback.)

The natural source of life for a given people, explains the author, is the

integrity of their native culture, the maintenance of their system of values,
their social patterns and structures, the interrelationships that bind them
together as a community. Destroy, erode, or undermine this complex of social,

political, economic, and cultural characteristics and you effectually damage
or even destroy them. Such interference with a given people's way of life is

what the author terms cultural genocide.

Misfortune of this general character was visited upon many Native American
communities at the hands of missionaries, both Protestant and Catholic, who,
unable to distinguish adequately between the spiritual values of the Gospel
and the cultural values of the European or Euro-American way of life they

BOOK REVIEWS99

represented, attempted to impart both at the same time to the ill-starred
objects of their religious zeal.

Inevitably, the fear of the missionaries that the lives of their converts would
not conform sufficiently to European standards resulted, for the Indians, in a
form of discipline that limited too severely the freedom to which they had
been traditionally accustomed.

With these principles in mind, the author sketches briefly the careers of
four missionaries, two Protestant and two Catholic, who labored during the

period previous to the development of the science of anthropology: John Eliot
(d. 1690) in Puritan New England; Junípero Serra (d. 1784) in Alta California;
Pierre-Jean De Smet (d. 1873) in the Great Plains, Montana, Oregon, and

Alberta, Canada; and Henry Benjamin Whipple (d. 1901 ), the Episcopal Bishop
of Minnesota.

Strangely, the author seems rather persistent in questioning the good intentions with which these and like missionaries are generally credited. "A

similar breakdown of good intentions," he says, "can be demonstrated for
virtually every important missionary in the history ofNative American missions
in both hemispheres" (p. 17).

The text is occasionally marred by small errors, at least in the case of

Junípero Serra, who died in 1784, not 1782, and who was beatified on Sep-

tember 25, 1988, not on July 1 of that year. Pedro Fages, in 1773, was not
yet the governor of California; still a lieutenant, he was only commander of
the presidios in the new colony. In the early stages of his missionary experience on the Pacific coast, Serra's most important political superior was named
Gálvez, not Galvan. And Indian converts, traditionally, were permitted to
supplement their ration of Spanish food with native dishes, which they actually
preferred.
With respect to the death rate among the missionized Indians of Alta Cal-

ifornia, it is worm observing, first, that Dr. Harry Kelsey, drawing upon the

research of three archaeologists, specifies five diseases that were present
among Alta California natives previous to European contact: streptococcus,
staphylococcus, gastrointestinal disorders associated with the intake of contaminated water, venereal syphilis, and tuberculosis; and secondly, that dysentery, a common complaint among the Indians of at least seven of the
missions, most probably came from drinking polluted water. The Salinas River
and coastal streams to the south tend to dry up during the summer months,
and the vast numbers of cattle and sheep had abundant opportunity to befoul
the water.

To determine the reasons for the high death rate among the missionized
Indians of Alta California, archaeological research is necessary.
Francis F. Guest, O.F.M.

Santa Barbara, California

100BOOK REVIEWS

The Christian Philosopher. By Cotton Mather. Edited with an Introduction
and Notes, by Winton U. Solberg. (Urbana and Chicago: University of

Illinois Press. 1994. Pp. cxlii, 488. «49.95. )

This splendid edition of Cotton Mather's ambitious natural theology dem-

onstrates one way Puritanism embraced the Enlightenment in Europe. The
argument from design, which buttressed natural theology, depended upon
empirical observation of natural processes for its assertion that God existed.

Like the 'New Science' in Europe, it presumed that like effects proceeded

from like causes, Isaac Newton's second rule of reasoning in the Principia.
Yet, in its preoccupation with final cause, the argument from design shared
more with the Peripatetics than with the experimental philosophers of the
seventeenth century. As both Galileo and Bacon warned, teleology too often

became tautology. Still, within the swirling cross-currents of the Enlighten-

ment in Britain and eventually in America as well, the logical structures of
natural theology often cut across religious boundaries. Orthodox clerics and
heterodox pamphleteers often shared fundamental assumptions. Mather's embrace of arguments also invoked by Deists need not compromise his
Puritanism.

Mather published The Christian Philosopher in 1 72 1 . As Winton Solberg's
excellent introduction details, Mather carefully monitored intellectual developments within the Royal Society in London, and often contributed "Curiosa
Americana" to their proceedings. He maintained a huge personal library of
British books, which he drew upon extensively when compiling his own
natural theology. Indeed, as Solberg demonstrates with stunning thoroughness,

little of Mather's book proved original. By Solberg's calculations, almost eighty
percent of The Christian Philosopher came directly and sometimes without
acknowledgment from the published works of such figures asJohn Ray, William
Derham, John Harris, George Cheyne, and Nehemiah Grew. Mather's personal

contribution to this anthology consisted mainly of introductory essays and

connective passages which linked his various sources together. Solberg notes
forgivingly that such borrowing was widely tolerated in the eighteenth century. He compliments Mather on his extensive knowledge of arcane sources

and rightly credits his subject with disseminating the natural theology of the

Enlightenment to the American colonies. He also shows how the book influenced both John Wesley and Christian Wolff. Nevertheless, it may come as a
surprise to readers just how much Mather lifted from others.
Solberg has edited Mather's work with care. His lengthy introduction and
extensive notes place the work within its historical context; the handsomely
produced text mirrors the original faithfully; the end matter includes a biographical register, a recapitulation of Mather's sources, a list of biblical references, and a useful index.
D. L. Le Mahieu

Lake Forest College

BOOK REVIEWS101

New Dimensions in American Religious History: Essays in Honor ofMartin

E. Marty. Edited by Jay P. Dolan and James P. Wind. (Grand Rapids,
Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. 1993. Pp. xi, 329.
829.99.)

This book is a Festschrift for Martin E. Marty on the occasion of his sixtyfifth birthday. The authors are his former students at the University of Chicago,
some now distinguished scholars themselves. Rarely in any anthology are
contributions of consistently high quality; this one is an exception. Each piece
deserves sustained attention.

Tradition suggests that a Festschrift reflect the professional interests of the

honorée. To do so in Marty's case would require a multivolume effort; the
select bibliography that closes the book notes some 300 of Marty's writings,
a mere ten percent of his corpus to date.

Wisely the editors emphasize three themes: the idea of a public religion
that weaves through much of Marty's work, new directions in American re-

ligious history, and the phenomenon of fundamentalism(s) that dominates

much of Marty's recent endeavors. Yet the essays illuminate other of Marty's
passions even as they center on these themes.

For example, Marty's editorial tenure at the Christian Century that has
made him a public analyst of religious trends receives recognition in an insightful piece by Mark Toulouse. Toulouse uses the Century as a microcosm
to view the tensions and ambivalence that cascaded through American Prot-

estantism in the 1950's and 1960's when it came to connecting faith to social
issues.

Marty has long urged us not to restrict "American" to the United States,
but to embrace the rest of the Americas (especially Canada) and also the
impact of American forms of Christianity on global religious life. Two essays
highlight these concerns. William L. Sachs probes the dilemmas facing
churches established by missionaries inJapan as that culture became stridently
nationalistic in the decades before World War II, while Robert Choquette,
adapting a perspective Marty advanced in looking primarily at twentiethcentury development in the United States, shows how numerous ironies have
confronted Canadian Christianity in its multifaceted relationship to cultural
forces.

How religious consciousness penetrates public life outside traditional religious institutions is another emphasis that pervades much of Marty's scholarly
writing. Sally Promey points in that direction with an appraisal of the murals
painted by John Singer Sargent in the Boston Public Library, noting how they
reflected the bias in American life of the triumph of Western culture because
of its appropriation of Christianity. James Wind, coeditor of the book, also
picks up on the way religious influences subtly work in society in a provocative
piece on American attitudes toward health and health care.

102BOOK REVIEWS

Four essays build on Marty's nudging religious history in new directions;

yet, these, too, reflect other concerns shaping his career. For example, much
of Marty's editorial writing has examined the transition of religiosity from
being a corporate to an individual matter. Catherine Albanese draws on the

fascination with Thomsonian medicine in the nineteenth century to find one
source of that privatization as individuals sought inner power in order to
understand and control even abstract forces that seemed to set the course of
life.

Jay Dolan, the book's other coeditor, masterfully surveys American Catholic

historical writing in the twentieth century, explicating the theological and
cultural biases that shifted as Catholics moved beyond triumphalism to seeing
how the American context enriched their tradition. Marty the Lutheran pastor
and churchman lurks behind Paul Westermeyer's appraisal of changes in

twentieth-century church music. Westermeyer notes that although music histories give careful attention to religious music in earlier epochs, they mistakenly ignore it when looking at the recent past.

Marty has looked at the religious lives of selected individuals as represen-

tative pilgrimages that illumine the larger picture. DeAne Lagerquist closes
this section by expanding Marty's approach in using three women (including
one African American) as prisms through which to view recent developments.

For the last decade or so, Marty has been identified with the Fundamentalism

Project, spearheading endeavors to understand fundamentalism as a religious
and cultural phenomenon that is not limited to theologically conservative
Protestants. The final three essays emerge from that concern.

Scott Appleby, associate director of the Fundamentalism Project, explains

how perceptions that society was becoming too secular spurred both Protestants and Catholics to preserve fundamental religious truth thought essential

for the common good.

Especially perceptive is Timothy Weber's scrutiny of attitudes toward issues
such as biblical inerrancy and feminism that divided Protestant fundamentalists
and led to the emergence of a "progressive evangelicalism." The volume
concludes with Yaakov Ariel's careful study of Protestant fundamentalist support for Zionism, partly grounded in the conviction that a Jewish state was a

precondition for the eschaton so central to the fundamentalist worldview.

Martin Marty ranks as one of the foremost interpreters of American religion
over the last forty years. These essays are a fitting tribute to the range and

significance of his work and an indication of how students of an effective
teacher push beyond their mentors to open new vistas for reflection.

Charles H. Lippy

University of Tennessee at Chattanooga

BOOK REVIEWS103

TheBicentennialHistory ofGeorgetown University. Volume h From Academy

to University, 1 789-1889- By Robert Emmett Curran, SJ. (Washington,
D.C.: Georgetown University Press. 1993- Pp. xviii, 445. »25.00.)

In view of Georgetown's special status as the nation's oldest Catholic institution of higher education, and the only one founded by the first Catholic
bishop, John Carroll, it is fitting that the first volume of R. Emmett Curran's

bicentennial history of Georgetown sets a new standard of excellence for

institutional biographies of Catholic colleges and universities. And to have
done this is no small accomplishment, given the high quality of other recent
works in the field by C. Joseph Nuesse, Joseph B. Connors, Donald P. Gavin,
and Gerald McKevitt, SJ., to mention only the most outstanding.1 For that
matter, it required a certain boldness on Curran's part to include the first

century of Georgetown's history in his bicentennial project, since that span
of time had already been covered in two quite competent books by John M.

Daley, SJ. (Georgetown University: Origins and Early Years [1957]), and
Joseph T. Durkin, SJ. (Georgetown University: The Middle Years, 1840—1900
[1963]).

Curran's decision to cover the whole of Georgetown's history derived from
his conviction that "there was a distinct value to a new, integrated account
of the institution" from its eighteenth-century beginnings as an academy to
its present status as a complex multiversity. Three more specific considerations
reinforced this conviction: ( 1 ) the availability of sources Daley and Durkin
could not use; (2) the development of new techniques of historical investigation, especially prosopographic; and ( 3 ) Curran's desire to set Georgetown's

history more solidly in the context of the ecclesiastical, educational, and
regional communities to which it belongs (p. xv). The book at hand triumphantly vindicates his decision to go back once more over the ground covered
by Daley and Durkin, and makes us look forward more eagerly than ever to
the second volume, which will reveal a century of Georgetown's history about
which virtually nothing is now known.

Curran's organization of the first century is beautifully symmetrical (three

"parts" of four chapters each, with each chapter in turn divided into labelled

1C. Joseph Nuesse, The Catholic University ofAmerica· A CentennialHistory ( 1990);
Joseph B. Connors,/OHraey toward Fulfillment: A History of the College ofSt Thomas

( 1986); Donald P. Gavin,/o*n Carroll University: A Century ofService ( 1985); Gerald
McKevitt, S.J., The University of Santa Clara: A History, 1851-1977 (1979). Other

recent works deserving of notice are Charles F. Donovan, SJ., David R. Dunigan, S.J.,
and Paul A. FitzGerald, SJ., History ofBoston College (1990), an updating of Dunigan's

1947 study of the same name; William H. Dunn, C.S.C., Saint Edward's University: A

Centennial History ( 1986); and Herman J. Muller, S.J., The University ofDetroit, 1877—

1977: A Centennial History (1976). Among somewhat older works William B. Faherty,
SJ., Better the Dream: Saint Louis: University and Community, 1818-1968 (1968) is
of special value.

104BOOK REVIEWS

subsections, usually ten to twelve in number), and he succeeds nicely in
combining narrative movement with comprehensiveness of coverage. The
designations he applies to the three parts—"The Academy: Beginnings, 1773— ¦

1830"; "From Academy to College, 1830-60"; and "From College to University, 1860—89"—reflect Curran's sense of the main stages of institutional

growth. He is, however, quite well aware of the ambiguous nature of these
classificatory labels, and his division seems based more on the dominant academic ethos of each period than on its specific organizational or curricular
features (although the latter are, of course, dealt with very fully).
The story Curran tells reveals anything but an easy, continuous, built-in
progression from academy to college to university. On the contrary, one is
struck repeatedly by the uncertain, up-and-down rockiness of Georgetown's
development, and by the crucial role of individual leaders in moving it ahead,

impeding its progress, or in a few cases endangering its existence. The latter

peril was greatest in the early days, and Curran's research fully confirms John
Carroll's indispensable contribution as founder, the almost fatal setback inflicted by the rigidities of Leonard and Francis Neale, and the revitalizing role
played by Giovanni Grassi, the first Jesuit to hold office as president after the

full restoration of the Society in 1814. Further along in the story, the indig-

enously American, but Roman-trained Jesuits, Thomas Mulledy, William
McSherry, and James Ryder are credited with infusing the new spirit that
moved Georgetown definitively from academy to college, and Patrick Healy,
SJ. (of the famous African-American clerical family), set the stage in the 1870's
for Georgetown's evolution toward modern university status.
Besides underlining the importance of leadership, Curran's account clarifies
the hitherto obscure process by which Georgetown became aJesuit institution
although it was founded when the Society was officially suppressed, and was
controlled through its first two decades by the organization of ex-Jesuits set
up on Carroll's initiative in the 1 780's. Another revealing feature of Curran's
discussion of Georgetown's relationship to the Society are the tensions between the "continentals" (i.e., Jesuits sent over from Europe in the post-

Napoleonic era) and their all-too-republican American confreres. But he also

makes clear how much Georgetown's academic progress owed to the recurrent waves of Jesuit émigrés, especially those uprooted by the revolutions of
1848. Curran likewise points out how the development of otherJesuit colleges
affected Georgetown, but the degree to which the needs of the Jesuit province
as a whole took precedence over the interests of any individual institution
within it could be brought out more explicitly.
Curran sets Georgetown's story within the larger educational context quite
expertly; even more illuminating, however, is the way he links it to the development of the nation's capital and to the school's regional location on the
rim of the upper South. These linkages are most consistently reflected in the
composition of Georgetown's student body, which brings us to Curran's heroic
venture into prosopography. He has created a data bank of computerized
information for all of Georgetown's students between 1791 and 1870, and for

BOOK REVIEWS105

the entering classes of every fifth year from 1870 to I960. For this total of

10,621 students, data were collected for fifty-two variables, "including place
of origin . . . , family background, religious affiliation, ethnic group, age, academic concentration, history of education financing, reason for leaving
Georgetown, career, military service, and family connections with the institution." A similar study was carried out on the faculty from the beginning to

I960, but with "scaled-down variables" (p. 342n). The detailed results are

set forth in twenty tables of "demographics," and woven into the relevant
expository sections of nearly every chapter of the book. Three additional
tables of a more conventional sort report annual enrollment figures, degrees
awarded, and numbers of Georgetown alumni who served in the Civil War
(218 for the Union; 867 for the Confederacy).
The density and richness of the portrayal of the Georgetown community
this mammoth undertaking permits is unparalleled in the literature on Catholic
higher education, and, I venture to speculate, for American higher education
at large. Although nothing like a summary is possible here, we can note that
Curran establishes the strongly "Southern" character of Georgetown through
virtually all its first century; that he uncovers many connections with the
nation's political and military elite arising from its strategic location in the
District of Columbia; and that he traces very interesting fluctuations in the
relative numbers of Catholics and Protestants in the student bodies of the

college, the medical school (established in 1849), and the law school (established in 1870).
All this—in addition to Curran's superb handling of special topics, such as
the impact of nativism and the Civil War, and of standard themes, such as
student life and curricular development—give this book a special place in
the literature of the field that matches Georgetown's special place among
American Catholic institutions of higher education.
Philip Gleason

University ofNotre Dame

No Easy Road: The Early Years of the Augustinians in the United States,
1796-1874. By Arthur J. Ennis, O.S.A. [Cassiciacum: Studies in St. Augustine and the Augustinian Order, Volume XII (American Studies ). ] ( New
York: Peter Lang. 1993. Pp. viii, 472.)
This twelfth volume in the American Series of the studies in St. Augustine
and the Augustinian Order presents a story of heroism told exceptionally well

and documented thoroughly as it traces the growth of the founding Augus-

tinian community to what is presently three provinces and one viceprovince
established separately with a total membership of 65 1 .
If this definitive work has any small shortcoming it is that Father Ennis in

106BOOK REVIEWS

his modesty does not credit the tremendous priestly help the Augustinians
have always been to what would become the Archdioceses of Philadelphia,
New York, and Boston, but especially in those early years with ever mounting
thousands and thousands of Irish immigrants into priest-scarce Philadelphia,
the leading seaport until the completion of the Erie Canal. Most of the Au-

gustinians in this early period were Irish, making them doubly acceptable to
the vast majority of immigrants in the Philadelphia, New York, and Boston
areas.

The Augustinians also shortly after the foundation of the Diocese of Philadelphia supplied that great necessity of higher Catholic education in what
has now become the imposing Villanova University.
Chapter XII, "Ruin and Recovery," relating as reported "Ecclesia Bellissima
Nostra Combusta Est ab Americanis" (so-called Native Americans?) is an outstanding chapter.
Father Ennis corrects those exaggerated ecumenists who assert that reli-

gious bigotry did not play a major role in the 1844 incendiary riots when
nativists and Scots-Irish united in enmity toward the Catholic Irish, even

diough some of the Northern Irish were foreign-born and tíierefore did not

possess the high and noble trait of "nativism in its purity."

The author pinpoints Bishop Francis Patrick Kenrick's greatest concern as
the increasingly anti-Catholic climate in the public schools—the use of
Protestant prayers, hymns, and religious services, and above all, the flagrantly
anti-Catholic bias found in many secular textbooks and in school libraries.
The bishop wrote "a courteous letter begging for free and equal treatment
and citing the stated policy of religious tolerance based on the laws of the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania; specifically, he asked that Catholic students
be permitted to use a Catholic Bible in place of the King James version
[but] ... in the mind of the nativist populace the issue was quite simple: the

papist bishop of Philadelphia was trying to remove the Bible from the public
schools."

The destruction of three Catholic churches followed. After the May 8, 1844,

burning of St. Michael's Church, rectory, the sisters' school and convent, and
a number of the homes of Irish families, the rioters went that evening to the
next Catholic church, St. Augustine's. Stoning Mayor John Scott in his plea for
calm, the terrorists burned St. Augustine's church and buildings, even making
a bonfire of one of the best theological and patristic libraries of its times, at
least 3000 volumes. The church buildings were replaced rather quickly, but
the library and paintings could never be restored. "On the interior of the rear
wall carved in large gold letters above the main altar were the words 'The
Lord Seeth'; though begrimed by the smoke the words nevertheless remained

clearly visible," reassuring to all the Catholics of Philadelphia, whose parishes
contributed to the new St. Augustine's, which opened the first Sunday in
February, 1847, with those same encouraging words on the rear wall.

BOOK REVIEWS107

Copious notes followed by a thorough bibliography are proof of sound

scholarship. All are deeply indebted to Father Ennis, now deceased. R.I.P.

Hugh J. Nolan

Wayne, Pennsylvania

Mission and Memory: A History of the Catholic Church in Arkansas. By

James M. Woods. (Little Rock: August House, Inc., Publishers for the
Diocese of Little Rock, P.O. Box 3223, Little Rock, Arkansas 72203. 1993.

Pp. 415. 824.95.)

The year 1993 marked the 1 50th anniversary of the erection of the Diocese

of Little Rock in 1843. Mission and Memory is the history commissioned for
the occasion. Many important details concerning the Church in Arkansas
appear for the first time.

Catholicism came to the Arkansas territory with the expedition of Hernando
de Soto in 1541. Until the territory passed under the control of the United
States in 1803, the Church was under Spanish and French ecclesiastical jurisdiction. During this "colonial" period it barely survived. There was little

religious activity, small population, few clergy, immense distances, and slow
travel. Yet a Catholic presence was preserved. Once a part of the United States,
die Church in Arkansas had to start anew. Most settlers in the Early National

period were English-speaking Protestants, and Arkansas became a state which

even now has a Catholic population of only about three percent of the total
population.
Mission and Memory begins with two chapters of prediocesan development, hitherto little known. With the appointment of the first bishop, Andrew

Byrne, the story continues, built around each bishop. Two chapters capture
the era of Bishop Byrne; two chapters continue the story of Bishop Fitzgerald;

diree chapters are devoted to the church under Bishop John Morris, and one

chapter each outlines the contributions of Bishop Albert Fletcher and Bishop

Andrew McDonald. This centering around the bishop is one of the merits of

this book. The most significant bishop is Edward Fitzgerald (1867-1907).
Fitzgerald is largely known because of his voting against the constitution on
papal infallibility in the First Vatican Council and the "rumor" that he was
under a cloud at die Vatican for the rest of his life. Here Bishop Fitzgerald

emerges as a human, energetic, and respected man in church and state. The

author shows that Fitzgerald was not "condemned" to remain a bishop of a
remote diocese but turned down considerations for appointments to Cincinnati, New Orleans, and Kansas City to remain in his first diocese. In 1893 he
was asked to administer the diocese of Dallas and the same year was chosen
to represent the New Orleans Province in greeting the newly-elected Leo

108BOOK REVIEWS

XIII. In 1884 he was chosen to give the opening address at the Third Plenary
Council of Baltimore.

Immigrant Irish, Germans, Italians, Polish, and Czechs formed the largest
groups of Catholics. The Irish forged the way until after the Civil War. In more
recent decades Hispanic and Vietnamese Catholics have left their marks on
Arkansas Catholicism. Dr. Wood studies the immigrant era interestingly comparing the proportions of foreign-born Catholics with the general population.
Chapter XI, "Sisters, Schools and Services: Some Catholic Contributions to
Arkansas, 1838—1992," outlines this phase of Catholic life and ministry from
die arrival of the Sisters of Loretto around 1840. A minor criticism might be
that religious orders of men receive recognition in chapters on the regular
development of the church, whereas the orders of women, for the most part,
are treated in this chapter.
Bishop Andrew J. McDonald has written in his prologue: ". . . We have
opened our hearts and our archives to Professor James M. Woods of Georgia
Southern University. A native Arkansan, he is a man of integrity and honesty,
and a professional historian." Mission and Memory is a valuable contribution
to American Catholic history.
Hugh Assenmachhr, O.S.B.

Subiaco Abbey
Subiaco, Arkansas

Religion and Society in Frontier California By Laurie F. Maffly-Kipp. (New
Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. 1994. Pp. x, 241. 825.00.)
This book is a remarkable piece of scholarship. It draws on a wide variety
of primary sources including the letters and diaries of gold-seekers, sermons,
the records of home mission societies, and other sources to present an innovative interpretation of the attempt of four major Protestant groups—Baptists, Methodists, Congregationalists, and Presbyterians—to evangelize Gold
Rush California. The popular historical interpretation of this era suggests that
California was flooded by gold hungry argonauts who had little regard for
religion or morality. Indeed, if judged by eastern evangelical standards, which
measured religious success by the number of personal conversions achieved,
the evangelization of California was a dismal failure. Maffly-Kipp challenges

this interpretation, arguing that a broader view of religion in the gold mines
needs to be employed.

Maffly-Kipp follows three "interconnecting stories" in her attempt to provide a new understanding of religion in the gold mines. First, she examines
the attempt by Protestant evangelicals to transplant their faith and institutions
in California. Millennial hopes buoyed by the doctrine of Manifest Destiny

BOOK REVIEWS109

were soon disappointed. Transplantation did not occur easily. Second, many
of the most cherished values of antebellum Protestant America were called

into question by the new realities presented by the mining regions. Transiency,
"extreme ethnic and racial diversity" (p. 1 13), a paucity of women, and odier
novelties, undermined eastern evangelicalism, which was now merely one
choice among "a dizzying array of alternative religious conceptions," that
competed in "this marketplace of morals" (p. 5). The evangelical world view
often conflicted with life in the mines. Particularly troublesome was the evangelical correlation of success with hard work. In the mines, luck was often a
greater determinant of success than hard work. In this and other instances,
Protestant evangelicalism as brought from the east seemed incapable of explaining the world the miners encountered. Third, there is the story "of the
creation of a new type of society . . . that exhibited new patterns of religious

adherence" (p. 5), a "California piety," that presaged a more "modern" reli-

gious sensibility than that expressed by antebellum eastern evangelicalism.
This story is ably demonstrated in her chapter, "The Moral World of the
California Miner."

Ms. Maffly-Kipp has written a challenging and important study of religion

in Gold Rush California, and of religion in antebellum America.

My biggest complaint with this study is its almost complete neglect of
Catholicism; after all, the study is entitled "Religion and Society in Frontier
California," and to neglect the significant presence of the Catholic Church is
to miss a major part of the story of "religion and society." Maffly-Kipp too
easily dismisses the Catholic Church by claiming "the rapid influx of settlers
to the north quickly overwhelmed an already weakened Catholic structure

producing a free market of religious beliefs" (p. 117). Even so, the Catholic
Church was a major player in that free market, and its efforts as well as its
relation to competing Protestant groups needed to be considered. MafflyKipp's study would have been better named "Protestant Religion and Society . . ."

Jeffrey M. Burns

Chancery Archives, Archdiocese of San Francisco

The Orange Riots: Irish Political Violence in New York City, 1870 and 1871.

By Michael A. Gordon, (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. 1993·

Pp. xxii, 263- 835.00.)

On July 12, 1870, a provocative Orange parade through Irish Catholic
neighborhoods triggered retaliation in Elm Park on New York's upper West
Side. When the incident ended, eight were dead, and many were injured.
Because of Fenian and Ancient Order of Hibernian threats, Mayor A. Oakley
Hall banned the 1871 parade, but Governor John T. Hoffman, another Tarn-

110BOOK REVIEWS

many hack, appealing to Protestant opinion, canceled Hall's directive. Responding to stone throwers and snipers, soldiers protecting the parade route

fired indiscriminately into a mostly hostile sidewalk crowd, killing sixty,
wounding at least a hundred.
Michael Gordon offers a detailed history of the riots, but the most important
sections of his book are the discussions of the reasons for and the conse-

quences of Irish Catholic violence. Contradicting the interpretation of other

historians, Gordon insists that the Orange riots were more than an Old Country

religious feud transported to the New. Following and expanding on Iver Bern-

stein's analysis of the 1863 draft riots, he argues that Irish Catholic anger had
cultural, social, and political as well as religious sources.
Borrowing from Kerby Miller's Emigrants and Exiles thesis, Gordon inter-

prets Irish Catholic immigrants as pre-modern, pre-industrial people confused
and overwhelmed in urban industrial America. They viewed American republicanism from collectivist and egalitarian perspectives. Anglo and other

Protestant Americans saw it in individualistic, competitive terms. Orange parades not only reminded New York Irish Catholics of Anglo-Irish Protestant
and Ulster Presbyterian oppression in Ireland; they also interpreted them as

visible signs of the American Protestant elite's intention to deprive them of a

cultural and political place in the city. In defending the Orange right to

celebrate Boyne Day, Anglo-Americans expressed contempt for Irish Catholics
as an inferior species and their religion as alien and subversive. And they
associated Irish "barbarism" with Tammany corruption.

According to Gordon, the Orange riots had a profound effect on late

nineteenth-century New York history, encouraging reform movements that

destroyed Boss Tweed and limited Tammany power, forcing it under "Honest"
John Kelly to reorganize and clean house, fueling a nativist anti-Catholic re-

vival, and instilling a working-class consciousness among Irish Catholics. Reactions to nativism and inspiration from Irish nationalism, particularly the land

war, radicalized the New York Irish. They played prominent roles in labor
and political movements in the 1880's.

Gordon's interpretation of the causes and consequences of the Orange riots

is somewhat limited by his attachment to the Miller myth that the Irish entered

the United States as culturally impaired exiles, and his underestimation of the
significance of Orange and Green feuds in Ireland, where they also had culture
and class implications, to Irish-American Catholics. Although Gordon's analysis
of the Irish Catholic mind probably fits his contemporary more than their

1870's perspective, his book is thoroughly researched and nicely organized,

clearly presented, and does advance knowledge of New York Irish Catholics,
their upper) and middle-class nativist enemies, and the political, social, and
cultural environment of America's most important city in the last quarter of
the nineteenth century.
Lawrence J. McCaffrey

Loyola University of Chicago (Emeritus)

BOOK REVIEWS111

A Question of Inheritance: Religion, Education, and Louisiana's Cultural
Boundary, 1880-1940. By James G. Dauphine. (Lafayette: The Center
for Louisiana Studies, University of Southwestern Louisiana. 1993. Pp.
xviii, 180. 815.00.)
James Dauphine has undertaken an innovative study of Catholic-Protestant
divisions, growth, and influence in Louisiana. The study is of particular importance because of the large Catholic population in South Louisiana—what
Roger Baudier called "an island of Catholicism in a sea of Protestantism."
Dauphine states, "This is a study of the relationship between cultural change
and the persistence of cultural identities in two distinct sections of Louisiana

in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries" (p. vii). He further

explains that his purpose is "to examine the historical impact of religion on
educational development during a formative period of Louisiana's history—
the little more than sixty years from the end of Reconstruction to die outbreak
of World War II" (p. ix).
Dauphine's framework is borrowed from anthropology—cultural boundaries formed by such factors as geography, economics, ethnicity, language,
customs, religion, and education. Such boundaries, once erected, tend to
create a strong "us"-"them" mentality. In Louisiana, according to Dauphine,
diese boundaries were primarily shaped by the state's division into Catholic
South and Protestant North. Dauphine states frequently that religion was the
primary factor in shaping and perpetuating these boundaries until the World
War II years initiated rapid cultural homogenization and massive demographic

changes. He also points to the growth of the public education system with

its incipient secular religion as a major factor in diminishing the centrality of
religion in maintaining Louisiana's cultural boundaries.
Dauphine uses well U.S. census data from 1890 and 1936 to provide a
general portrait of Louisiana's religious demography. The resultant division of

Catholic-Protestant boundaries, based on 1890 census data concerning majority religion by parish (county), does not exactly correspond to Catholic
ecclesiastical boundaries that resulted from the establishment of the Diocese

of Natchitoches in North Louisiana in 1853- Avoyelles Parish in Nordi Louisiana
forms the peak of the French Catholic triangle, while six Protestant-dominated

civil parishes were located (in 1890) within the Archdiocese of New Orleans.
Dauphine notes that diese boundaries were not clear-cut, with Catholic pockets in the North and vice versa.

The core of Dauphine's study is six brief, though sometimes disjointed,
chapters dealing with Louisiana's cultural boundaries in general, Baptist education for Blacks and Whites, Catholic education for Blacks and Whites, and
the educational efforts of smaller denominations as well as the growth and
influence of public education. He contrasts, for instance, the early twentiethcentury Baptist reliance on the public schools for general education and

112BOOK REVIEWS

Sunday schools for religious education with the continuing Catholic efforts
to expand their private and parochial school system. The volume's statistical
tables and demographic maps are very helpful.

Dauphine has proposed a challenging framework for studying the growth

and influence of Louisiana's varied Christian denominations. His execution of

this study, however, is seriously flawed. His identification of South Louisiana
Catholicism widi "the French triangle" fails to adequately address the significant contributions of and differences between the diverse subcultures—

colonial French, Spanish, Canary Island, Irish, German, African, Acadian, Italian,
Yugoslavian, Santo Domingan, etc.—that already created a very diverse Louisiana Church by 1900. His central theses on Catholic education are not
grounded in local educational theory and statistical data that could be gleaned
from pastoral letters and local synods, the annual Catholic directories, annual
parish reports (which become general by 1888), and school records. The
latter three sources are not mentioned in the bibliography. Dauphine's premise

(pp. 88, 101 ) that Catholic school expansion was seriously retarded from the

close of the Civil War to 1 906 and then became rapid is erroneous. The total
number of Catholic schools in Louisiana jumped from 29 in I860 to 66 in
1880; 146 in 1900; 181 in 1920; and 224 in 1940. While the number of
schools increased by only eight in the 1870's, the total number of Catholic
schools in Louisiana actually decreased by four in the 1920's. The author's

thesis diat the expansion of Catholic schools in the late nineteenth and early

twentieth century was fundamentally a reaction to threatened Protestant en-

croachment (pp. 52, 71) hardly does justice to the state's long tradition of
Catholic education dating back to 1725.

The author annoyingly refers to Baptist growth, but Catholic "aggrandizement." Space does not allow the many questionable, unsubstantiated, or simply
erroneous generalizations to be addressed in this review. Dauphine writes,

"With only six Catholic churches functioning in Louisiana in 1835, the majority

of South Louisiana Catholics were only nominally Catholic, however" (p. 84).
The 1835 Catholic Directory lists five staffed churches and chapels in New
Orleans and an additional sixteen staffed churches in the countryside (including fifteen in South Louisiana). Dauphine observes that the 1916—1918
mission journeys of the Extension Society's Chapel Car St. Paul were "very
unsuccessful in their purpose and often provided hostility from Protestants"

(p. 115). Given the detailed reports concerning attendance at services, first

communions, blessed marriages, and consequent construction of mission
chapels, one wonders what Dauphine's criteria for "success" might be. The
author's generalization that "different cultural conditions across the United
States make [doctrinal] consensus among American Catholics impossible" (p.
123) requires no reviewer comment.

In summary, Dauphine introduces an intriguing model for explaining Louisiana's cultural boundaries and the influence of religious denominations in
establishing and maintaining these boundaries. His use of U.S. religious census

BOOK REVIEWS113

data and Catholic-Baptist comparisons are particularly informative. His general
observations and conclusions, however, raise more questions than diey
answer.

Charles E. Nolan

Archives of the Archdiocese ofNew Orleans

North to Share: The Sisters of Saint Ann in Alaska and the Yukon Territory.
By Sister Margaret Cantwell, S.S.A. In Collaboration with Sister Mary
George Edmond, S.S.A. (Victoria, British Columbia: Sisters of St. Ann. 1992.
Pp. xii, 308. 820.95 paperback.)
If I were to keep only one book on the history of die Catholic Church in
Alaska, North to Share would be that book.

One's first impression of this oversized paperback is that it has something
for everyone. The impression remains. As one examines its pages, a remarkable

number of features appear: maps, many excellent photographs and facsimiles,
chronologies, lists of Sisters, endnotes, bibliography, index, even diagrams on

how to cut up a salmon or skin a wolf.

The text, of course, is the best part. It contains almost as much about others
as it does about the Sisters. This is the author's generous interpretation of
sharing. In gracious tribute she gives more credit to others than to herself or
her gentle colleagues, but in reality, the Sisters deserve more.
Sister Margaret Cantwell, S.S.A., is a veteran of more than four decades of
mission work in Alaska and Western Canada and her collaborator, the irrepressible Sister Mary George Edmond, S.S.A., spent as many years in Alaska,
where she left her heart. Both drew heavily on the memoirs of their companions and gathered other details, as well as confirmation, from the vast

archival resources of their congregation and those of the Jesuits.

Cantwell begins her account with the arrival of three Sisters in Juneau in
September, 1886. A deluge of rain greeted them. When they disembarked at
midnight, having arrived earlier than expected, they were ushered into the
pastor's primitive hut. Father John Althoff gave them all of his blankets and

left them to seek their nocturnal repose on the bare floor. He decamped for
a hole nearby, where he shivered through the rest of the night.

Two years later, when another group of pioneers sailed up the Yukon River
to Koserefsky, to a village called Holy Cross, they, too, found a primitive
residence. The only civilized features of this log cabin were inner walls papered
with flour-made-paste and pages of The Police Gazette. The flour attracted

scores of field mice seeking shelter from die arctic frost, and they multiplied
so fast the Sisters' traps could not catch them all.

114BOOK REVIEWS

These two experiences, in the south and in the north of Alaska, were
symbolic of the kind of environment they would live in, one Sister of St. Ann
after another, for a period of nearly a century. Eight of diem are buried in
Alaska.

From Holy Cross the Sisters were summoned to Dawson in Yukon Territory
to assist Father William Judge, S.J., with his makeshift hospital. This was during
the gold rush in 1898. When Judge died in the following year, the Sisters
acquired his hospital and remained in Dawson, serving in a school as well,

until 1963. Four of diem lie buried near Father Judge, in die cold, frozen
ground of Yukon Territory.

In the contents oí North to Share, then, one finds useful information about

Alaska and Dawson, the hierarchy, the missionaries, schools and hospitals, and
the people for whom the Church was there. Of special note is the aumor's
history of Copper Valley School, which is the best published account of the
mission's ambitious experiment in native education. Alas! the school failed,
but none of the missionaries, least of all the Sisters, were to blame.

If I have any criticism to offer for this book, it is this: it should have been

published in hardback, in traditional format, to provide for its use for a long
time to come.

Gonzaga University

Wilfred P. Schoenberg, SJ.

Rose Hawthorne Lathrop: Selected Writings. Edited by Diana Culbertson, O.P.

(New York and Mahwah, New Jersey: Paulist Press. 1993· Pp. v, 242.
824.95.)

Two years ago, when I reviewed Patricia Dunlavy Valenti's biography of
Rose Hawthorne Lathrop for this journal, I characterized Ladirop as "an extraordinary woman whose story unquestionably deserves to be better known."
With the appearance of Valenti's book and especially now, with the present
volume—part of Paulist Press's useful "Sources of American Spirituality" series—Lathrop may finally be be receiving the sort of attention she is due.
Rose Hawthorne Lathrop: Selected Writings consists of two sections. The
first is a first-rate interpretive essay by the volume's editor, Diana Culbertson.
In eighty pages of very readable text, plus extensive notes, Culbertson places
Lathrop's life, religious experience, literary contributions, and accomplish-

ments as founder of the Dominican Servants of Relief for Incurable Cancer

into admirable perspective. Although Lathrop's story has been told before,

Culbertson provides new insights into at least two aspects of it: the relationship

between Lathrop and her collaborator, Alice (Sister Rose) Huber, and Lathrop's
profound understanding of the interrelationship between contemplation and

BOOK REVIEWS115

action. Additionally, Culbertson briefly but clearly analyzes Rose's ill-fated

marriage to George Lathrop and the legacy of her New England heritage
(particularly the influence of her father, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and, less well
known but probably as significant, her mother, Sophia Peabody). Shaping the

account is familiarity with not only recent scholarship on nineteenth-century
American Catholicism, but also that of social and women's history.

The remainder of the volume consists of examples and excerpts of Lathrop's

writings, divided into three categories: letters, diary entries, and essays (most
of them from Christ's Poor, the magazine Lathrop edited for the Servants of

Relief). While all of this material is well chosen, it may not present as full a

picture of Lathrop and her spirituality as might have been achieved. It might
have been helpful, for example, had additional categories of Lathrop's writing
been included here, such as talks she must have given to her Dominican

sisters, or verse. (It should be noted that more pieces of Lathrop's writing,

including some of her poetry but not talks to her community, are incorporated
into the biographical essay.) Also, the primary source material might have
benefited from more of Culbertson's editorial commentary; in particular, it
would have been helpful to know more explicitly than we can here how
typical or atypical Lathrop's thought and writing were, compared to that both
of her Catholic contemporaries and of other female reformers of the era.
Nonetheless, it may be unfair to expect all this in a volume of relative
brevity, intended to meet the needs of scholars as well as general readers. In
the end, Rose Hawthorne Lathrop: Selected Writings is a valuable and accessible resource for both clienteles, and a welcome addition to the growing
body of work on this important figure in late nineteenth) and early twentiethcentury American Catholicism.
Margaret Susan Thompson

Syracuse University

Separatism and Subculture: Boston Catholicism, 1900-1920. By Paula M.
Kane. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 1994. Pp. xiv, 415.
«49.95.)
In 1900 most of Boston's Catholics lived apart from their Protestant fellowcitizens in ethnic enclaves. They were poor, undereducated, lacking ambition,

and reviled in anti-Catholic propaganda. But by the end of World War I enough

of them had risen in the worlds of business, medicine, law, journalism, and
police work to create a "lace-curtain," home-owning middle class. Ostentatiously Catholic, nominally averse to capitalist values, they were actually wellattuned to American business life. Leaving behind the isolation of ethnic
ghettos as they moved to Boston's streetcar suburbs, they built a subculture,
distinct from but closely related to the "hegemonic" Yankee culture around

116BOOK REVIEWS

it. Refining and applying some of R. Laurence Moore's ideas about "insiders
and outsiders," Paula Kane shows that "a sense of being excluded [was] a
useful stimulus for the formation of an autonomous, separatist subculture,
providing Cadiolics with an outgroup communal identity" (p. 2). Her fasci-

nating and detailed book shows how Boston's Catholic subculture developed.

Kane does not attempt a narrative history, and the reader has to dodge back
and forth through the first two or three decades of this century in following
her examples. Instead she offers "diick description," building up a dense and
convincing picture of Boston Catholics from all walks of life. She follows
institutional and architectural developments closely, showing how Cardinal
William O'Connell built Neo-Gothic churches and colleges as massive apologetic statements in stone, making a bold physical impression on die city
landscape. But, blending die best in the old and the new styles of Catholic

historiography, she devotes as much space to the laity as to the clergy, and

shows that they could often get dieir own way, even against the will of an
imperious cardinal. She describes Catholics at work in politics, education,
business, entertainment, labor, and in the home, pointing to the ways in which

diey fell in with current American habits while trying to avoid their philosophical implications.

Kane's liveliest pages address gender. She shows that the ideal Catholic man,
as drawn in sermons and Pilot articles, helped his wife at home, avoided too
much fraternal boozing with his chums, and did not think that income and
prestige were synonymous. As a member of the Holy Name Society he dedicated some of his evenings to campaigns against blasphemy, and he set his
children a good example by going to Mass and praying regularly. At the same
time, as a Knight of Columbus, he found ways to mix religious nourishment
with boosterism. Not all Boston Catholic men lived up to the ideal, to be sure,
and Kane shows how some scoundrels, such as District Attorney Joseph Pel-

letier, were "unable to escape from the system of corruption, bribery, and
cronyism diat disgraced the Irish machines," remaining "unassimilated to a
non-Irish Catholic milieu" (p. 74). Another useful vignette, of theater-owner

and promoter Benjamin Keith, shows the blending of censorious Catholic
moralism, entertainment, and business sense. Keith was rapacious but made
his fortune from a wholesome vaudeville show guaranteed to be free of
suggestive content. At the urging of his devout Catholic wife, Keith bequeathed
mree million dollars to Cardinal O'Connell, although he was not himself a
member of the Church.

The ideal Catholic woman, like her husband, felt ambivalent about the
mainstream culture though she was as likely as her Protestant counterpart to
accept the cult of domesticity and whatever trappings of affluence she could

afford. Catholic working women (laity and religious), led by a talented group

of converts like Rose Hawthorne Lathrop, aided orphans, "fallen women," and
the incurably sick. They urged a balky Church to accept the professionalization
of social work but got little response from a deeply conservative hierarchy.

BOOK REVIEWS117

Several gifted women writers, including Katherine Conway and Martha Moore
Avery, also had their difficulties with the chancery. A Catholic women's architecture firm, led by Eleanor Manning, never won church building commissions and had to concentrate on domestic restorations instead. As Kane

says, "while women theoretically supported die Church's antisuffragism and
gender conservatism, the lives and writings of Catholic women repudiate
stereotypes of themselves as weak, uncompetitive, and unfit for public activity"
(p. 322). Kane makes clear her preference for these gifted women over the
obstructive men who stifled their creativity.
Cardinal William O'Connell is the central character of diis book; Kane
depicts him as a domineering dullard. His nephew and his personal chaplain
both got married on the sly and indulged in extramarital sexual escapades
too. The cardinal tried to cover up these scandals when he discovered them,
possibly afraid that his subordinates would reveal his alleged homosexuality.
He forged his own "early letters," published in 1915, feuded with ambitious
priests in his archdiocese, and let personality clashes get in the way of rational

reforms. Eager to centralize and act the part of a modern manager, he was

often ineffective. He was an effective builder, however, and as Kane says, when
embezzlement charges led die Vatican to investigate him in the early 1920's,
he pleaded in mitigation of his sins the completion of "eighty-one new parishes,
twenty-five missions, two colleges, and two retreat houses, all debt-free" (p.
115). This cardinal with feet of clay is an apt central figure for the paradoxical
community he tried to lead into the twentieth century, and Kane's unsparing
portrait of him, like the book as a whole, is engaging and convincing.
Patrick Allitt

Emory University

George N Shuster. On the Side of Truth. By Thomas E. Blantz, C.S.C. (Notre
Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press. 1993. Pp. xi, 479. 834.95.)
The versatile and remarkable George N. Shuster (1894—1977) and the
multiple dimensions of his life have been ably presented and analyzed in this
splendidly executed biography by Thomas E. Blantz, C.S.C, associate professor
of history in the University of Notre Dame.
The oldest of three children, and only son in a German-speaking, small-

town, mini-farm Wisconsin household, Schuster (the c was dropped in young

adulthood) enrolled at Notre Dame in 1912. His intellectual abilities and
strong preparatory school background resulted in his direct admittance to
the sophomore class, and he was soon asked by an English professor to assist
him in correcting freshman themes, which he did. He wrote for die student
publication, The Scholastic, was awarded the medal for sophomore oratory,
and was lead speaker for the debate team for the next two years, winning

118BOOK REVIEWS

commencement medals both years. Notre Dame debaters enjoyed their 1915
defeat of St. Viator's College of Illinois. That victory was later recalled by
Shuster widi a modest smile. The lead speaker for the defeated team was
young Fulton J. Sheen. Following graduation, Shuster accepted a job teaching
English in a Minnesota public high school, continued his writing, had three
literary articles published in The Catholic World, and became an army private
following his enlistment in 1917.
Blantz has not only an eye for a telling detail, but the diligence of research
mat unearths such detail, and each succeeding chapter brings focus to Shuster's
virtual multiplicity of lives. Shuster as Notre Dame teacher and humanist,
1919-1924, is followed by Shuster, the Commonweal Catholic, 1925-1937.

Shuster, the analyst and interpreter of events in Germany, 1930-1939, is
followed by two chapters dealing with his life as President of the dien largest
college for women in the world, Hunter College (1939-1960). These same
years, however, are also years of Shuster's emergence as a national figure as
he continued to publish widely (he wrote nearly twenty books and 300

articles) on international affairs, the treatment of Germany, and die state of

education. His Columbia University doctoral dissertation, The English Ode
from Milton to Keats, did not get completed till 1939 mostly because dealing
widi Hitler took priority. Shuster later chaired a War Department Committee
interviewing German prisoners of war, personally interviewing Hermann
Goering, Franz von Papen, Karl Doenitz, Joachim von Ribbentrop, and others,
was a member of a University of Chicago Commission on Freedom of the
Press, was a longtime collaborator with Robert M. Hutchins, and undertook

several important studies for the Ford and Carnegie Foundations. Shuster's
service as Land Commissioner for Bavaria widi the American occupation in

1950 and 1951, a service widely respected, is amply explored as is seventeen
years of distinguished service to die United Nations Educational, Scientific,
and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).

By I960, Shuster had retired from the Hunter College presidency and was

convinced by the Reverend Theodore Hesburgh, C.S.C, president of Notre

Dame, that he should return to Notre Dame as assistant to the president. In

1925 Shuster had critiqued Catholic higher education in general and Notre
Dame in particular in an America article and a Commonweal editorial. Now
the earlier critic returned, bringing his special vigor to Notre Dame, where
he remained until his death. At his 1977 funeral, he was eulogized by Father

Hesburgh who had often called him his "Fadier Confessor." Hesburgh said,

"... as long as there is a cherished spot called Notre Dame, there will be a
cherished spirit here called George Shuster."

The book's subtitle is from a quotation of Ralph Waldo Emerson: "We are
of different opinions at different hours, but we may always be said to be at
heart on the side of truth." Shuster had it engraved on the handsome sixteen
story Park Avenue campus building of Hunter College. He took seriously the
commitment to strive to be "on the side of truth" and he knew one had to

be ready at times to pay a price for this. This was the case when he left the

BOOK REVIEWS119

managing editor's job at Commonweal in 1937 in the uproar folio-wing his
criticism of the pro-Franco sentiment among American Catholics. But even
in his late years, Shuster's conscience was not slack as he was stirred, for

example, at age seventy-four by the lack of episcopal respect for the 1968

conscientious dissent on contraception by Auxiliary Bishop James Shannon
and a strange proposal for his taking up residence outside the United States
at Vatican expense, but without priestly or episcopal ministerial duties. Shuster
wrote Father Hesburgh that the case and the proposed quasi-exile was "such
a grave and incredible abuse of ecclesiastical audiority" that he was "earnestly
considering making a public statement about it" and that if he decided to

make such a statement [he organized a support letter among academicians

with five Notre Dame colleagues, and gathered five hundred signatures] he
was "quite prepared to sunder my relationship with die University if that
seems desirable." It wasn't.

Occasionally one wishes, of course, mat Blantz could have talked with
Shuster himself in doing die biography, e.g., regarding the jilting in the St.
Mary's-Notre Dame marriage. One regrets also the underdeveloped familial
dimensions: both wife Doris, the courtship of whom is warmly related, and
it is clear she is a strong woman, but we only get rare glimpses of her later
on, as for example when she upbraided Heinrich Bruening; and son Robert,
whose treatment is so spare that it may raise more questions than a fuller
treatment would have. These are minor quibbles, however, that may indeed
be beyond the opportunities presented to die author. Blantz concludes with
a somewhat laid-back appraisal of Shuster. For example, regarding Shuster's
Catholicism and his adaptation of "the eternal truths of revelation to an everchanging American scene" we are told that "sometimes he did it well; sometimes not so well." For this reader, however, the case for the former was well

developed and established throughout the book, while I'm left rather curious
as to what some examples of the latter would be.
The important news is diat this is a first-rate biography of one of the most
significant Catholic laypersons of the century. It is a model of conscientious
scholarship. It deserves a wide readership and a place in every college and
university library.
Rodger Van Allen

Villanova University

Oxcart Catholicism on Fifth Avenue: The Impact of the Puerto Rican Migration upon the Archdiocese ofNew York By Ana Maria Diaz-Stevens.
(Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press. 1993· Pp- vi, 295.

$34.95.)

The eighteen years between 1946 and 1964 mark the period of the Great
Puerto Rican Migration, when 614,940 natives of the island migrated to the

120BOOK REVIEWS

mainland. It was the first airborne migration in history. For the great majority,
their destination was New York City, which was where the planes landed. At
one point in this process, nearly forty percent of all the Puerto Ricans in the
world lived in New York and the northeastern United States. By 1980 Puerto
Ricans constituted the single largest ethnic group among Catholics in the
three New York City counties of the Archdiocese of New York.

This migration presented the Archdiocese of New York with a daunting
pastoral problem, which is the subject of this sociological study. The title is

meant to suggest the gap between the popular ("oxcart") Catholicism of rural
Puerto Rico and the highly structured world of the New York Archdiocese.
(Why not "Madison Avenue" instead of "Fifth Avenue"?) The author, a native
of Puerto Rico who teaches at Union Theological Seminary, writes both as a
sociologist of religion and as a committed Catholic who was herself part of

the Great Puerto Rican Migration. Her book originated as a doctoral dissertation at Fordham University, where she studied under Father Joseph Fitzpatrick, the Jesuit sociologist who played a key role in shaping the response of
the archdiocese to this pastoral challenge.

The author's focus is not on the way that Puerto Rican immigrants adapted
to mainland Catholicism, but on the way that the Archdiocese of New York

adapted its structures and policies to meet the religious needs of these newcomers. She gives high marks to Francis Cardinal Spellman, who, she says,
"recognize[d] the need for the archdiocese to adopt a missionary character

to the apostolate" (p. 99). Spellman sought advice from talented young priests
such as George Kelly, Ivan Illich, and Fitzpatrick. He abandoned the hallowed
practice of "national parishes" in favor of integrated parishes for Puerto Ricans,

established a co-ordinating agency for Hispanic ministry in the Chancery
Office, and decided that his own diocesan priests rather than the religious

orders should assume the major responsibility for the care of the Puerto Rican
immigrants. A stroke of genius was the establishment of the annual San Juan
Fiesta, which, for a brief period in New York, became the Puerto Rican equivalent of the St. Patrick's Day Parade.

Diaz-Stevens studies the pastoral strategies of the archdiocese largely

through the activities of the Office of Spanish-American Catholic Action (which
was the first of many names given to the agency for Hispanic affairs in the
Chancery Office). The most controversial co-ordinator of the Office was Monsignor Robert Fox, whose tenure coincided with the Second Vatican Council,
the war in Vietnam, and the civil rights movement. Diaz-Stevens is torn between her high regard for the sincerity of this charismatic priest and her
honest admission that many of his policies ended in failure.
If Spellman is one of the heroes of this study, his successor, Terence Cardinal
Cooke, is one of the villains. Diaz-Stevens holds him responsible for the resignation of the capable Monsignor Robert Stern as director of the (renamed)
Office of the Spanish-Speaking Apostolate, and also for resisting efforts to

increase lay involvement and to expand the social welfare aspects of the

BOOK REVIEWS121

Spanish Apostolate. Diaz-Stevens' study is not the last word on the Puerto
Ricans and the Archdiocese of New York, but it is a valuable contribution to

die subject. In conjunction with it, one might also care to read Robert Stern's
own account, "Evolution of Hispanic Ministry in the New York Archdiocese,"
in Hispanics in New York: Religious, Cultural and Social Experiences, edited
by Ruth Doyle and Olga Scarpetta, 2nd ed. (New York: Office of Pastoral
Research and Planning of the Archdiocese of New York, 1989), pp. 305-389·
St. Joseph's Seminary

Thomas J. Shelley

Dunwoodie, Yonkers, New York

From Framework to Freedom: A History of the Sister Formation Conference.
By Marjorie Noterman Beane. (Lanham, Maryland: University Press of
America. 1993. Pp. xii, 158. «37.50.)
The title of this work already expresses a value judgment. It assumes that
frameworks are obstacles to freedom and thereby prepares the reader for its
predictable and, on balance, understandable bias. In fact, all the leaders of the
Sister Formation Movement wanted changes, though in time they came to
differ profoundly among themselves about what changes, in religious life.
Almost no one would question the value of improving the education of
professionals—mainly teachers and nurses—and in that respect, the movement was an overwhelming success. The author quotes impressive figures,
but they are less impressive than the facts. In 1966, twelve years after the

Movement's beginning, 90,091 Sisters out of 173,866 had at least one degree.
In 1984, 98,143 had degrees. We are not told that this was out of a total now

much smaller, a result of the mass exodus from religious life, especially among
women, which occurred between these two dates. So the proportion of educated Sisters had risen dramatically. In many groups now there is almost no
one without at least a first degree, and the number of higher degrees has kept
growing.

The story of the origin of Sister Formation in 1954 is told accurately and
well. The encouragement provided by Pope Pius XII four years earlier at a
meeting he had called for the heads of male and female religious orders is
recognized. He called for "theological preparation and professional credentials
for those teaching or doing other kinds of professional work." He even asked
for the "elimination of outdated customs and clothing that estranged them
[religious] from those they served." In a meeting for teaching communities
in 1951, he asked for changes in the lifestyle of active communities so that
the needs of the apostolate could be better met.
The author also goes back to the dissertation that Sister Bertrande Meyers,

122BOOK REVIEWS

D.C., published in 1941 on the education of Sisters, which Sister Mary Emil

Penet, I.H.M. (Monroe), foundress of Sister Formation, said marked "the real
beginning of the Sister Formation Movement." Beane shows how Meyers's
suggestion that co-ordination of religious and educational training be achieved
through establishment of junior colleges at motherhouses was taken up by
the Movement and widely implemented during both administrations—that of
Sister Mary Emil and that of her successor, Sister Annette Walter, CSJ. Sister
Rita Mary Bradley, C.H.M., editor of the Sister Formation Bulletin, is recognized as a very close collaborator during both administrations.
It is probably too soon to evaluate the Sister Formation Movement in
terms of its considerable historical impact. The author makes no effort to
analyze its relationship to die vast numerical decline in die religious orders
involved which followed its implementation. She does note Sister Mary Emil's

concern for the integration of the Sisters' education with their religious for-

mation, and the fact that, in the early years this concern seems to have been
shared by all the Movement's leaders. She also recognizes the difficulty in
maintaining academic standards in colleges (even junior colleges) exclusively
for Sisters. The answer may well have been, as the book implies, in co-operation
among communities, which was tried in several projects. Of these, only Mariliac, die college set up by the Daughters of Charity, which welcomed all
Sisters, is described in this book. It was probably the most important; when

die author graduated from it in 1969, seventeen orders were represented in

her class.

Beane's account of die early years is well done, accurate and adequately
documented. Her treatment of developments in 1964 is one-sided and incomplete. The founding vision of the movement as correctly described
was a holistic training which would take account of the Sister's religious
vocation and the unique needs that went with it. In fact, as time went on,
this ideal was complicated by increasing disagreement about what these needs
were.

The book's description of the Movement's reorganization in 1964 reflects die views of those bitterly opposed to it. Sister Formation had developed as a committee of the National Catholic Educational Association, with
what Sister Mary Emil described as a "double dependence" on the NCEA
and die Conference of Major Superiors of Women. In 1964, she supported the action of the CMSW in assuming full responsibility for the Movement, as did Monsignor Frederick G. Hochwalt, General Secretary of the
NCEA. Beane believes diat the movement was, in effect, terminated with this

change. This reviewer, editor of the Sister Formation Bulletin from 1964 to
1969, recalls that its circulation reached its all-time high after the reorganization. The Movement was not dead, but it was soon overshadowed by other

initiatives of U.S. Sisters which it, as well as Vatican Council II, had made

possible.

BOOK REVIEWS123

Although sources are properly indicated in footnotes, there is no index or
bibliography.
Joan Bland, S.N.D.

Education for Parish Service Programs
Trinity College
Washington, D.C.

The Courage for Truth: The Letters of Thomas Merton to Writers. Selected
and edited by Christine M. Bochen. (New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux.
1993- Pp. xiv, 314. $25.00.)
In the event that readers have wondered what Thomas Merton did -with his

time at his Kentucky monastery other than pray, chant, contemplate, teach,
write scores of books and hundreds of articles, and make his Trappist censors
occasionally nervous, the answer is now clear. He wrote letters—thousands
of them—letters usually laced with insight and intensity—letters that could
be by turns angry, somber, witty, or luminous.
The Merton epistles have been appearing from Farrar, Straus, and Giroux
in recent years in handsome, well-edited editions under the general editorship
of William H. Shannon. The latest entry, the fourtíi, The Courage for Truth,
contains Merton's side of correspondence with fellow writers. Some of the
better-known recipients of the famed monk's letters in this edition include
Jacques Maritain, Czeslaw Milosz, Boris Pasternak, Ernesto Cardenal, James
Baldwin, and Lawrence Ferlinghetti. The excellent editing here for so diverse

a collection is the work of Dr. Christine M. Bochen, professor of religious

studies at Nazareth College of Rochester, who has served as secretary of the
International Thomas Merton Society.
For those who have followed die biographical studies on Merton from such

scholars as Furlong, Mott, or Shannon, there will be little in these pages by
way of surprise. Since the vast majority of these letters come from the 1960's,

readers will in effect hear Merton thinking out loud as his mind struggles with
die immensity of rapid changes in both Catholicism and modern society.
He puzzles primarily, it seems to me, over the nature of belonging in the
contemporary era: What it means to belong to church and monastic tradition;
to the vocation of poet and essayist; what it means to belong to the American
nation in the midst of its turmoil over racism at home and the war in Vietnam.

There are certainly times in diese pages when Merton's tone turns dismal
and even apocalyptic. He sounds on a few occasions like a man at his wit's
end. "This is an age of deep spiritual winter," he writes publisher Helen Wolff
in 1959. "We have ice to walk on instead of water."

124BOOK REVIEWS

But this is Merton, after all, and the power of his utter and ultimate faith
perdures. His letters to Milosz alone are worth the careful study of these pages.
Merton writes lines to the Polish intellectual in 1959 that could stand as a

major thematic of this sometimes searing volume:
Milosz, life is on our side. ... To be a sinner, to want to be pure, to remain
in patient expectation of the divine mercy, and above all to forgive and
love others, as best we can, that is what makes us Christians___ Behind
it all is the secret that love has an infinite power, and its power, once
released can in an instant destroy and swallow up all hatred, all evil, all

injustice. . . . That is the meaning of Calvary. (Pp. 57 ff)

Clyde F. Crews

Bellarmine College
Louisville

Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950—1985. By
Patrick Allitt. (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. 1993. Pp. xv,
315. $29.95.)
This is an exploration of the role of Catholic intellectuals in United States
conservative circles over the past forty years. It is a litany of names that have

come and gone, predominantly lay and almost exclusively male. Many of those

featured were converts to Roman Cadiolicism. A surprising number had no

deep roots in Catholicism as it had developed in the United States. They were
European émigrés or people whose formative years were in other religious
traditions. The study begins with the now-familiar depiction of the "Cadiolic

ghetto," defensive and preoccupied widi anticommunism. With a preliminary
nod to early converts like Ross J.S. Hoffman widi his Burkean revival and
Francis Graham Wilson, Allitt spends a good deal of time on William F. Buckley
and the National Review, as well as spinoffs from mat circle. The chapter,
"Crises of the Late 1960's," exposes conflicts within the conservative bastion
over such issues as the civil rights movement and especially Vietnam. A proper

response to the papacy of John XXIII and that of Paul VI, widi its conciliar
reforms, also split what had never been a monolith in many different ways.

The following chapter, "Sex, Law, and Nature," reveals furdier divisions, as
universal adherence to the old, rigid natural-law categories began to diminish.
The book finishes with in-depth studies of two immigrant scholars, John Lukacs
and Thomas Molnar, and two homegrown products, Garry Wills and Michael
Novak. An "Epilogue" treats the 1980's and the pastorals of the United States

bishops, Challenge of Peace (1983) and Economic fustice for All (1986),
and the negative reactions to them on the part of conservatives. The story
ends with the new "traditionalists" coming on scene. Overall Allitt has documented a slice of American Catholic history and preserved it from oblivion.

BOOK REVIEWS125

It's all there from Triumph to Ramparts, the apocalyptic anticommunist and
convinced monarchist, Frederick Wilhelmsen, and the American version of
the red-bereted Spanish Carlists, to the balanced John T. Noonan, Jr., commenting on the difficulties of the natural-law tradition and writing his penetrating historical analyses of the great moral problems of the day. There are,
unfortunately, a number of instances where the author indicates his unsure

hold on the history of American Catholicism which is his context. They range

from garbled identifications (CardinalJoseph Mundelein, Cardinal Maclntyre,
"George Wiegel [sic], S.J.," in a seeming conflation of two rather different

people) to misreading of events, as in the case of the Land o' Lakes meeting
(1967) or the supposed "exile" of Daniel Berrigan to Mexico, which was
actually orchestrated by his editor and patron, Patrick Cotter. Another is
described as "a former Roman Catholic who had adopted eastern-rite Catholicism," and the great breakthrough which involved Protestant and Ordio-

dox leaders in the Second Vatican Council is reduced to the pope permitting
"Protestant observers to witness some sessions."

James Hennesey
Jesuit Center

St. Peter's College
Jersey City, NewJersey

Church People in the Struggle: The National Council of Churches and the
Black Freedom Movement, 1950—1970. By James F. Findlay, Jr. [Religion

in America Series.] (New York: Oxford University Press. 1993. Pp. xii,
255. $35.00.)

The "Church People" in the title are the mainline Protestant churches and
especially the National Council of Churches. The "Struggle" was the Civil

Rights movement in the United States during the turbulent 1960's. Findlay
describes the first hesitant steps taken by the National Council of Churches

(NCC) and the major Protestant denominations to become involved in the

cause of racial justice, first by the passing of resolutions and the issuance of
statements which finally led to decisive action in 1963· Beginning with its

major participation in the August 28, 1963, Martin Luther King March, the
NCC through its Commission on Religion and Race began to play an important

role in lobbying for the passage of President Kennedy's Civil Rights Bill. In a
sense this moved the mainline Protestant churches to a concerted effort to

bring moral pressure to bear on members of Congress. Such efforts led to
new directions in social action.

The step-by-step involvement is described in Chapter 3, " 1ViSItOrS in Hell':
Church Involvement in the Movement in Mississippi," and Chapter 4, " 'Servanthood' in Mississippi: The Delta Ministry, 1964—1966." In the summer of

1 26BOOK REVIEWS

1964 the Commission on Religion and Race of the NCC began its campaign

to bring ministers and other professional people, such as lawyers, nurses,
doctors, and social workers to go to the South to act as counselors with the
young white and black students who were working with the members of the
Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in voter registration.

That same year there began the Delta Ministry located in the Delta region of
Mississippi and composed of ministers working under the NCC. It was a
ministry to the poor Blacks of the area co-ordinated with the SNCC.
As a model for missionary work in the world outside the church, the
Delta Ministry clearly broke with tradition. Heavy-handed missionary paternalism . . . and the desire to preach and convert those being helped was
never a part of the ministry's work. Instead . . . these church persons lived
with and learned about the aspirations of poor African Americans in the

Delta and elsewhere, and then put together programs, (pp. 120—121)

The contours of the struggle against racism by the NCC changed, however,

with the advent of the "Black Power Movement" after 1966. The involvement

of the NCC was changed radically as many black clergymen began to call for

more black leadership within the mainline Protestant churches. It reached its
climax with the famous Black Manifesto delivered by James Forman, the head
of the SNCC, in 1969 calling for five hundred million dollars in reparation
from the churches. Findlay describes in the final chapter the massive reaction
on the part of many white churches and the resulting crisis in the NCC.

This is an important book because it is the first historical study of the racial

crisis that shook not only the mainline Protestant Churches and the NCC itself
but all of the American churches, Protestant and Catholic. The book is valuable
because the author brings to life many of the church leaders both black and
white, many of whom are now forgotten, who were the leaders in the drama
of the 1960's. The author's extensive research is evident from the excellent

essay on primary source material. This essay will be of immense value to
historians of the Civil Rights Movement and to contemporary church historians. For Roman Catholic historians this book can serve as a model of his-

toriography for those now beginning to research the involvement of the
Catholic Church in the same movement. This history has yet to be written.
Cyprian Davis, O.S.B.

St. Meinrad Archabbey

BOOK REVIEWS127

The Gentle American. The L ife and Times ofBrother Charles Henry Buttimer,
FirstAmerican Superior General of the Brothers ofthe Christian Schools.

By Ronald Eugene Isetti, F.S.C (Landover, Maryland: Christian Brodiers
Publications. 1994. Pp. 450. $20.00 hardcover; 810.00 paperback.)

This biography is straightforward in its organization, working the "and
times" in at die right points chronologically. Brother Charles Henry Buttimer
was born in the United States of immigrant parents from Ireland. His childhood

in a huge New York parish is redolent of those thousands of bright young

people born, at that time, to be overqualified. Paternal resistance to young
Tom's vocation (for Charles was his religious name taken upon entry to the
novitiate) was not, however, of the more typical clericalist variety. There
were, for some decades, four hundred Christian Brothers in New York City
and its environs, so "why not go all the way?" was heard a bit less than
elsewhere.

Very early on, Charles was assigned to doctoral studies at Cadiolic University
and to the formation of undergraduate Brothers there. Nothing thrilling for
the general reader here, though he may have been one of the best spiritual
directors anywhere. He was later part of the booming fifties in American
religious life, heading a spin-off province, building a large house of formation

just in time not to be needed, and then taking the post of regional assistant
to the superior general for the United States provinces and missions. In 1966,

at die momentous general chapter charged widi implementing Vatican Council
II, Charles was elected the first non-French general in the three-hundred-year
history of the Institute. The pull-and-tug of diat process makes interesting

insider reading. But the decade of Brother's generalship was no royal progress;

it was tinctured with the sadness of signing thousands of dispensations for
members who had decided to leave. Moreover, a tiny band ofultraconservative
French Brothers consumed a wildly disproportionate amount of his time and

energy as diey ran to willing ears in Vatican middle management. But the
general courageously pressed on with renewal.

The years from 1976 onward bade fair to be calmer and yet productive
back in Charles's home province of Long Island-New England; but a stroke,
from which he never fully recovered, brought deep frustration into his later
years.

The achievements of a biographer, clearly, will be to take this relatively
hidden life and make it significant for those who didn't know the man, while
satisfying those of Brother Charles's own generation who might have preferred
hagiography.
In taking on his task, Brother Isetti has given us a foundational work for
the understanding of religious life in our century, in terms of one life within
it. For one whose own life followed along in that history, even under Brodier
Charles's direction as an undergraduate member of the order, every page of

128BOOK REVIEWS

this book brings on a re-living of the past half-century. Great, by coincidence,
for a serious retreat.

But the literary question of the target audience has to arise. I cannot imagine
what some parts of this work could mean to someone fully outside the subculture. Yet the author has grasped his subject without having known him
personally, largely dirough having entered the order just in time to live both
halves of the history. (His Called to the Pacific is a gritty chronicle of the
California province of the Brothers, with many insights about the "wise men
from the east" that were readily transferable to the religious politics in
Charles's life.)
Components that will surely transcend the cultural limitations are the poignant chapters on the Buttimer family, the struggles diere about young Tom's

leaving home at so tender an age, the canny navigation of Roman reefs and

shoals by a non-clerical classical Ph.D., the international conflicts as things

seemed to come apart in the decade '66 to '76, and die anguish of re-entry
to his home province in "retirement."

Brother Charles's life certainly offsets any cookie-cutter images of the lay
brotherhood, especially those congregations founded for education. He would
never be a jock, never even teach high school (the dominant apostolate by

far in United States provinces), but he did join in the manual labor, he was a

role model as a scholar, and his individual religious direction, while traditional,
was delivered with a twinkle in the eye and something close to an occasional
wink. If one had to signalize one key element in his advice, it was the reading
he recommended. Close behind that was the importance of good grades not

only because of the order's work but because our tuition was paid, literally,

by working people who could ill spare their donations to us.
In all these areas, Isetti somehow has an accurate sense of his subject. His
researches led him, however, to a surprise of which even close admirers
seemed hitherto unaware. Brother Charles came uncomfortably close to plagiarism, and more than once. As a scholar, Isetti is first puzzled then offended
by Brother Charles Henry's apparent—and at times inescapably real—borrowing from published materials in his public or more often semi-public
utterances, chiefly discourses on retreats to either Brothers or Sisters. From
a man whose own scholarly credentials were very solid and, among higher
superiors, virtually pioneering, unacknowledged quotations at great length
are puzzling at best, and the biographer doesn't blink at them.
On the other hand, Isetti might not be taking full cognizance of a religious
exercise in pre-Vatican Council II communities misnamed the Sunday "conference." It was no such diing. Harried or perhaps indolent local superiors
regularly read articles to the assembled community, who were expected to
profit from them or, more likely, offer them up in a spirit of atonement. In a
dubious view, the worse these "conferences" were, the more merit in sitting
through them. This schedule item, not scholarly publication, is die context
for Charles's occasional practice; but it remains a nagging inconsistency.

BOOK REVIEWS1 29

I used "foundational" earlier on because I suggest that Isetti's work needs
to be complemented by equally probing studies of religious women, of clerical

congregations, and perhaps even of diocesan curias in order that Charles's
and the Brothers' experiences can take on a deeper meaning in such a context.
One hopes such work either exists but has escaped adequate notice, or that
it will be forthcoming. We may have more in common than we think, and
biography may be the best way to share it all.
Brother Patrick Ellis, F.S.C.

The Catholic University ofAmerica
Canadian

Piety and Nationalism: Lay Voluntary Associations and the Creation of an
Irish-Catholic Community in Toronto, 1850-1895. By Brian P. Clarke.
[McGill-Queen's Studies in the History of Religion, 12.] (Montreal: McGill-

Queen's University Press. 1993. Pp. xii, 340. 839.95.)

Brian Clarke's study of Irish Catholics in Toronto is well written and researched, focusing on two of the most important issues in the history of
nineteenth-century Irish: religion and nationalism. The author contends the

consensus among most historians is that religious renewal emanated from the

church hierarchy and orders, thereby casting the laity into an acquiescent
mould. Clarke sets out to demonstrate the vitality of Toronto's Irish immigrants

who, while adopting a subculture of religious identity, exhibited a strong
initiative that supported the group's social interaction, independent of clerical
influence.

Clarke provides insight into the conditions the Irish immigrants encountered, their reaction to the devotional renewal that followed, the subsequent

emergence of devotional organizations and the outgrowth of nationalist as-

sociations. His chapters on Irish nationalism are erudite. Of particular note is
the concept that the clergy's reluctance to participate fully in advancing the
causes of national organizations promoted lay leadership in associations that
became disassociated from, if not confrontational with the Catholic Church.

One must examine, however, the central theme of this work, that is, the
role of the laity in founding many of the Catholic voluntary associations which
fostered die development of lay initiative. It seems that Clarke attempts to
eclipse the position of the Church and its clergy in the formation of Irish
Catholic societies. The major portion of the social work done in Toronto on
behalf of the Irish Catholic community occurred under the auspices of the
Church and its religious orders of men and women. The Saint Vincent de Paul

Society was lay-run, but existed under the guidance of the Church. Prior to

the twentieth century the Church led and the laity followed; the Church
condoned and condemned. The piety of the people was an outgrowth of what
the Church dictated.

1 30BOOK REVIEWS

Clarke uses a wide range of primary and secondary sources to support his
work. However, while discounting the work of some other writers who have
explored the Irish Catholics in Toronto, he fails to provide sufficient evidence
to disprove their analyses. For example, while admitting that in contemporary
accounts and manuscript material Irish Catholics were stereotypical as
drunken brawlers, Clarke takes Kenneth Duncan and Murray Nicolson to task
for basing "their respective interpretations on this stereotype rather than

exploding it as a myth" (p. 28).

Through this in-depth study, Clarke has nonetheless opened a door on an
ethno-religious community that contributed to the development of Toronto.
It invites new approaches that will lead to a standard work in this field.
Murray W. Nicolson

Wilfrid Laurier University
Latin American

South and Meso-American Native Spirituality: From the Cult ofthe Feathered
Serpent to the Theology of Liberation. Edited by Gary H. Gossen, in
collaboration with Miguel León-Portilla. [World Spirituality: An Encyclopedic History of the Religious Quest, Volume 4.] (New York: Cross-

road. 1993. Pp. xii, 563. «4950 clothbound.)

South and Meso-American Native Spirituality offers a sampler of the religious life in a region marked by multiple spiritual traditions, in the preContact period; and by the formation of new traditions from the cultural gifts
of Amerindians, Europeans, Africans, and Asians, in die post-Contact era. Coverage includes not only South America and Mesoamerica, but also the Caribbean and other parts of Mexico and of Central America. The editor excludes
"mainstream Judeo-Christian belief and practice" from consideration; they are
"fundamentally linked to the mainstream ofworld religious tradition, and their
Latin American expression, in global perspective, is not particularly distinctive" (p. 22).
History and cultural analysis combine with emphasis upon spirituality and
the religious quest. In part 1, the faiths of the ancient Nahua-Mexicas (Aztecs),
Maya, and Incas are described by Miguel León-Portilla, Monro S. Edmonson,
and Manuel M. Marzal respectively. In part 2, the spiritual legacy of Hispanic
Catholicism enters into both Elsa Cecilia Frost's discussion of the theologians'
concept of the indigenous soul and Manuel M. Marzal's description of
sixteenth-century Spanish Catholicism. The encounter of Iberian Christianity
with Nahua, Mayan, and Inca state religions is the theme of part 3· J- Jorge
Klor de Alva considers Aztec spirituality and Nahuatized Christianity, while
Louise M. Burkhart examines the legend, image, and devotion to the Virgin

BOOK REVIEWS131

of Guadalupe, Mexico. Eugenio Maurer Avalos reports on Maya Catholicism
among the Tzeltal in a Chiapas, Mexico, town. Manuel Gutiérrez Estévez

describes the spirituality of die Christian Maya of the Yucatan Peninsula past

and present. Jan Szeminski's subject is the Peruvian expression of the Thupa
Amaro movement in the context of eighteenth-century Andean Indian
Catholicism.

Contact between Christianity and groups that did not adhere to the great

aboriginal state religions is the concern of part 4. Peter T. Fürst presents the
central, cosmogonie myth of the Huichol. Didier Boremanse describes the
spirituality of the northern group of Lacandon, Chiapas, Mexico; while Louis
Faron focuses on the religion of the Mapuche of southern-middle Chile. Marcos

Guevara-Berger's chapter is an experimental, ethnographic re-creation of a

visit to a Bribri Indian shaman in Costa Rica. Part 5 brings together spiritual
traditions which are rooted in the historical experience of Latin America and

have a substantial following. Peter T. Fürst uses Theodor Koch-Gruenberg's
text on magical spells among the Pemon and Taurepan of Venezuela. Gary H.

Gossen centers his study of the human condition, spirituality, and moral order
among the Chamula Tzotzil of Chiapas, Mexico, on native rendition and exegesis of a sacred text. Carlos Rodriguez Brandäo's survey of the religious
spectrum in Brazil focuses on popular Catholicism (not considered "official"
[p. 470, n. I]), Afro-Brazilian spiritualistic religions, and Protestant Pentecostalism. Julio Sánchez Cárdenas describes Orisha Religion (Santería) in modern

Afro-Caribbean societies. David G. Scotchmer describes the spirituality ofMaya
Protestants in Guatemala in the context of Protestantism there. The sampler
approaches its close with Mary Christine Morkovsky's chapter on the "spiritual
experience of encountering the Lord in the poor" which "sustains liberation
praxis . . . and liberation theology . . ." (p. 526).
Though rich in description and analysis, this book has some flaws. First, it
conveys an impression that apart from "Mainstream Catholicism" (not defined,

p. 22), and adherence to "reform-oriented liberation theology ("reform" not

defined, p. 12), there remains little that can be identified as Catholicism. The
approach used ignores the religiosidad popular—the "religion of the peo-

ple"—which encompasses forms of devotion such as pilgrimages and processions, is integral to Roman Catholicism, and is steeped in Latin American

culture (Puebla document [Consejo Episcopal Latinoamericano, 1982], Art.
444—469). Second, in organizing material around "Great Tradition" and "Little
Tradition," the editor ignores points of articulation—for example, sacred texts,

sacred places, a ritual calendar—whereby the two traditions and two kinds

of community interrelate. Third, inaccurate translation of a chapters) from
the original text into English is a possibility: notably, diere is serious doubt

that Eugenio Maurer Avalos, S.J., said, with reference to the Eucharist, "Christ
as host, serves his disciples bread and wine with the reminder that these
elements will be, forever more, the symbols of his body and blood" (p. 245)—
an extraordinary departure from Roman Cadiolic doctrine. Fourth, it is not

the case that "all of the modern states of Latin America and die Caribbean

132BOOK REVIEWS

may be characterized as secular in the sense that none has an established state
religion or ideology (except perhaps Cuba)..." (p. 22): Article 75 of the

Constitution established Roman Catholicism as the state religion of Costa Rica.
Fifth, there is no contemporary study of Andean spirituality. Sixth, there are
surprising omissions in the General Bibliography: Hugo G. Nutini's, Todos
Santos in Rural Tlaxcala: A Syncretic, Expressive, and Symbolic Analysis of
the Cult of the Dead ( 1988) and Michael J. Sallnow's Pilgrims of the Andes:

Regional Cults in Cuzco (1987) are two.

Readers will attend to flaws, yet rejoice in the insights, quality of writing,
skillful use of texts, and wealth of information in the volume. The book is
well worth reading.
Leslie Ellen Straub, O.P.

Providence College
Australian

Die Konzilien in Australien, 1842—1917. By Ian Benjamin Waters. [Konzil-

iengeschichte, Reihe A: Darstellungen. ] ( Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh.
1994. Pp. xxviii, 195. DM 64,-.)

Written as a doctoral thesis in canon law in St. Paul's University, Ottawa,
the present work offers a useful contribution to Australian church history.
The author, Father Ian Waters, has long been prominent in the Melbourne
Diocesan Historical Commission and its activities. Provincial and plenary councils are often pivotal events in the development of the Church in a particular

country. The present volume is included in a series entitled Konzilienge-

schichte. Those who have found access to invaluable information through
Mansi and the Collectio Lacensis will readily applaud the venture by the
publisher, Schöningh of Paderborn.
The First Provincial Council of Sydney, the starting point of the study, came

just two years after the hierarchy had been established; and the country had
not yet advanced beyond the status of a penal colony. Under Archbishop

Polding, zealous missionary as he was, its concerns were emphatically pastoral,

especially the administration of the sacraments in the rough frontier society.
The second, held in Melbourne in 1869 after fire had destroyed St. Mary's
Cathedral in Sydney, revealed somewhat more complex conditions, now that

transportation had ended. The fathers were preoccupied with the growing
problems of mixed marriages and education controlled by the State. Both
topics were to occasion concern in all subsequent councils.

These earliest gatherings of the bishops were relatively straightforward

affairs. Polding told Propaganda that the council in 1844 had drawn inspiration
principally from the councils in Milan under St. Charles Borromeo. It was

BOOK REVIEWS133

different after 1869. Polding's successor, Roger Bede Vaughan, an English
Benedictine like himself, when urged by Propaganda to convoke another
Council, replied that it would be futile, since it would be no more than "a
family gathering." That was obviously an overstatement, but even the simple
Polding had already expressed his surprise that the new bishops, nominated
under the influence of the redoubtable Paul Cullen of Dublin, were often
"closely related." The Australian Church had become thoroughly Irish. The
Plenary Council of 1885, convoked by Cardinal Patrick Francis Moran of
Sydney, made that very plain. In spite of the advice of Propaganda to study
die Plenary Council of Baltimore held in the previous year, the fathers drew
inspiration from the Council of Maynooth of 1875. It is hard to avoid a sense
of gratification at noting diat Rome intervened in favor of Mary McKillop,
soon to be beatified, saving her Josephite Sisters from control by the episcopal
cousins.

In his third chapter Father Waters compares the six Australian Councils
with those of other countries, providing much to interest the student. Two
points, perhaps, call for special notice. In Australia there has been a much
larger participation proportionally of the lower clergy in Church legislation
than elsewhere. Also it is matter for regret that the best efforts of die Council
fathers failed sadly to provide help for the Aborigines. It is small comfort to
note a similar judgment by John Tracy Ellis of American legislation for pastoral
care of die Indians. Father Waters has been thorough in treating his theme,
and he offers valuable information for future students of the Australian Church.

S. J. Boland C.SS.R.
Ballarat, Australia

BRIEF NOTICES

Alexy, Trudi. The Mezuzah in the Madonna's Foot: Oral Histories Exploring
Five Hundred Years in the Paradoxical Relationship of Spain and the
Jews. (New York: Simon and Schuster. 1993. Pp. 316. »2300.)
The author, "a family therapist specializing in art therapy" (according to
the jacket blurb), was a child refugee from the Holocaust who spent two years
in Spain with her family after leaving Prague in 1938 on their way to New
York. Before arriving in Spain, she and her family converted to Catholicism
to escape persecution. She left the Church in the mid-1950's and began a
search for her spiritual roots in Judaism. In the late 1980's she decided to
return to Spain to learn what she could of the Spanish Judaic tradition and
also to find other Jews who had escaped the Holocaust by fleeing there. She
interviewed the few of the still-remaining Jews she could locate, and she
relates their experiences. She also found and interviewed Catholic descendants
of the conversos of the fifteenth century who continue to practice Jewish
rituals in secret. Aside from relating these interviews, she includes some very
superficial history of the gradual emancipation of the Jews in the nineteenth
century and their full emancipation under the present monarchy. Throughout,
she has nothing but praise and admiration for the Spanish people, who, particularly during the Holocaust, were warm and generous in their aid to the
Jews. She includes all classes of people in this admiration, including clergy,
both high and low.
The book is a pastiche of long interviews, Alexy's own personal memoirs,
historical summaries of dubious accuracy, digressions unrelated to Spain, and
it ends with a description of the recent discovery of the crypto-Jews of New
Mexico. Much of the book is direct quotation of the interviews, and there are
neither enough of these to establish a solid sense of what actually happened,
nor are they focused solely on Spanish experiences. There is little of value in
this book. Jose M. Sanchez (Saint Louis University)

134

BRIEF NOTICES135

Cantor, Norman F. Medieval Lives: Eight Charismatic Men and Women of

the Middle Ages. (New York: HarperCollins Publishers. 1994. Pp. xx, 197.
»23.00.)

There is a certain appropriateness in Norman Cantor, whose writings long
have had a proclivity in that direction, explicitly turning to a form of historical
fiction. The idea is to construct the conversations of eight charismatic medieval

men and women in today's language—indeed there is a fair amount of passing
from past to present—in order to communicate their understanding of the
cultural issues of their times. A fair amount of what is said is more a reflection

on the past than anything someone in that past could have said: at this level,

it is often illuminating. There are no footnotes, and only a slender bibliography.
Cantor uses the findings of social history to set the scene. Some of the "facts"
given by him outside the constructed dialogue are not to be trusted: his words
about Peter Damiani's "sex scandal book" are a case in point. In simulated

dialogues which leave the general reader both informed and misinformed, the

author aims to draw his contemporaries into the medieval world. Some passages are very good, for instance, some of the discussion in the chapter on
Augustine and much of the chapter on Alcuin, but each chapter also contains
statements at which the expert will wince. That on Hildegard of Bingen is

quite effective. In spite of its anachronisms, the presentation of Eleanor of
Aquitaine imaginatively articulates twelfth-century ideas. Cantor's claim, whatever the artifice, to preserve medieval sensibility seems to me only partly

justified. He invokes Eileen Power's Medieval People in the preface, expressing
the hope that his book will have a similar scope and format, though without
Power's naivete and enthusiasm. Appropriately enough, Cantor's Middle Ages

are more complex and sadder. In some ways his success is not that of the

historian, but of the essayist reflecting on the great ideas and dilemmas history

presents. Each chapter ends with a Nachleben which is generally accurate.
Other figures covered are Helena Augusta, Humbert of Lorraine, Robert

Grosseteste, and John Duke of Bedford. The epilogue, a less than convincing

and somewhat maudlin apologia for the book, is, in the manner of Petrarch,
addressed to medieval people. Glenn W. Olsen (University of Utah)

Contosta, David R., and Dennis J. Gallagher, O.SA. Ever Ancient, Ever New:

Villanova University, 1842—1992. (Virginia Beach, Virginia: The Donning

Company Publishers. 1992. Pp. 120.)

As Philadelphia's western suburbs blossomed with the opening of the Philadelphia and Columbia Railroad, a small, visionary group of priests of the order

of St. Augustine inaugurated Villanova College. It was a "new house" for the

fledgling Catholic young men's school situated on the 197-acre Belle-Air estate
of John Rudolph. Villanova officially opened on August 28, 1843, and classes

1 36BRIEF NOTICES

were held and faculty housed in the former Rudolph home. This seminary
and school for laity opened with ten students. Like many nineteenth-century
Catholic institutions of higher education, Villanova hosted mostly secondary
students; thus by 1893, only seventy-six students had earned a true college

degree. Still, Villanova had been closed between 1845 and 1846 due to fiscal
reasons and the nativist riots in Philadelphia. Closed again in 1857 due to

parish demands on priest-faculty, Villanova reopened in 1865 with both lay
and clerical instructors.

In 1902, the college and academy separated, and 1905 saw a new Engineering School, followed by a School of Science in 1915 available to a student
body of 400. World War I saw the advent of the Army Training Corps. In
1921, a School of Commerce and Finance was established. A decade later

Villanova inaugurated its Graduate School, while meeting the needs of 1000
students. By 1933, Villanova had survived three major fires and seemed

stronger after each disaster. Given the multifaceted campus athletic activities,
the Villanova Wildcat surfaced.

Following the usual disruptions to schedules and student body during World

War II, Villanova exploded from 2,000 students in 1947 to 7,500 in 1964.

Moreover, with the addition of the Law School and School of Nursing in 1953,
Villanova was chartered as a university. Student protests marked the sixties,
and by the seventies students served on the University Senate, while, at the
same time, university policy became focused on sensitivity to a growing multicultural presence. As Villanova reached 150 years, it proudly harbored a
chapter of Phi Beta Kappa, and was named number one comprehensive University in the East by U.S. News & World Report, while strongly evidencing
its Catholic character and Augustinian ideals.
This sprightly written commemorative history clearly sketches the challenges and successes of Villanova. In-depth historical comparison or commentary on higher education of the time will not be found here. Nonetheless,
the narrative and outstanding photographs tell an interesting, important saga
of Catholic higher education under the able aegis of Augustinian priests and

brothers. Certainly this work belongs on every alumnus' coffee table and in
every Augustinian institution worldwide. Indeed, the story as well as its attractive presentation has much to say to all institutions of higher education,
especially Catholic. For all collegiate and university administrators, faculty
and alumni, St. Augustine's experience, Tolle Lege, is not only appropriate for
this volume, but wise. Thomas J. Donaghy (Ellicott City, Maryland)

BRIEF NOTICES137

Cornet, Anne, Michel Dumoulin, and Yves Stélandre. Extra Muros: Les ré-

actions de la presse belge à trois voyages de Paul VI (Jérusalem, ONU,
BIT), 1964-1969. [Saggi 2, Istituto Paolo VL] (Rome: Edizioni Studium.
1993. Pp. 138. Lire 20,000 paperback.)

As the subtitle of this slim volume indicates, Anne Cornet, Michel Dumoulin,
and Yves Stélandre examine the reports of the Belgian press in order to assess
the public opinion's perception of the changing role of the Roman Catholic
Church in the modern world. The authors painstakingly read and analyzed
fifteen French and sixteen Flemish dailies and twenty-five French and twentyfour Flemish periodicals which reported on three of Pope Paul VI's unprecedented trips outside the walls ( extra muros) of the Vatican. The trips selected

were spectacular though not necessarily diplomatically or politically as significant as other voyages, but they symbolized the opening of dialogue with

non-Christians (1964 to Jerusalem), with the international community (1965
to the United Nations in New York), and with workers (1969 to the Fiftieth

Anniversary Celebration of the International Labor Organization in Geneva).

The book's organization is both logical and straightforward. It begins with

the context for the papal visits, then provides an overview of the Belgian
press, offers both a quantitative analysis and a qualitative analysis of first the
French and then the Flemish press coverage, and finally ends with a few general
conclusions. The final forty pages include extracts from the Belgian press, a

list of the press consulted in this study, and five indexes (i.e., names of persons,
institutions, newspapers, periodicals, and books).

One value of this book consists in the discussion of the Belgian press itself.
It clearly delineates the three trends of the press which reflected Belgian
society: the Catholic, the liberal, and the socialist. Nevertheless, the basic
criterion for comparison and contrast in this book is language.
Both a plus and a minus of this book is its brevity. The plus is that the book
provides a useful model for using the press to gain insight into the changing
interaction of the Church and the modern world; the minus is that the reader
wants more development and explanation of conclusions. For example, why
was there more distinction between the Flemish Catholic and Flemish liberal/

socialist papers than between the French Catholic and French liberal/socialist
ones.

While the focus of the book is the Belgian press and not Paul VI or his
message, this volume reveals the extraordinary steps taken by Paul VI to open
dialogue with the world around him. M. Patricia Dougherty, O.P. (Dominican
College of San Rafael)

1 38BRIEF NOTICES

Doré, Joseph (Ed.). Les cents ans de la Faculté de Théologie UER [Unité

d'Enseignement et de Recherche] de Théologie et de Sciences Religieuses,
Institut Catholique de Paris. [Sciences Théoligiques & Religieuses, 1.]
(Paris: Beauchesne. 1992. Pp. 391. 198 FF paperback.)

On December 17-19, 1990, the UER de Sciences Religieuses of the Institut

Catholique de Paris celebrated the centenary of the foundation ( 1889) of its

predecessor, the Faculty of Theology of Paris, with a colloquy. In this book
the proceedings of the colloquy are published in complete form, divided into
three parts: historical investigations, the future of exegesis and theology, and
the theological institution in church and society. The different contributions
by faculty members provide a good testimony of the scholarship of the school

and exemplify their desire to place theological investigation in the context
of contemporary culture. As the discussions that followed the lectures ex-

pressed, this was above all an in-house discussion that reflected the particular
history of this body, especially since its transformation from a faculty of theology to a UER of theology and religious sciences. The fact that this acronym

and the many others present in the 'organigrammes' [see pp. 360—361] are

never explained confirms the inward context of the exchanges, which renders
somewhat difficult their full understanding by any reader unfamiliar with the
present state of the institution or its development of the last twenty years.
For that reason the first part may be of greater interest since it deals with the

history of the Faculty (Claude Bressolette) and dwells upon two of its famous

teachers, Louis Duchesne and Alfred Loisy (Bernard Sesboué). As to the more
recent changes, the principal actors offer a useful assessment, though what is
not said, the non-dit, often seems to be as important as what is expressed.
The book editing is poor; particularly irritating are typographical errors in

dates. Jacques Gres-Gayer (The Catholic University ofAmerica)

Font Obrador, Bartolmeu, and Norman Neuerburg. Fr. Junípero Serra: Mallorca—México—Sierra Gorda—Californias. (Mallorca, Spain: Comissió
de Cultura, Conseil Insular de Mallorca. 1992. Pp. 186. Available from
Dawson's Book Shop, 535 North Larchmont Blvd., Los Angeles, CA 90004.
»100.00.)
This stunningly illustrated book, most of it in color, was issued to commemorate the observance of the quincentenary of the discovery of America.
In fifteen succinct chapters, beginning with a chronology of important dates,

the highlights in the life of Blessed Junípero Serra, O.F.M., are detailed in three

languages: Spanish, Catalan, and English. The topics included Serra's birth and
childhood years in Petra; his religious vocation and education; his early priestly
life, including his role as an educator; the influence of Blessed Ramón Llull
which sparked Serra's desire to become a missionary, and Serra's brilliance as

BRIEF NOTICES1 39

a preacher. The remainder of the text narrates Serra's missionary years, first
his success in the Sierra Gorda of Mexico, followed by his brief stint in Baja
California, and his subsequent presidency of the Alta California Franciscan

missions from 1769 until his death, August 27, 1784, at Mission San Carlos
Borromeo in present-day Carmel. One striking chapter is devoted to "The
Missionary's Doctrine," which illuminates the approach Serra and his confreres

used in their evangelization of California native peoples. The book is worth
its price because of the compactness and freshness of the narrative, superbly
complimented by the sumptuous and profuse illustrations. Doyce B. Nunis,
Jr. (University of Southern California)

James, Marquis. Merchant Adventurer. The Story of W. R Grace. With an

Introduction by Lawrence A. Clayton. [Latin American Silhouettes, Studies

in History and Culture.] (Wilmington, Delaware: SR Books. A Scholarly

Resources Inc. Imprint. 1993- Pp. xxxiv, 385. 824.95.)

Two unusual features claim attention. The first, as Professor Clayton recounts in a substantial introduction, is the fact that this book is now published
almost fifty years after it was written. Marquis James, a Pulitzer prize writer,
had been commissioned by the Grace heirs; the biography he produced after

sound research was ready in 1940, and even the galleys printed when the

executives of the Grace interests decided that the publication had to be
suspended. Secondly, that this classical American success story did not start

in New York, Chicago, or the West coast, but, of all unexpected places for an
Irish emigrant, the Peruvian port of Callao. There, in 1851, with his Irish
parents, William Russell Grace, nineteen years old, landed. The young Grace

was able to establish himself, first as employee, then as partner, in a prosperous
business of ship-chandler, i.e., provider of naval equipment and supplies. Many

ships then came to Callao, from Europe and North America, braving the
distances and the dreaded Cape Horn in search ofguano, the malodorous but
miraculous fertilizer, unique source of wealth for underdeveloped Peru. Soon
Grace and Co. became the main trading house of the country.

In 1865, William Grace moved to New York where he set up the same kind
of business, while his brother and associate, Michael, took charge of the
activities in Peru and neighboring republics. Their network of friendly rela-

tions among shipowners and sea captains, the tactful dealing with local au-

thorities, established the brothers as leading promoters and agents of business
relations between North and South America. They were inspirers also of the
so-called "good neighbor policy" of the pre-Roosevelt era. The Grace brothers
had a most beneficial influence on the emergence of a modern economy in
Peru: railway and road building, nitrate mining, sugar plantations, etc. They
served as financial advisers, and occasionally political mediators. Before they

1 40BRIEF NOTICES

consolidated their various interests under a single joint-stock Company,
they held full or partial ownership of some sixty private business firms. William's personal wealth was estimated at ten millions. As a prominent citizen
and member of the Irish-Catholic community, Grace involved himself in local

politics. Twice, in 1881 and 1885, he was elected mayor of New York. There-

after he remained a major influence in the Democratic national party, helping
to seat Cleveland.

This book review might be an occasion to discuss the changes that have
occurred in the literary genre of biography in the past half-century. Let us say

only that the years have not altered the high degree of readability of the style
of Marquis James. G. de Bertier de Sauvigny (Paris)

Kauffman, Christopher J. Faith and Fratemalism: The History of the Knights
of Columbus. Revised Edition. (New York: Simon and Schuster. 1992.

Pp. xxix, 529. »45.00.)

Originally published in 1982 to mark the centennial of the founding of the
Knights of Columbus, Kauffman's history was widely praised and quickly became the standard work on the subject. This revision, done by Kauffman to
coincide with the quincentenary of the first voyage of Christopher Columbus,
retains all the strengths of the original: thorough research, inclusion of a wealth
of detail on both the institutional history of the Knights and on twentiethcentury American Catholicism generally, and insightful interpretive observations on Knights' rituals and practices.
Structurally nearly identical to the original, it improves on it by carrying
the story forward for an additional decade (1982-1992). Kauffman adds more
information on the group's founder, Father MichaelJ. McGivney, and interprets
his relationship to the group analogously to that of a founder of a religious

order. In doing so and in placing Knights' fraternalism within the broader

context of associational behavior, he makes good use of recent research in
two widely different fields.

This volume was published along with a more popular version [Christopher
Kauffman, Columbianism and the Knights of Columbus: A Quincentenary
History (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992)] which, itself, is a good brief
illustrated history of the organization. The revised edition is longer and obviously intended more for a scholarly audience. Considering the original edi-

tion's great strengths and the improvements made in both the 1992 versions,

Kauffman's studies are sure to remain the standard works on the Knights of
Columbus for some time to come. David L. Salvaterra (Loras College)

BRIEF NOTICES14 1

McTighe, Michael J. A Measure ofSuccess: Protestants and Public Culture in

Antebellum Cleveland. (Albany: State University of New York Press. 1994.
Pp. xiv, 283. «21.95 paperback.)

On Friday and Saturday, October 7 and 8, 1994, the Department ofAmerican
Studies of Case Western Reserve University sponsored its annual symposium
on some aspect of local history. In this instance the topic presented was the

Origins of Religions in the Greater Cleveland Area. The symposium is always
well attended; this year was no exception. What was unusual in this year's

program was this. Two of the major papers that were presented focused on
themes derived from the late Michael McTigue's new book, A Measure of
Success: Protestants and Public Culture in Antebellum Cleveland

In an area in which the local universities have been publishing, under various

headings, countless professional studies of both ethnicity and religion in Cleve-

land, the McTigue book is unique. One would search in vain for any published
work that attempts to do what McTigue has done so successfully. He has
organized, and to a great extent, synthesized the huge volume of monographs
as well as other primary research sources which are cited in the forty-twopage bibliography of this book.
The selection of chapter topics—for example, the mobilization of the
strength of the Protestant community and attempt to establish ethos of ob-

ligation in the whole debate about slavery—as well as the list of meticulously

researched tables, twelve in number, gives insight hitherto non-existent which
must be available to future research.

Michael McTigue died on February 4, 1993, one month after he submitted
his manuscript to the publisher. Clearly the book addresses topics relevant
to a number of academic interests—urban history, women's studies, political

history, ethnic history, social and religious history, temperance and anti-slavery

movements. It is an excellent monument to his scholarship. NelsonJ. Callahan
(Bay Village, Ohio)

Maza Miquel, Manuel, SJ. El alma del negocio y el negocio del alma: Testimonios sobre la Iglesia y la Sociedad en Cuba, 1878-1894. (Santiago,

República Dominicana: Pontificia Universidad Católica Madre y Maestra.
1990. Pp. v, 120. Paperback.)

This history is more than an account of Catholicism in the late nineteenth
century. The author records a segment of Cuban religious history that reflects
and intertwines with the social and political development of the national
struggle for independence. Like other major institutions, the Church evolved
empirically, just as the process of nation-building itself was experiential.

142BRIEF NOTICES

This book does not attempt to chronicle or analyze the whole corpus of
Cuban Catholicism, but to present a selective survey, emphasizing the rela-

tionship between the Church and society, from 1878 to 1894. The focus is
intriguing; the work is well researched; it closely integrates the writings of
major church leaders of the period, including Archbishop Martin Herrera,
Bishop Manuel Santander, and Father Juan Bautista Casas, with the general
history of Cuban Catholicism. Unfortunately, scant attention is given to the
role of the laity.

The main strength of this work is Maza's combining the fine-grained socioreligious description of the working conditions of the clergy with a more

general analysis of their place in Cuban society and their political tendencies.

Just as important is the author's examination of the practice of Catholicism

and of the thought of the Cuban bishops and clergy in this period. In short,

this book is an excellent sociological analysis of the relationships between

day-to-day conditions in which the clergy found themselves and which affected

their consciousness and the larger political conditions in which their lives
were situated.

Maza has contributed a needed segment of Cuban religious history. His

book provides facts and a chronology, valuable tools for future historians.

Since the author is a native of Cuba and has done extensive research on the

Cuban church in the nineteenth century, he is a well-qualified historian for
such work. And, while his account gives us a more complete picture of the
local church in transition, a major flaw in this otherwise well-designed book
is the limited number of primary sources. Nevertheless, an important aspect
ofMaza's work is that he has shown that the Cuban church in the revolutionary
period reflects the leadership which was involved in it: their anxiety, their
successes and failures, their frustrations and resignation. William L. Montgomery (Washington, D.C.)

Monfasani, John. Fernando of Cordova, A Biographical and Intellectual Pro-

file. [Transactions, Volume 82, Part 6.] (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society. 1992. Pp. x, 116. «18.00 paperback.)

Apart from Adolfo Bonilla y San Martin's work of 1911, this is the only

monograph dedicated to Fernando of Cordova (ca. 1421-1486) in this cen-

tury. While Fernando is well documented as a youthful wonder at the uni-

versities and royal courts of the l440's, very little was known of him after
that time. Monfasani has changed this.

On the basis of the De artificio omnis et investigandi et inveniendi natura

scibilis, which he published for the first time, Bonilla was able to show that

despite his Platonist professions, Fernando was more indebted to Aristotle,
Scotus, and Ramon Lull than he was to Plato. Monfasani confirms this view.

BRIEF NOTICES143

From the point of view of the history of philosophy his study may not add
very much to Fernando's stature, but his expert knowledge of the circle

surrounding Cardinal Bessarion (Fernando's most important patron) enables
him to provide our first picture of Fernando's last four decades, as a papal
subdeacon—a minor member of the papal curia—sitting on papal commissions on controverted doctrinal points concerning the Fraticelli and Lullism,
and also as the author of a series of works on philosophy, law, and (in one

case) on medicine, none of which, however, seems as interesting as the De
artificio. Monfasani's discussion of Fernando's career and writings is supported
by a valuable series of unpublished documents, not only from the Vatican

Archives but also from Bologna, Siena, and Vienna. J. N. Hillgarth (Pontifical

Institute ofMediaeval Studies)

Paciocco, Roberto. Da Francesco ai "Catalogi Sanctorum. " Livelli istituzionali e immagini agiografiche nell'ordine francescano (secoli xiii—

xiv). [Collectio Assisiensis 20.] (Assist: Edizioni Porziuncola. 1990. Pp.
204. Lire 30,000.)

This book follows the development of the Franciscan hagiographie tradition
from the earliest biographies of Francis of Assisi to the end of the fourteenth

century. With the mid-thirteenth century Bonaventura's Legenda maior replaced all previous lives of Francis in an attempt to create anew a unified

founding myth for a rapidly fracturing order. But by the end of that century

accommodation to local pressures for a more traditional form of sainthood

had manifested itself in the many "minor" Franciscan saints in the catalogues
under discussion. The author provides a description of the manuscript of one
such: Oxford, Bodleian MS. Canon. Misc. 525, dated 1385 to 1393, and an
edition of its "De sacris beatorum fratrum tumulis."

As background to his study Paciocco traces the notion of sainthood from
the pontificate of Innocent III, where a saint's moral virtues were stressed as

much as or more than the miracles performed by that person both in vita

and post mortem. Such an emphasis, the author notes, fitted well with the
papal attempt to combat heresy. The saint's imitation of the Gospels was a
clear-cut counter to the heterodox evangelical movements of the eleventh
and twelfth centuries.

Yet already with the canonization of Francis of Assisi and the biographies

commissioned around that event, 1 and 2 Celano and his de Miraculis, we
see the gradual shift away from the moral virtues of the historical Francis
toward an emphasis on Francis the mythic thaumaturge. At the same time a
"civic sainthood" emerged around Italian cities' desire to honor their own

Franciscans. Despite such local pressures, however, the papacy steadfastly

resisted canonizing any Franciscans between Francis himself in 1228 and
Anthony in 1232 and Louis of Toulouse in 1317.

144BRIEF NOTICES

With the fourteenth century, however, came a comparative flood of Franciscan sancti minores. The catalogues discussed here list 124 new saints, of

which 58 had cults that extended no further than the walls of their own

convents. Why this sudden upsurge? While Paciocco notes the "decadence"
and decentralization of the order in the fourteenth century and offers some

analysis of the types of saints, their geographical divergence, their social and
cultural background, and their status in the hierarchy, he fails to give the

reason for their numbers. True, we are witnessing a resurgence of an original
Franciscan impulse, one that would also give rise to the Spiritual and Observant
movements; yet what larger forces could lead to so many and such examples?
Here Paciocco's attention to broader trends within church and society, so
carefully drawn for twelfth-century antecedents and so attentive of much
current research, fails to draw conclusions from his own materials.
Nevertheless, Paciocco provides an interesting case text, a useful prosopographical index of fourteenth-century Franciscan saints, and a good bibliography, though mostly of European historians. This work will thus be of interest
to the advanced student of both the Franciscans and of sainthood in the later

Middle Ages. Fresh insights are few, but careful attention to one current of
this history is welcome. Ronald G. Musto (Itálica Press, New York)

Parrow, Kathleen A. From Defense to Resistance: Justification of Violence

during the French Wars of Religion. [Transactions, Volume 83, Part 6.]
(Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. 1993. Pp. vi, 79· Paperback.)

This short monograph examines the legal justifications for the violence of
the French religious wars. Beginning with the point that Roman law allowed
the use of defensive violence, the author shows how a private right of individuals to defend themselves against violence became a broader right of re-

sistance to tyranny. She examines the medieval traditions of the just war, lèse-

majesté, and confiscation of the property of traitors, and shows how the latter
concepts related to the Church's defining heresy as lèse-majesté divine and
seizing the goods of heretics.
Parrow then shows how these concepts were used in the political literature
of the religious wars. Her sources are largely the collection of pamphlets

found in the Newberry Library. After 1560 the Huguenots argued that the

right of self-defense permitted them to take arms not against the king, whom
they were defending by their actions, but against Catholic zealots usurping
royal authority. The St. Bartholomew's massacre forced the Huguenots to turn
toward a more revolutionary position of resistance to the king for his crimes
against the people. The Catholic League found itself going through much the

same process after Henry of Navarre became the royal successor in 1 584. By

BRIEF NOTICESl45

1 588 it was proclaiming that it was defending the realm against an evil Henry
III, and after his assassination, against the heretical claimant. The Leaguer

Estates of 1593 was the culmination of the entire range of political literature
since 1 560, but Navarre's conversion in the midst of the meeting immediately
made resistance theory obsolete. Once Henry IV had been to Mass, the onus

of treason could be laid on the die-hard Leaguers, who no longer could claim
self-defense and just war.

The author provides a good overview of the political literature; yet the
brevity that is a virtue in several respects also may leave the reader vaguely
unsettled. Too often definitions of key terms and explanations of ideas and

events are inadequate to convey the necessary information, while quick gen-

eralizations leave inaccurate impressions. For example, the Council of Trent
did not lay the foundation for charging the Protestants with heresy (p. 56);

their key doctrines were condemned well before then. Parrow downplays too
far the real fears that most Catholics had of a Huguenot king. Pledges from
Henry that he would protect the Catholic faith (He could not have demon-

strated it [p. 60] until he gained effective control of the realm after 1594.)

hardly would suffice for those who sincerely believed that a heretic would
not keep faith.

Parrow well demonstrates the importance of legal principles to the political
writers of the religious wars, and how they strove to clothe themselves with
legal rights of self-defense and justified resistance. Her book contributes val-

uable insight into the political thought of late sixteenth-century France. Frederic J. Baumgartner (Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University)

Peterson, Jacqueline, with Laura Peers. Sacred Encounters: Father De Smet

and the Indians of the Rocky Mountain West. The De Smet Project,
Washington State University. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
1993. Pp. 192. «24.95 paperback.)

The American press, long noted for its attractive volumes on Indian subjects,

has produced another, unlike most others, viz., a current exhibition catalogue
with a learned text. Illustrations of spectacular exhibition items, memorabilia

of the nation's best-known missionary, Peter John DeSmet, are presented with
an account of his personal history, his involvement in his "Sacred Encounter"

with Indians of the "Rocky Mountain West." By report of its principal promoter, Dr. Peterson, 2,500 hardbound copies and 6,000 paperbound copies
were run off the press in Italy.

This volume is reminiscent of another by one of DeSmet's Jesuit colleagues,
Father Nicolas Point, whose Wilderness Kingdom, first published in 1965 in
an edition of 20,000 hardbound copies, evoked high praise, especially for its
many illustrations. These paintings by Point, created in the Pacific Northwest

146BRIEF NOTICES

in a five-year period, 1842—1847, were contemporary with other artists of

that romantic time, George Catlin, for example. Some of these Point paintings
appear in SacredEncounter, along with plain but authentic sketches and maps
made by DeSmet.
It is not easy to find reasons for criticism of this book. Two points, however,

should be mentioned. First, the balance of the text and illustrations, especially
the latter, weigh heavily in favor of DeSmet's European origins. Some out-

standing pieces directly related to his work on the plateau, the focus of Point's
paintings and the exhibition itself, have been overlooked, for example, DeSmet's multi-colored chasuble used at Mass on the trail, the remnant of his
buffalo robe, the cross with chain presented by DeSmet to a renowned Flathead
Chief, and the exquisite Corpus for the cross, carved by Ravalli, used in the
Flathead "Christ taken down from the cross ceremony" on Good Fridays. AU

of these were readily available in the Jesuit Oregon Province collection. Obviously, not everything available could be used. These, however, were so
intimately identified with the Sacred Encounter that their omission in favor
of so much of DeSmet's Belgian memorabilia appears to be an oversight.
A more specific criticism concerns an occasional lapse of fact, for example,

the text concerning DeSmet's first printed book and the illustration (p. 126)
which presents the title page of the 1848 French edition of Oregon Missions.

In view of the broad sweep of the text and the splendid illustrations, rich in
color and variety, this is not a severe complaint. It follows, then, that Sacred
Encounters deserves to be in as many collections of Americana as Wilderness
Kingdom, to which it is superior in some respects. Wilfred P. Schoenberg,
SJ. (Gonzaga University)

Ruokanen, Miikka. Theology of Social Life in Augustine's "De civitate Dei"
[Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte, Band 53] (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 1993. Pp. 179 DM 68,-.)
If the amount written about Augustine is massive, the City ofGod probably
ranks second only to the Confessions as die work most frequently studied.
Here a Finnish scholar reviews the older school of Augustinian scholarship
and finds it wanting in its interpretation of the De civitate Dei Specifically, it
failed to take note of changes in Augustine's views and deemed it sufficient
to trace certain concepts from his earlier, more philosophically oriented writings which are more optimistic about the capabilities of human nature.

The later Augustine is characterized as a "moral pessimist" even though

still a "natural optimist." While remaining essentially good, creation has become thoroughly flawed because of sin, and for Augustine, says Ruokanen, sin
is decisive. Thus, Augustine has long been mistakenly regarded as the ideological father of a sacral medieval political order. But the social order of this

BRIEF NOTICES147

world is founded on pride and moved by the lust for domination. Even if all
citizens were good Christians, human society would still be under sin. There

is no such thing as a Christian commonwealth, only "a secular society based

on the social contract of collective self-interested love" (p. 154). Christians
must make the best of a bad situation but can, at most, make it less evil, not
really good. They are sustained by the hope of heaven, their true goal. Her
conclusions are based on analyses of ordo, civitas, and love.
While her findings are not new, this work contributes to scholarship on the
City of God by its synthesis of previous research. Robert B. Eno, S.S. (The
Catholic University ofAmerica)

Ryan, James G. (Ed.). Irish Church Records: Their History, Availability and
Use in Family and Local History Research. (Glenageary, Co. Dublin,

Ireland: Flyleaf Press. 1992. Pp. 207. »46.00.)

Although Ireland is well known as the "land of saints and scholars," one of
its richest historical lodes remains unmined for the most part—the records
kept, often haphazardly, by various major and minor religious denominations
over the past two centuries. James G. Ryan seeks to rectify this state of affairs
by providing this very useful guide to the content, location, and accessibility
of the extant ecclesiastical records of not only the Roman Catholic Church
and the Church of Ireland—the country's two major religions—but also of
such minority sects as the Quakers, the Presbyterians, the Methodists, the
Baptists, the Jews, and the Huguenots.

Each chapter included in this volume provides a detailed summary of a

particular denomination's history in Ireland, and of its record-keeping facilities
over time. Also included are the locations of the records and their availability.
An extensive index also helps the reader to cross-reference his search. In all,
this is a needed guide to the still not fully accessible archives of Ireland's

religious institutions. For those interested in documenting the social and
cultural (as well as the political and economic) history of Ireland, and who
are aware of the difficulties in locating pertinent research materials, Ryan's
volume is a very welcome addition to the growing literature available on Irish

historical source materials. Janet A. Nolan (Loyola University Chicago)

Saxer, Victor. Pères saints et culte chrétien dans l'Eglise des premiers siècles.
[Variorum Collected Studies Series; CS 448.] (Brookfield, Vermont: Var-

iorum, Ashgate Publishing Company. 1994. Pp. xii, 298. »87.50.)

Monsignor Victor Saxer, now the retired director of the Pontifical Institute
of Christian Archaeology, here gathers some fifteen previously published ar-

148BRIEF NOTICES

tides—nine in French, three in German, and three in Italian. Though he has

also published a significant study on the medieval cult of Mary Magdalen at
Vézelay, these articles concern die patristic era. As the title of the collection
indicates, most of them deal with worship and hagiography. Many were written
on the occasion of, or in connection with, the appearance of book-length
publications on related subjects such as his monographs on the cult of the
martyrs in North Africa or on biblical themes in the acts of the martyrs. One
article included here, on the Eucharist in Tertullian, has already appeared in
English translation.

Other subjects treated include: the cult of the Aposties Peter and Paul in
the early Roman liturgy for June 29; the eucharistie significance of the phrase
"figura corporis et sanguinis Domini" in Tertullian, Hippolytus, and Ambrose;
the date of the first letter in the collection of Cyprian's correspondence; the

cult of Hippolytus at Porto; the Platonic theme of the "crucified just man" in
pagan and early Christian authors; the differing levels of culture in Cyprian

and contemporary African bishops; and, finally, "benedictio" in Augustine.
Most of the material is concerned with literary rather than archaeological
sources. While treating disparate subjects, the articles are centered on a few
themes and it is useful to have them brought together in a collection such as
this. Robert B. Eno, S.S. (The Catholic University ofAmerica)

Wills, Jeffrey (Ed.). The Catholics of Harvard Square. (Petersham, Massachusetts: Saint Bede's Publications. 1993. Pp. viii, 212. »2295 clothbound;
»15.95 paperback.)
The book is "partly a history, partly a collection of sources." The history
consists of six brief sections: a sketch of the parish of St. Paul in Cambridge,
Massachusetts; following are studies of the immigrant community served by
the parish, two priests native to the parish who in the early twentieth century
directed the office of the Propagation of the Faith of the Archdiocese of Boston,
the liturgical practices of the parish, and the relations between official Catholicism and both Harvard and Radcliffe colleges. The collection of sources

presents the reminiscences of twenty contemporary voices who have been

churched at St. Paul's. In conclusion, there is an appendix listing the priests
and sisters who have served in the parish and in the Roman Catholic chaplaincy
to Harvard University, as well as the principals of the parish grammar school,

which closed in 1974.

Lavishly and arrestingly illustrated and handsomely printed, The Catholics
ofHarvard Square is an intelligently celebratory work that will interest those
who have belonged to the parish or been served by the chaplaincy. Social
historians of American Catholicism will find in it a partial confirmation of and
a frequently instructive supplement to Paula Kane's recent Separatism and

BRIEF NOTICES1 49

Subculture: Boston Catholicism, 1900-1920. Robert E. Sullivan (St. John's
Seminary, Brighton, Massachusetts)

Wood, Diana (Ed.). Martyrs and Martyrologies. Papers read at the 1992

Summer Meeting and the 1993 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society. [Studies in Church History, Volume 30.] (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers. 1993- Pp. xviii, 497. »64.95.)

Most readers of this journal are probably familiar with this British series.
This volume, one of the longest, comprises some thirty-three contributions
which, as in the past, study the subject indicated in the title in all periods of
church history. Four papers study the patristic period, ten the medieval, nine

the Reformation and early modern period, and ten the last two centuries.

About half of the papers deal with British church history, if we include one
on St. George. Of course, the spectrum of subjects studied necessarily involves
a flexible treatment of the matter indicated in the title. Thus the longest essay
in the volume treats British fundamentalism in the first half of the twentieth

century, a period in which no one was killed.
Some of the most noteworthy essays include one on Roman law and the
execution of women in the ancient persecutions by Chris Jones; the attitude
of Reformation martyrologists toward medieval dissenters by Euan Cameron,
and the relationship between religion and politics in John Foxe's writings by

David Loades. Of particular interest to Catholics are treatments of Margaret
Clitherow by Claire Cross; Japanese martyrs and "hidden Christians" by Ste-

phen Turnbull, and of English Benedictine Bede Camm by Dominic Bellenger.
A theme that runs through most of these papers is the question of how to

verify whether a martyr has died for religious reasons only. The fact that in
very many cases, it is not possible to specify an exclusively religious cause of

the martyrdom is not viewed as disqualifying the victim for the title ofChristian

martyr.

As with every such compilation, there are substantial papers and some that
are more modest either in intent or in result. But, with this volume, the
Ecclesiastical History Society of Great Britain continues to make a significant

contribution to the study of church history. Robert B. Eno, S.S. (The Catholic
University ofAmerica)

NOTES AND COMMENTS

Association News

The Committee on Corresponding Fellows, of which Martin J. Havran of
the University of Virginia is chairman, proposed two candidates for each of
the two vacant positions. One had become vacant by the death of Monsignor
Michèle Maccarrone, and the other was newly authorized by die Executive

Council last January for a Spanish scholar. The Executive Committee by mailed

ballot has elected Professor Giuseppe Alberigo of the University of Bologna,
director of the Istituto per Ie Scienze Religiose, and chief editor of Cristianesimo nella storia, and Professor Antonio García y García of die Pontifical
University of Salamanca, a specialist in the history of canon law. The president
of the Association for 1994, Professor Elisabeth G. Gleason, invited the two

scholars and obtained their willing consent to accept the honor.

Meetings, Conferences, Symposia, Courses, and Exhibitions
The sesquicentennial of the Archdiocese of Chicago was marked by two
scholarly observances. One was a symposium, entitled "Chicago and the American Cadiolic Experience," which was planned by a committee under the

chairmanship of Theodore J. Karamanski, held on November 4-5, 1994, at

the downtown campus of Loyola University, and supported by a grant from
the Loyola Endowment for the Liberal Arts. Contemporary interests seem to
have dictated the choice of topics and participants; the early history of the

Church in Chicago was almost ignored. The odier part of the anniversary

celebration is an exhibition in die headquarters of the Chicago Historical
Society entitled "Bricks and Mortar: Catholic Churches and Chicago Neighborhoods." It was produced by John J. Treanor, assistant chancellor for archives and records of the archdiocese, and researched and written by Ellen
Skerrett and Edward Kantowicz. It illustrates how four neighborhoods were
shaped by Catholic churches built within them—the German North Side, the
Polish Northwest Side, the West Side Boulevards, and Back-of-the-Yards—and
tries to depict the interaction between sacred space and urban life, showing
how the parishes have adapted to changes in dieir environments over the last
150 years. The exhibition will remain open until April 30, 1995.
150

NOTES AND COMMENTS151
The annual dies academicus of the Accademia di S. Carlo was held in Milan

on November 18-19, 1994; it was devoted to die tíieme "Le visite pastorali

prima di S. Carlo Borromeo." On die first evening Luigi Prosdocimi delivered
a prolusione on "La normativa canónica suite visite pastorali nel Decretum
Gratiani (1140 c.)." On the following day papers were read on die pastoral
visits of Gabriele Sforza (1454-1457) and Carlo da Forli (1457-1461) by
Giulio Colombo, of Stefano Nardini (1461—1484) e Guidantonio Arcimboldi

(1489-1497) by Giorgio Chittolini, of Melchiorre Crivelli (1543-1546 and

1558—1559) by Agostino Borromeo, and of Giovanni Angelo Arcimboldi
(1550-1555) by Giuseppe Alberigo. That afternoon Marco Navoni spoke on
the pastoral visits to the cathedral before Saint Charles, and Elena Rotelli on
those of Saint Antonio at Florence and of the suffragan bishops at Pistoia and
Fiesole.

"Christian Religious Minorities in Early Modern Europe" is the title of a
course that will be conducted at the Center for Renaissance Studies in the

Newberry Library on Tuesday afternoons from two to five o'clock from February 7 to April 11, 1995. The instructor will be Susan Rosa, Bradley Assistant
Professor of History in the Honors Program, University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee. By focusing on various minorities such as the Recusants in England,
die Huguenots and Jansenists in France, and die Protestants in Italy, Dr. Rosa
will acquaint the students with some of the library's extensive resources in
the religious history of seventeenth- and eighteendi-century Europe. Funds
are available to subsidize travel expenses for members of the Center for
Renaissance Studies consortium. Those who wish to register for the course
should write to the Center for Renaissance Studies, The Newberry Library,

60 West Walton Street, Chicago, Illinois 60610-3380; telephone: 312-9439090, extension 201.

The theme of the fourteenth Comparative Frontier Studies Symposium will
be "Religion in Frontier Societies." The symposium will take place in San

Antonio on February 24—26, 1995. Upon request ftirdier information will be

provided by Colin Wells or Diana Murin in care of the Department of Classical

Studies, Trinity University, 106 Oakmont Street, San Antonio, Texas 78212;
telephone: 210-736-7647 or -7653; fax: 210-736-7643.

The Texas Catholic Historical Society will hold its annual meeting in conjunction with the annual meeting of the Texas State Historical Association in
San Antonio on March 3, 1995. A session on "The Catholic Church and the

Mexican-American Community in South Texas, 1830—1940," will consist of

papers presented by Robert E. Wright, O.M.I., Tim Matovina, and Gilberto
Hinojosa. Information about registration may be obtained from the secretary
of die society in care of the Texas Catholic Conference, 3001 South Congress
Avenue, Austin, Texas 78704.

A conference on "Representation and Interpretation in the Twelfth Century"
will be held at Canisius College on April 20-23, 1995. Papers will deal with
aspects of intellectual and cultural life. Further information will be provided

152NOTES AND COMMENTS

by Shaun Gallagher if one writes to him in care of the Department of Philos-

ophy, Canisius College, Buffalo, New York 14208; telephone. 716-888-2329;
fax: 888-2525.

The next spring meeting of die American Society of Church History will
take place in Miami on April 20—23, 1995. The committee on program has

sought to emphasize the following themes: religious diversity and edinicity,
secular and the sacred, and religion and the arts. Copies of the program may
be requested of the chairman of the committee, Daniel L. Pals, in care of die

Department of Religious Studies, University of Miami, Post Office Box 248264,
Coral Gables, Florida 33124-4672.

The Middle Atlantic Historical Association of Catholic Colleges and Universities will hold its twenty-first annual conference on April 22, 1995, at
Siena College. The keynote speaker will be Iris Berger, professor in the State
University of New York at Albany and president of the African Studies Association; she will speak on "Recasting History in the 1990s." Copies of the
program, which will be ready by early March, may be obtained from James
C. Harrison in care of the Department of History, Siena College, Loudonville,
New York 12211-1462.

The Thomas More Society of America will sponsor a tour of London, Canterbury, and Oxford focused on its eponym in the spring of 1995. Lectures
on More and his times will be given. The exact dates were to be determined
according to response and may be learned by asking George F. Georges at

4000 TunlawRoad, N.W., Apartment 610, Washington, D.C. 20007; telephone:
202-338-8717.

A colloquium entitled "Gender in the Tongue of the Fathers: Ideology and
the Subject in Medieval Latin Discourse" will be held at the University of
Toronto on May 8—9, 1995. The person from whom information may be
obtained is David Townsend at the Centre for Medieval Studies, 39 Queen's
Park Crescent East, Toronto, Ontario M5S 2C3, Canada.
The fifth International Thomas More Symposium will be held at die Erbacher
Hof in Mainz on May 20-27, 1995. It is being sponsored by the Thomas-MoreGesellschaft, the German affiliate of the Amici Thomae Morae. The languages

of the symposium will be German and English. Requests for housing and further
information should be sent to the Kongressbüro/Secretariat, Thomas-More-

Gesellschaft, Hubertshöhe 9, 51429 Bergisch Gladbach, Germany; telephone:

02204/54607. Accommodations at the Erbacher Hof will cost DM85 per day;

persons preferring to lodge in a hotel should write to the Verkehrsverein,
Bahnhofstrasse 15, 55116 Mainz; telephone: 06131/286210.

The next meeting of the Canadian Catholic Historical Association will take
place in Montreal on June 8-9, 1995. Sessions dealing with eastern Canadian

Catholic history, the multiple languages and cultures of Catholics, Catholic
environmentalists, and Canadian religious communities in the world, as well

NOTES AND COMMENTS153

as with other themes pertaining to the international Catholic experience and
the Catholic history of Canada, are being planned. Those who wish to participate in any capacity are advised to consult the president of the association,

Margaret Sanche, in care of Saint Thomas More College, 1437 College Drive,
Saskatoon, Saskatchewan S7N 0W6; telephone: 306-966-8914/8900; fax: 306966-8904; e-mail: sanchem@sask.usask.ca.

College teachers who are scholars of early modern history or related fields
are eligible to participate in a six-week summer seminar on "Religion, Politics,
and the Origins of the French Revolution, 1560-1991," which will be directed
by Dale Van Kley at the Newberry Library from July 10 to August 18, 1995.
The seminar will be funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities.
Applications must be submitted by March 1, 1995. Further information may
be obtained from Professor Van Kley in care of the Department of History,
Calvin College, Grand Rapids, Michigan 49546.
The College of Saint Thomas More in Fort Worth has announced an academic program to study Spanish art, history, literature, and culture at die

University of Salamanca from August 1 to the sixteenth, 1995. The pro-

gram will consist of a lecture series, walking tours and other activities
outside of class, and group excursions to Avila, Valladolid, El Escorial, and
Madrid. It is open to students, academics, religious, retired professors, and

librarians. It will be directed by two scholars from the College of Saint Thomas

More, viz., Ronald Müller, dean of the college, and Patrick Foley, visiting fellow

in history and editor of thefournal of the Texas Catholic Historical Society,

who is a specialist on the history of Spain. The program will begin in Fort
Worth with lectures about Spanish thought and history. Introductory sessions
will be held for orientation and an opportunity to discuss a research project

with the faculty. In Salamanca scholars of the university will lecture in English
on the art and architecture of the city and other subjects. At the end of the
sojourn the participants will be asked to make a short presentation of their
work to the group. Undergraduates may earn three hours of course credit by
completing a research paper on their chosen topic. The cost of the academic
program is $1,875; this includes tuition, transportation with the group, most
of the meals, and accommodations in the Hotel Emperatriz in Salamanca.
Airfare, some lunches, and admission fees are not included. Those who wish

to register must send a non-refundable deposit of $200 by March 1 and the

balance of the tuition payment by June 1. Interested persons may write to
Dr. Foley in care of the College of Saint Thomas More, 3001 Lubbock Street,
Fort Worth, Texas 76109; telephone: 817-232-7972 or 237-9602.

The Society for Confraternity Studies will sponsor sessions at the Sixteenth

Century Studies Conference in San Francisco on October 26—29, 1995. Papers
on confraternities in the Mediterranean area and Northern Europe between

1450 and 1650 are solicited; proposals should be sent by April 1, 1995, to

1 54NOTES AND COMMENTS

Nicholas Terpstra at the Villa I Tatti, Via di Vincigliata, 26, 50135 Florence,
Italy; fax: 39-55-603-383.

Fellowships and Awards
The Pew Program in Religion and American History provides fellowships

to stimulate scholarship in the designated area between 1600 and 1980.

Applicants must be scholars in the early stages of their professional careers
who are completing doctoral dissertations or first books. Requests for application forms and further information should be addressed to the Pew
Program in Religion and American History, Yale University, Post Office
Box 2160 Yale Station, New Haven, Connecticut 06520-2160; e-mail:

pew__yale@ quickmail.yale.edu.

The Program for the Analysis of Religion Among Latinos (PARAL) and the
Olga Scarpetta Memorial Fund are co-sponsoring the Scarpetta Award for the
best student paper in social science research on religion among Latinos, i.e.,
Hispanics in the United States. The award will be conferred with an unspecified
cash amount in an annual competition in co-operation with the Society for
the Scientific Study of Religion and the Religious Research Association. The
winning paper will be published in Latino Studiesfournal. Any student who

has not yet completed a doctoral dissertation in any of the social sciences or

related fields is eligible. To be considered for the competition of 1995 entries
must be postmarked by August 1. Inquiries about the submission process
should be addressed to die Scarpetta Award, PARAL, Bildner Center, Graduate

School and University Center, City University of New York, 33 West 42nd
Street, New York, New York 10036.

The Cushwa Center for the Study of American Cadiolicism has announced
that the winner of last year's competition for the Notre Dame Studies in
American Catholicism is Dale Light, professor of history in Pennsylvania State
University, Schuylkill. His manuscript, entitled "Rome and the New Republic:
Conflict and Community in Philadelphia Cadiolicism between the Revolution
and the Civil War," will be published by the University of Notre Dame Press
mis year.
Publications

A dossier on "La Inquisición en Aragón" constitutes the first part of Volume
63-64 ( 1 99 1 ; published in 1 994 ) of the Revista de Historiaferónimo Zurita.
It consists of the following articles: Jaime Contreras, "La Inquisición aragonesa
en el marco de la Monarquía autoritaria" (pp. 7-50); Pilar Huerga Criado, "La
Hacienda de la Inquisición aragonesa durante el reinado de Fernando el Católico" (pp. 51—72); Pilar Sánchez, "Inquisición y juristas aragoneses en los

NOTES AND COMMENTS155

siglos XVI y XVII" (pp. 73—85); Bartolomé Bennassar, "La Inquisición de
Aragón y los Heterodoxos" (pp. 87-92); and José A. Ferrer Benimeli, "La

Inquisición como fuente de Ia demografía de Aragón. El Censo de 1 748" (pp.
93-138).

John L. Kessell of the University of New Mexico has contributed an essay

entitled "Miracles ofMystery: María de Ágreda's Ministry to theJumano Indians

of the Southwest in the 1620s" to the book Great Mysteries ofthe West, edited
by Ferenc M. Szasz (Golden, Colorado: Fulcrum, 1993).

Virginia Humling has published a useful guide for Cadiolic genealogists
entitled U.S. Catholic Ancestors: A Diocesan Research Guide. Copies may be
obtained directly from the author at Post Office Box 1 193, Bothell, Washington
98041-1193.

The issue of U.S. Catholic Historian for summer, 1994 (Volume 12, Number
3), is devoted to the theme "German-Catholic Identities in American Culture."
It consists of the following articles: Joseph M. White, "Cincinnati's German

American Life: A Heritage of Lay Participation" (pp. 1-16); Joseph H. Lackner,

S.M., "Bishop Ignatius Horstmann, Spokesperson for German-American Cath-

olics?" (pp. 17—40); Rory T. Conley, "Arthur Preuss, German-Cadiolic Exile
in America" (pp. 41-62); Oliver M. Schütz, "German Catholics in California:

The German Origins of St. Elizabeth's Parish, Oakland, and die Early Move to
a Multicultural Parish" (pp. 63—72); Linda Marie Bos, S.S.N.D., "'Let us act

promptly': School Sisters of Notre Dame and World War I" (pp. 73—86);

Stephen Avella, "Sebastian G. Messmer and the Americanization of Milwaukee
Catholicism" (pp. 87-107).
To commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the death of Cardinal Ildefonso
Schuster, O.S.B., Archbishop of Milan, Benedictina has restricted the first

fascicle (January-June) of its volume for 1994 (41) to articles concerning
him: Luigi Crippa, "Alfredo Ildefonso Card. Schuster, O.S.B. Saggio bibliográfico" (pp. 13—39); Mariano DeU'Omo, "In margine alla biografía schusteriana.

L'Abate Ildefonso Schuster nei ricordi di D. Anselmo Lentini moñaco di Mon-

tecassino, novizio a S. Paolo fuori le mura (1919—1920)" (pp. 41—49); Armando Oberti, "Schuster-Lazzati: un esemplare rapporto spirituale" (pp. 5168); Giuseppe Anelli, "Ritratto monástico di Ildefonso Schuster alio Specchio
délie sue Lettere dellAmicizia" (pp. 69—162); Agostino Ranzato, "Uso e molo
della S. Scrittura nel pensiero del Card. Schuster. Analisi esemplificativa

dell'opera Un pensiero quotidiano sulla Regola di S. Benedetto" (pp. 163—
182); Annamaria Valu, "La prima e la seconda dedicazione della Chiesa monástica délie Benedettine del SS. Sacramento di Milano nell'esperienza spiri-

tuale del Card. A. Ildefonso Schuster" (pp. 183-242); Massimo Lapponi, "Vita
monástica, studio e lavoro nel pensiero del Card. Schuster" (pp. 243—252);
Gregorio Penco, "L'opéra del Card. Schuster nella storiografia monástica del
Novecento" (pp. 253—272); Tersilio Leggio, "Ildefonso Schuster storico di

Farfa e della Sabina" (pp. 273-294); and Giuseppe Crocetti, "Il Card. Ildefonso

Schuster—Santa Vittoria e Farfensi nel Piceno" (pp. 295-308).

1 56NOTES AND COMMENTS
Personal Notices

Caroline W. Bynum of Columbia University, who was president of the American Catholic Historical Association in 1993, is president-elect of the American
Historical Association.

Terry Fay, SJ., of St. Augustine's Seminary, Toronto School of Theology,

University of Toronto, has been elected president-general of the Canadian
Cadiolic Historical Association and secretary-treasurer of Historia Ecclesiae
Cadiolicae Canadensis Publishers, Inc., which oversees the association's
publications.
Patricia Herlihy of Brown University became president of the New England

Historical Association at its annual meeting on October 22, 1994.

James Tracy of the University of Minnesota has been elected vice-president
of the Society for Reformation Research. He will become president in May.
Obituary
Arthur John Ennis, O.S.A., died on March 27, 1994, at the Sacred Heart
Home for Incurable Cancer in Philadelphia. At the time of his death Father
Ennis was a member of the Saint Augustine Friary Community in Villanova.
He was born on October 22, 1922, in Brooklyn, New York, and attended Saint

Augustine High School before entering Augustinian Academy on Staten Island

as a postulant in 1937. He was received into the Augustinian Novitiate at New

Hamburg, New York, in 1940; he professed his first vows on September 10,

1941, and his solemn vows three years later. He received a BA. degree from

Villanova University in 1945 and then studied theology at Augustinian College
in Washington, D.C, for four years. He was ordained to the priesthood on

February 10, 1949. While in Washington, he also took the MA. degree in
medieval history at the Catholic University of America. Next he went to Rome
to study church history at the Pontifical Gregorian University and received
the doctorate in that discipline in 1953. After teaching for two years at Arch-

bishop Carroll High School in Washington, D.C, he returned to Rome as master
of professed at Saint Monica's College, die Augustinian international student
community. From 1959 to 1968 he was a professor of theology at Augustinian

College. In the latter year he was appointed chairman of the Department of
Religious Studies in Villanova University. In 1975 he was elected a provincial
councilor of the Augustinian Province of Saint Thomas of Villanova, and from
1977 to 1983 he was assistant general of the Order of Saint Augustine for
North America and chairman of the Order's international Peace and Justice
Commission. In 1983 he returned to Villanova as prior of die Augustinian

Community in Overbrook (Philadelphia), and the next year he was appointed
prior of Saint Augustine Friary in Villanova. In 1986 he was appointed prior

NOTES AND COMMENTS157

of the Augustinian Novitiate in Racine, Wisconsin. In 1992 he had a sabbatical
leave for study at the Mexican-American Cultural Center in San Antonio but
had to interrupt it because of his illness. Throughout his scholarly career he
published numerous historical studies, beginning with Fray Alonso de la Vera

Cruz, O.S.A (1507—1584): A Study of His Life and His Contribution to the

Religious and Intellectual Affairs ofEarly Mexico (Louvain, 1957). He contributed thirty-eight articles to the New Catholic Encyclopedia (1967). His
last major publication was the book No Easy Road: The Early Years of the
Augustinians in the United States, 1796—1874 (1993). Father Ennis had been
a member of the American Catholic Historical Association since 1949.

Letter to die Editor

As editor of Discourse and Context: An Interdisciplinary Study ofJohn
Henry Newman, I respond to Ian Ker's review (ante, LXXX [April, 1994],

384—385) to suggest that the collection covers a more extensive scholarly

terrain than his remarks may suggest. The review focuses mostly upon three
of the eleven essays in the collection, those by Edward E. Kelly on Newman's
individualism, M. Jamie Ferreira on faith and imagination in Newman's thought,
and James C. Livingston on Christianity and culture in Newman's Idea of a
University.
A negative tone opens the review by engaging controversy on isolated and
tangential points in Edward E. Kelly's essay, but there is no discussion of the
substance of the argument about the relation between Newman's individualism

(based on the author's psycho-biographical sketch) and Newman's various

forms of discourse. Yet this is a crucial topic for the volume. Moreover, no
mention is made in the review of the main theme that brings cohesiveness
to the interdisciplinary collection: that the various forms of discourse in New-

man's thought need to be interpreted in relation to specific contexts, especially

if his thought is to remain pertinent for scholarship in our modern world (as
discussed, for example, by James C. Livingston). Perhaps this oversight in the
review about the rationale of the book explains why other essays that are
crucial to the interpretative relation between discourse and context in Newman's thought received only a passing reference without evaluation: Mary
Katherine Tillman's essay on the phronesis tradition in Newman's works,
Walter Jost's comparison of philosophical rhetoric in Newman and Heidegger,
Alan J. Crowley's analysis of the theory of discourse in Newman and Ricoeur,
and C. J. T. Talar's study of the interpretative process in the reception of
Newman's Development ofDoctrine (which was not mentioned at all).
Other points could be made to expand upon the cursory remarks in the
review about the essays by Kenneth L. Parker on Newman's individualistic
use of the Caroline Divines in the Via Media and by Edward Jeremy Miller
on the viability of Newman's Idea of a University today. Perhaps it suffices

1 58NOTES AND COMMENTS

to conclude this response by expanding the picture on two topics that explore
controversial features in Newman's theological discourse. The review's mention of Newman's submissiveness to Rome in the essay by Lawrence Barmann

does not convey adequately the author's main argument that some of die
principles, methods, and conclusions in Newman's discourse can be construed

as analogous to those of the Modernists. And the review's comment about
Newman's commitment to obedience and patience in my own essay does not

impart sufficiently the main point that the form of discourse in Newman's

dieory of assent legitimated religious dissent both in abstract and in practice
in his own life. I hope this portrayal of a more extensive scholarly terrain in
this collection of essays on the variety of discourse in Newman's thought is
of interest to your readers.
Gerard Magill

Saint Louis University

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

GENERAI AND MISCELLANEOUS

Witch Doctors, Soothsayers and Priests. On Cunning Folk in European His-

toriography and Tradition. Willem de BIécourt. Social History, 19 (Oct.,

1994), 285-304.
El ideario de la Revolución de 1789 en Francia y en Chile. Walter Hanisch

Espíndola, SJ. Teología y Vida, XXXV (3, 1994), 185-219.

The Work of the Consilium in die Reform of Roman Rite Episcopal Ordination:
1965-1968 (II). Jan Michael Joncas. Ephemerides Liturgicae, CVIII

(May-June, 1994), 183-204.
L'Istituzione "Inter Oecumenici", una svolta decisiva (Luglio-Ottobre 1964).
P. Martini. Ephemerides Liturgicae, CVIII (May-June, 1994), 205-231.

"Consecrated to Christ, Nuns of This Church Community": The Benedictines

of Notre-Dame de Saintes, 1047—1792. Hugh Feiss, O.S.B. American Benedictine Review, 45 (Sept., 1994), 269-302.

A Study in Schism: Sabbatarian Baptists in England and America, 1665—1672.
Raymond D. Irwin. American Baptist Quarterly, XIII (Sept., 1994), 237—
248.

Il pellegrinaggio indulgenziato di Grottammare alia sua chiesa madre. Mario
Sensi. Lateranum, LX (2, 1994), 299-321.
San Vincenzo al Volturno. Richard Hodges, Catherine Coutts andJohn Mitchell.

Current Archaeology, XII (June-Aug., 1994), 244-250.

San Francisco el Grande de Madrid. Un inventario histórico. Patrocinio García

Barriuso, O.F.M. Archivo Ibero-Americano, LIII (Jan.-Dec, 1993), 163—
209.

Le chartrier de l'évêché de Limoges, cotation et inventaires. Liliane Delaume-

Boutet. Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, 152 (Jan.—June, 1994), 159—
203.

The Institute of Jesuit History at Loyola University in Chicago. Walter Kroli-

kowski, S.J.ArchivumHistoricum SocietatisIesu, LXIII (Jan.-June, 1994),
77-100.

ANCIENT

Thecla and the Church Fathers. Léonie Hayne. Vigiliae Christianae, 48 (Sept.,
1994), 209-218.

159

160PERIODICAL LITERATURE

How on Earth Could Places Become Holy? Origins of the Christian Idea of
Holy Places. R. A. Markus. Journal of Early Christian Studies, 2 (Sept.,
1994), 257-271.
The Martyr as Witness. Coptic and Copto-Arabic Hagiographies as Mediators

of Religious Memory. Saphinaz-Amal Naguib. Numen, XLI (Sept., 1994),
223-254.

La questione deH'arricchimento dei vescovi e del clero da Cipriano a Dámaso
tra polémica anticristiana, autocrítica ecclesiale e legislazione imperiale.
Alberto Barzanó. Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, XLVII (JulyDec, 1993), 359-366.
Rifiuto del servizio militare e della violenza nel cristianesimo africano tra la

fine del III e l'inizio del IV secólo. Sergio Tanzarella. Augustinianum,

XXXIV (Dec, 1994), 455-465.

Gericht über den Bischof von Rom. Ein Problem der kirchlichen und der

staatlichen Justiz in der Spätantike (4.-6. Jahrhundert). Klaus Martin Gi-

rardet. Historische Zeitschrift, 259 (Aug., 1994), 1-38.

Hilary of Poitiers' Road to Béziers: Politics or Religion? Paul C Burns.Journal

ofEarly Christian Studies, 2 (Sept., 1994), 273-289.

Heidentum und Judentum in Rom nach einer christlichen Darstellung des
fünften Jahrhunderts. Ernst Bammel. Augustinianum, XXXIV (Dec,
1994), 437-446.

Clovis: How Barbaric, How Pagan? William M. Daly. Speculum, 69 (July, 1994),
619-664.

Dating the Baptism of Clovis, 1886-1993. Mark Spencer. Early Medieval
Europe, 3 (2, 1994), 97-116.

Gregor der Große und sein Verhältnis zum Römischen Recht am Beispiel
seiner Politik gegenüber den Juden. Ernst Baltrusch. Historische Zeitschrift, 259 (Aug., 1994), 39-58.

MEDIEVAL

Campanae supra urbem. Sull'uso delle campane nella Roma médiévale. Sible
de Blaauw. Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, XLVII (July—Dec,
1993), 367-414.
Killeshin: An Irish Monastery Surveyed. Edel Bhreathnach. Cambrian Medieval
Celtic Studies, No. 27 (Summer, 1994), 33-47.

Erzbischof Egbert von Trier (977—993). Franz Ronig. Trierer Theologische
Zeitschrift, 103 (Apr.-June, 1994), 81-91.
Henry II at Magdeburg: Kingship, Ritual and the Cult of Saints. David A. Warner.
Early Medieval Europe, 3(2, 1994), 135-166.
La predicazione in volgare nell'Inghilterra anglosassone e normanna: Aelfric

PERIODICAL UTERAHJRE1 6 1

e Orm. Carla Dei Zotto Tozzoli. Antonianum, LXIX (Jan.-Mar., 1994),
35-68.

Das Niederkirchenwesen im Bistum Passau (11.— 13. Jahrhundert). Franz-

Reiner Erkens. Mitteilungen des Institutsfür Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 102 (1-2, 1994), 53-97.
Die Äbtissin Adelheid von Passau-Niedernburg und Kaiser Manuel I. Komnenos

von Byzanz. Rudolf Hiestand. Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreich-

ische Geschichtsforschung 102 (1-2, 1994), 98-107.
Les débuts d'un prieuré victorin en Gévaudan: La Monastier-Chirac (XIe—XIIe

siècles). Jérôme Belmon. Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, 1 52 (Jan.-

June, 1994), 5-90.
I "Dialogi" di Desiderio nella "Chronica monasterii Casinensis." Anna Maria

Fagnoni. Studi Medievali, XXXIV (June, 1993), 65-94.

Pope Gregory VII and the Bishoprics of Central Italy. H. E. J. Cowdrey. Studi
Medievali, XXXIV (June, 1993), 51-64.
Aspetti simbolici e significato socio-istituzionale negli usi feudali della chiesa
torinese nei secoli XII—XIII. Anna Fresco. Bollettino Storico-Bibliográfico
Subalpino, XCII(I, 1994), 177-201.
"Missale Vêtus ad usum Templariorum": l'ordine dei cavalieri templari in area
modenese nei secoli XII—XIV. Cristina Dondi. Aevum, LXVIII (May-Aug.,
1994), 339-366.
Piacenza dal governo vescovile a quello consolare. L'episcopato di Arduino
( 1121-1 147). Simona Rossi.Aevum, LXVIII (May-Aug., 1994), 328-338.
"Heresis Lumbardorum" e "Filii Arnaldi": note su Arnaldismo e Arnaldisti.

Grado G. Merlo. Nuova Rivista Storica, IJiXVIII (Jan.-Apr., 1994), 87102.

"Ab antiquo alterius ordinis fuerit": Alexander III on the Reception of Savigny
into the Cistercian Order. Francis Swietek and Terrence Deneen. Revue

d'Histoire Ecclésiastique, LXXXIX (Jan.-Mar., 1994), 5-27.
The Teutonic Knights and Baltic Chivalry. William Urban. Historian, 56
(Spring, 1994), 519-530.
Utopia de Clara e Francisco. Honorio Rito de L. Brasil, O.F.M. Revista Ecle-

siástica Brasileira, 215 (Sept., 1994), 589-609.

The Greyfriars in Canterbury 1224—1498/99. Michael Robson, O.F.M.Conv.
Miscellanea Francescana, 94 (Jan.-June, 1994), 251-289.
L'"obituaire" des Cordeliers de Rodez. Jean-Loup Lemaître. Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 87 (Jan.-June, 1994), 31-63The St. Francis Dossal in Siena. An Important Interpretation of the Life of
Francis of Assisi. William R. Cook. Archivum Franciscanum Historicum,

87 (Jan.-June, 1994), 3-20.
Franciscanos y Dominicos en la Galicia Medieval: aspectos de una posición

162PERIODICAL UTERATURE

de privilegio. María del Mar Grana Cid. Archivo Ibero-Americano, LIII
(Jan.-Dec, 1993), 231-270.
La contribución de los registros del Patrimonio Real a la historia de los Frailes
Menores durante la primera mitad del siglo XIV. Jill R. Webster. Archivo
Ibero-Americano, LIII (Jan.-Dec., 1993), 525-548.
Corpus Christi and Corpus Regni: Heresy and the Peasants' Revolt. Margaret

Aston. Past & Present, No. 143 (May, 1994), 3-47.

"Men ofthe Nation": The Shaping oiConverso Identity in Early Modern Europe.
Miriam Bodian. Past & Present, No. 143 (May, 1994), 48-76.
La "Vita sancti Zenobii" di Giovanni Tortelli: 1'architettura delle fonti. Fran-

cesca Violoni. Aevum, LXVIII (May-Aug., 1994), 407-424.
Manipulating the Sacred: Image and Plague in Renaissance Italy. Louise Mar-

shall. Renaissance Quarterly, XLVII (Autumn, 1994), 485-532.

Pope Eugenius IV and Jewish Money-Lending in Florence: The Case of SaIomone di Bonaventura during the Chancellorship of Leonardo Bruni. Andrew Gow and Gordon Griffiths. Renaissance Quarterly, XLVII (Summer,
1994), 282-329.
"Quasi preclarissima suppellectile." Corte papale e libro miniato nella Roma
di primo Rinascimento. Silvia Maddalo. Studi Romani, XLII (Jan_June,
1994), 16-32.
Lorenzo de' Medici and the Confraternity of the Blacks in Florence. Konrad

Eisenbichler. Fides et Historia, XXVI (Winter/Spring, 1994), 85-98.
SIXTEENTH CENTURY

"Devoted Disciples of Christ": Early Sixteenth-Century Religious Life in the
Nunnery at Amesbury. Yvonne Parrey. Historical Research, 67 (Oct.,
1994), 240-248.

Iñigo de Loyola: probable estancia en Sevilla (1508 y 1511) y reflejo en los

ejercicios. Francisco de Borja de Medina, S.I. Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, LXIII (Jan.-June, 1994), 3-75.
The Church Courts of Armagh on the Eve of the Reformation. Henry A. Jefferies. Seanchas Ard Mhacha, 15 (2, 1993), 1—38.
Bishops and the Provision of Homilies, 1520 to 1547. Susan Wabuda. Sixteenth
Century foumal, XXV (Fall, 1994), 551-566.
Das Türkenbild bei Thomas Müntzer. Dieter Fauth. Berliner Theologische

Zeitschrift, 11 (1, 1994), 2-12.

Loyalty, Piety, or Opportunism: German Princes and the Reformation. Scott
H. Hendrix. Journal of Interdisciplinary History, XXV (Autumn, 1994),
211-224.

The Penitent Pilgrim: William Calverley and the Pilgrimage of Grace. Janice
Liedl. Sixteenth Century foumal, XXV (Fall, 1994), 585-594.

PERIODICAL UTERATURE163

Ignazio e Lutero a confronto. DeU'attualità degli Esercizi secondo H. U. von
Balthasar. Jacques Servais. Humanitas, XLIX (June, 1994), 337-349·
Mantuan's Eclogues in the English Reformation. Lee Piepho. Sixteenth Century
Journal, XXV (Fall, 1994), 623-632.
Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, and the "Conjured League." Susan Brigden.
Historical Journal, 37 (Sept., 1994), 507-537.

La hidalguía de sangre de fray Tomás García Martínez, Santo Tomás de ViI-

lanueva, otra vez en contradicción. Isidoro Villalobos Racionero. Revista

Agustiniana, XXXV (May-Aug., 1994), 469-489.

The Marian "Experience of Defeat": The Case of Sir John Bourne. L. M. Hill.

Sixteenth CenturyJournal, XXV (Fall, 1994), 531-549.

Richard Cheyney, Bishop of Gloucester: An Infidel in Religion? Caroline Litz-

enberger. Sixteenth CenturyJournal, XXV (Fall, 1994), 567-584.

La Reforma Franciscana en Valencia: los Recoletos (1581—1583)· José Seguí
Cantos. Archivo Ibero-Americano, LIII (Jan.-Dec., 1993), 423-448.
Expedición franciscana a Cochinchina y China. La relación inédita de fray
Diego de San José (1583). J- Ignacio Tellechea Idígoras. Archivo IberoAmericano, LIII Üan-Dec, 1993), 449-487.

The Letters of Robert Southwell, SJ. Thomas M. McCoog, SJ. Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, LXIII (Jan.-June, 1994), 101-124.

"Remnants of the Papal Yoke": Apathy and Opposition in the Dutch Refor-

mation. Benjamin J. Kaplan. Sixteenth CenturyJournal, XXV (Fall, 1994),

653-669.

SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES

Pedro Baptista Porres Tamayo, OFM (1571-1630), ein Missionar im Dienste
der japanischen Kirche. Bernward H. Willeke, OFM. Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 87 (Jan.—June, 1994), 65—128.

El Beato Juan de Prado, OFM ( x I631 ). Puntos menos historiados de su vida.

José M. Canal Sánchez-Pagín. Archivo Ibero-Americano, LUI (Jan·—Dec,
1993), 119-149.

Die europäischen Nuntiaturen in der frühen Neuzeit unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Luzerner Nuntiatur. Michael F. Feldkamp. Zeitschrift

für Schweizerische Kirchengeschichte, 88(1994), 27-48.

Les Juifs et l'Inquisition au XVIIe siècle. Michèle Escamilla-Colin. XVIIe Siècle,

46 (Apr.-June, 1994), 221-244.

L'évangélisation et les femmes en Chine au XVIIe siècle: l'adaptation et ses
limites. Jean-Pierre Duteil. Mélanges de ScienceReligieuse, 51 (July-Sept.,
1994), 239-253.
Il Sacro Monte di Oropa. Aspetti istituzionali e devozionali di un luogo di

164

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

culto nel Piemonte dei secoli XVII e XVIII. Giorgio Dell'Oro. Bollettino
Storico-Bibliografico Subalpino, XCII (1, 1994), 81-143.
Constituciones de las Carmelitas Descalzas promulgadas en 1616, 1701 y 1786.
Variaciones normativas. Teodoro Sierra. Teresianum, XLV (1, 1994),
123-183.
La situazione dei Conventuali Riformati Italiani circa il 1620 in un Ms. del

P. G. Franchini, O.F.M.Conv. (xl695). Miscellanea Francescana, 94
(Jan.-June, 1994), 290-329.
"The Fatall Vesper": Providentialism and Anti-Popery in Late Jacobean London.
Alexandra Walsham. Past & Present, 144 (Aug., 1994), 36-87.
The Irish College of Madrid. Micheline Kerney Walsh. Seanchas Ard Mhacha,
15 (2, 1993), 39-50.
Saint-Nicolas du Chardonnet et le jansénisme. Marie-France Hilgar. Antonianum, LXIX (Jan.-Mar., 1994), 69-77.
Religiosidad barroca: Fiestas celebradas en España por la canonización de Santo
Tomás de Villanueva. F.-Javier Campos y Fernández de Sevilla. Revista

Agustiniana, XXXV (May-Aug., 1994), 491-611.

Hobbes, Heresy, and the Historia Ecclesiastica. Patricia Springborg. Journal

of the History ofIdeas, 55 (Oct., 1994), 553-571.

Lettere di P. Carlo Mazzei a P. Angélico Aprosio (1673—81). Gian Luigi Bruzzone. Archivum Scholarum Piarum, XVIII (No. 35, 1994), 165—188.

La Révocation de l'Édit de Nantes à Béziers. Jean Salvaing. Bulletin de la
Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français, l40(July-Sept., 1994),
347-377.

The Anonymous Works of Robert Boyle and the Reasons Why a Protestant

Should not Tum Papist ( 1687). Edward B. Davis,foumal of the History
ofIdeas, 55 (Oct., 1994), 611-629.

Il P. Gian Crisostomo Salistri visitatore e commissario generale del Centro
Europa. Osvaldo Tosti. Archivum Scholarum Piarum, XVIII (No. 35,

1994), 117-164.

El desarrollo de las enfermerías en las Ordenes religiosas en Madrid capital,
durante los siglos XVII, XVIII y XIX. María Elena Del Río Hijas. Archivo
Ibero-Americano, LIII (Jan.-Dec, 1993), 325—421.
Heresy Hunt: Gilbert Burnet and the Convocation Controversy of 1701. Martin

Greig. Historicalfoumal, 37 (Sept., 1994), 569-592.

Patrick O Donnelly, 1649—1719, Bishop of Dromore. Liam Swords. Seanchas
Ard Mhacha, 15(2, 1993), 84-97.
The Regent, Fleury, Jansenism and the Sorbonne. David Hudson. French His-

tory, 8 (June, 1994), 135-Í48.

Der doppelt stilisierte Anachronismus. Kirchenstaat und päpstliche Herrschaftsausübung im Bild der europäischen Aufklärung. Volker Reinhardt.

Zeitschriftfür Schweizerische Kirchengeschichte, 88 (1994), 7—25.

PERIODICAL UTERATUREl65

I fratelli laici redentoristi delle origini. Santino Raponi. Spicilegium Historicum CSSR, XLII (1, 1994), 105-148.
Tolerance and the Calvinist Vision of Religious Plurality, Johannes van den

Honert's De mutua christianorum tolerantia, 1745. Joris van Eijnatten.
Lias, 20 (2, 1993), 269-286.

Correspondance entre Court de Gébelin et les protestants d'Orthez (1763—
1 782 ). Hubert Bost. Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme

Français, 140 (July-Sept., 1994), 409-454.

Formazione e significato della leggenda di San Gerardo. Francesco Chiovaro.

Spicilegium Historicum CSSR, XUI (1, 1994), 33-63.

Gerardo Maiella e la religiosità popolare del suo tempo. Angelomichele De

Spirito. Spicilegium Historicum C.SS.R, XLII (1, 1994), 65-88.

The Papers of Dr. Thomas Coke: A Catalogue. Gareth Lloyd. Bulletin of the

John Rylands University Library of Manchester, 76 (Summer, 1994),
205-320.

Die Gründung einer Niederlassung der Redemptoristen in Warschau und
deren rechtliche Grundlage. Adam Owczarski. Spicilegium Historicum
CSSR, XLII (1, 1994), 149-178.
I redentoristi napolentani tra Rivoluzione e Restaurazione. Giuseppe Orlandi.

Spicilegium Historicum C.SS.R, XLII (1, 1994), 179-229.
El regreso de los Franciscanos españoles a la Misión de Marruecos en 1794.

Mariano Arribas Palau. Archivo Ibero-Americano, LIII (Jan.-Dec, 1993),
3-16.

NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH CENTURIES

La Révolution Française: prélude à la fin des temps. Bart Van der Herten. Revue
d'Histoire Ecclésiastique, LXXXIX (Jan.-Mar., 1994), 29-53.
Diario anónimo di un deportato in Corsica nell'epoca napoleónica. Adriano

Spina. Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, XLVII (July—Dec, 1993),
415-496.

Les notables protestants lyonnais au XIXe siècle. Catherine Pellissier. Bulletin

de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français, 140 (July—Sept.,

1994), 379-407.
Archbishop Frederick Temple and the Reform of Education. Peter Hinchliff.

Anglican and Episcopal History, LXIII (Sept., 1994), 315-333.

Profílo essenziale di Pió IX (1846-1878). Battista Mondin. Pió LX, XXIII

(Sept.-Dec, 1994), 266-298.
Madre Brenti e Pió IX (1846-1866). Domenico M. Abbrescia. Pió LX, XXIII
(Sept.-Dec, 1994), 214-250.
Pió IX e Don Bosco. Arnaldo Pedrini. Pió LX, XXIII (Sept.-Dec, 1994), 251265.

166PERIODICAL UTERATURE
Lettere di Raffaele Garrucci ad A. Martin e Ch. Cahier. Claudio Ferone.

Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, LXIII (Jan.-June, 1994), 125—139.
Lavigerie et les Capucins italiens en Tunisie de 1875 à 1891. Pierre Soumille.

Bulletin de Littérature Ecclésiastique, XCV (July—Sept., 1994), 197—231.

Zur Erschließung missionsgeschichtlicher und ethnologischer Quellen der
deutschen Spiritaner. Reimund Haas. ZeitschriftfürMissionswissenschaft

und Religionswissenschaft, 78(3, 1994), 163—174.

Josef Beck und die Freiburger Hochschulkrise von 1897/98. Alois Steiner.

Zeitschrift für Schweizerische Kirchengeschichte, 88 (1994), 131-162.

Charles Gore and Anglican Religious Communities. Rene KoUar. Louvain Studies, 19 (Summer, 1994), 163-179.
Diario di un seminarista perugino del primo novecento. Alle radici della spiritualità e della formazione religioso-cultúrale di mons. Canzio Pizzoni
(1885—1969). Mario Casella. Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia,

XLVII (July-Dec, 1993), 497-558.

Mgr. Alfredo Peri-Morosini nei Processi Verbau della Conferenza dei Vescovi
Svizzeri 1904—1921. Carlo Cattaneo. Zeitschrift für Schweizerische Kir-

chengeschichte, 88(1994), 163-176.

"Reinventing Jeanne": The Iconology of Joan of Arc in Vichy Schoolbooks,

1940—44. Eric Jennings, foumal of Contemporary History, 29 (Oct.,

1994), 711-734.
Les controverses contemporaines sur le statut de l'animal. L'exemple de

l'Église catholique, France, 1940-1990. Eric Baratay. Revue d'Histoire

Moderne et Contemporaine, 41 (July-Sept., 1994), 499-514.

Diverging Paths: The Development of Catholic Labour Organisations in France,

the Netherlands and Belgium since 1944. Patrick Pasture. Revue d'Histoire
Ecclésiastique, LXXXIX (Jan.-Mar., 1994), 54-89.
AMERICAN AND CANADIAN

Sept grands marchands catholiques français participant au commerce avec la
Nouvelle-France (1660—1715). J. F. Bosher. Revue d'histoire de

l'Amérique française, 48 (Summer, 1994), 3—27.

The Franciscans in New Mexico, 1692—1754: Toward a New Assessment. Jim
Norris. The Americas, 51 (Oct., 1994), 151-171.
"Poor Indians" and the "Poor in Spirit": The Indian Impact on David Brainerd.

Richard W. Pointer. New England Quarterly, LXVII (Sept., 1994), 403426.

The Padre's House. Alexander O. Boulton. American Heritage, 45 (Feb./Mar.,
1994), 92-99.
Salvation Was Not Liberty: Baptists and Slavery in Revolutionary Virginia. Jewel

L. Spangler. American Baptist Quarterly, XIII (Sept., 1994), 221-236.

PERIODICAL UTERATURE167

The Empty Lot: Spiritual Contact in Lenape and Moravian Religious Beliefs.
Christopher P. Gavaler. American Indian Quarterly, 18 (Spring, 1994),
215-228.

Oliver Ellsworth's Calvinism: A Biographical Essay on Religion and Political
Psychology in the Early Republic. William Casto. Journal of Church and
State, 36 (Summer, 1994), 507-526.
"A Devilish and Unnatural Usurpation": Baptist Evangelical Ministers and Antislavery in the Early Nineteenth Century, A Study of the Ideas and Activism of David Barrow. Vivien Sandlund. American Baptist Quarterly,

XIII (Sept., 1994), 262-277.

The Students of Princeton Seminary, 1812-1929. A Research Note. Peter

Wallace and Mark Noll. American Presbyterians, 72 (Fall, 1994), 203215.

Culture and Conflict in the Early Black Church: A Moravian Mission Congregation in Antebellum North Carolina. Jon F. Sensbach. North Carolina

Historical Review, LXXI (Oct., 1994), 401-421.

John Rankin, Antislavery Prophet, and the Free Presbyterian Church. Larry G.
Willey. American Presbyterians, 72 (Fall, 1994), 157-171.
David Henry Palmer: A Pastoral Baptism in Western Mining Camps. Charles
Jeffrey Garrison. American Presbyterians, 72 (Fall, 1994), 173—186.
"The Perfect Christian Gentleman": Women and Bishop William Hobart Hare
in South Dakota Missions. Ruth Ann Alexander. Anglican and Episcopal

History, LXIII (Sept., 1994), 335-362.

C F. W. Walther and the Synodical Conference. George J. Gude. Concordia

Historical Institute Quarterly, 67 (Summer, 1994), 54—64.

The Politicization of White and Black Southern Baptist Missionaries, 1880-

1930. American Baptist Quarterly, XIII (Sept., 1994), 204-220.

Mennonites and the Modernism Question: The Case of Goshen College. Nate
Yoder. Fides et Historia, XXVI (Winter/Spring, 1994), 56-67.
"Sparing Alas! But Also Lengthening and Strengthening in Soochow": Sophie
Lanneau's Response to the Chinese Nationalist Revolution. Li Li. American

Baptist Quarterly, XIII (Sept., 1994), 249-261.
The Emergence of Baptist Fundamentalism in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Ruth

F. van der Maas. American Baptist Quarterly, XIII (Sept., 1994), 278—
294.

Patrick Henry Callahan: A Maverick Catholic and the Prohibition Issue. William
E. Ellis. Register of the Kentucky Historical Society, 92 (Spring, 1994),
175-199.

A Panacea for the Ills of the Country: American Presbyterian Education in
Interwar Iran. Michael P. Zirinsky. American Presbyterians, 72 (Fall,
1994), 187-202.
... As I Saw It: The Dissolution of the Synodical Conference, 1954. Paul G.

168PERIODICAL UTERATURE

Bretscher. Concordia HistoricalInstitute Quarterly, 67 (Summer, 1994),
65-78.

"The Break-through to New Life": Christianity and the Emergence of the New

Left in Austin, Texas, 1956—1964. Doug Rossinow. American Quarterly,
46 (Sept., 1994), 309-340.

Bridging the Gap: John A. Mackay, Presbyterians, and the Charismatic Move-

ment. Robert R. Curlee and Mary Ruth Isaac-Curlee. American Presby-

terians, 72 (Fall, 1994), 141-156.
Alabama Baptists and the Controversy in the Southern Baptist Convention,
1979-1991. David T. Morgan. Alabama Review, XLVII (Oct., 1994),
267-284.

The New Creationists: An Interview with Ronald L. Numbers. Benjamin

McArthur. American Heritage, 45 (Nov., 1994), 106-113.
LATIN AMERICAN

Boletín de publicaciones sobre la Historia de la Iglesia en América Latina

(1989-1992). Jesús López Gay, SJ. Burgense, 34 (2, 1993), 417-459.

Bartolomé de las Casas. Máximo representante del humanismo sustantivo.
¿Ultimo episodio del Medioevo o principio de la Modernidad? Isacio Pérez
Fernández, O.P. Studium, XXXIV (1, 1994), 59-84.
Los mitos de la Virgen de Guadalupe. Su proceso de construcción y reinterpretación en el México pasado y contemporáneo. Margarita Zires. Mexican Studies, 10 (Summer, 1994), 281-313La Provincia de San Joseph de Yucatán: conversión y arquitectura religiosa en

el País de los Mayas, 1547—1600. Miguel A. Bretos. Archivo Ibero-

Americano, LIII (Jan.-Dec, 1993), 67-104.
Dominicos misioneros en el Extremo Oriente, obispos en Hispanoamérica.

Manuel González-Pola, O.P. Studium XXXIV (2, 1994), 279-319.
Fray José Antonio Bonilla. Lino Gómez Cañedo. Archivo Ibero-Americano,

LIII (Jan.-Dec, 1993), 211-230.
Secularización de doctrinas. ¿Fin de un modelo evangelizador en la Nueva
España? Francisco Morales, O.F.M. Archivo Ibero-Americano, LIII QmDec, 1993), 285-313.
The Catholic Church in Revolutionary Guatemala, 1944—1954: A House Divided. Blake D. Pattridge. foumal of Church and State, 36 (Summer,
1994), 527-540.
The Cross in the Polling Booth: Religion, Politics, and the Laity in Mexico.
Roderick Ai Camp. Latin American Research Review, 29 (3, 1994), 69—
100.

OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED

AIy, Götz, Peter Chroust, and Christian Pross. Cleansing the Fatherland: Nazi
Medicine andRacial Hygiene. Belinda Cooper (Trans.) (Baltimore: Johns

Hopkins University Press. 1994. Pp. xvi, 295. $48.50 hardcover; $16.95

paperback. )

Andenmatten, Bernard, Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, and Annick Vadon (Eds.).
Héraldique et emblématique de la Maison de Savoie (A7e-XVIe s. ). [Fondation Humbert II et Marie José de Savoie, Cahiers lausannois d'histoire
médiévale, 10.] (Lausanne: Université de Lausanne. 1994. Pp. 231. Frs.
25.- paperback.)
Carucci, Paola, Piero D'Angiolini, Antonio Dentoni-Litta, and Claudio Pavone

(Eds.). Guida generale degli Archivi di Stato italiani, IV: S-Z. (Rome:

Ministero per i béni culturali e ambientali, Ufficio centrale per i béni

archivistici. 1994. Pp. xvi, 1411.)
Dolan, Jay P., and Allan Figueroa Deck, SJ. (Eds.). Hispanic Catholic Culture
in the U.S.: Issues and Concerns. (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre

Dame Press. 1994. Pp. viii, 455. $32.95.) Contents: 1. "The Social Fabric
of the Hispanic Community since 1965," by Joan Moore (pp. 6—49); 2.
"Latino/Hispanic History since 1965: The Collective Transformation of

Regional Minorities," by David A. Badillo (pp. 50-76); 3· "The Emergence
of a Social Identity among Latino Catholics: An Appraisal," by Anthony
M. Stevens-Arroyo (pp. 77-130); 4. "The Organization of a Hispanic

Church," by Moisés Sandoval (pp. 131—165); 5. "The Context and Development of Hispanic Ecclesial Leadership," by Marina Herrera (pp. 166—

205); 6. "The Hispanic Community and Church Movements: Schools of

Leadership," by Edmundo Rodríguez (pp. 206-239); 7. "Latinas and the
Church," by Ana Maria Diaz-Stevens (pp. 240-277); 8. "Latino Youth and
the Church," by Ana Maria Diaz-Stevens (pp. 278-307); 9. "Popular Catholicism among Latinos," by Orlando O. Espin (pp. 308-359); 10. "The

History of Hispanic Liturgy since 1965," by Arturo J. Pérez (pp. 360—
408); 11. "The Challenge of Evangelical/Pentecostal Christianity to His-

panic Catholicism," by Allan Figueroa Deck, SJ. (pp. 409-439).

Dubuis, Pierre. Lejeu de la vie et de la mort: La population du Valais (XTV'XVIe s.). [Cahiers lausannois d'histoire médiévale, 13] (Lausanne: Uni-

versité de Lausanne. 1994. Pp. 426. Frs. 40.-paperback.)
169

1 70OTHER BOOKS RECEWED

Duby, Georges. History Continues. Arthur Goldhammer (Trans.) (Chicago:

The University of Chicago Press. 1994. Pp. xvi, 149. $24.95.)

Falla, Ricardo. Massacres in thefungle: Ixcán, Guatemala, 1975-1982. Julia

Howland (Trans.) (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. 1994. Pp. xvi, 214.
$55.00 hard cover; $16.95 paperback.)

Felloni, Giuseppe (Ed.). Inventario dell'Archivio del Banco di San Giorgio
(1407-1805), Vol. IV: Debito pubblico, Tomo 3. [Pubblicazioni degli
Archivi di Stato, Archivio di Stato di Genova.] (Rome: Ministero per i beni
culturali e ambientali, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici. 1994. Pp.
378. Paperback.)
Fitzsimmons, Michael P. The Remaking of France: The National Assembly
and the Constitution of 1791- (New York: Cambridge University Press.
1994. Pp. xvi, 273. $59.95.)
Geary, PatrickJ. Living with the Dead in theMiddle Ages. (Ithaca, NY.: Cornell

University Press. 1994. Pp. x, 273. $42.50 cloth; $15.95 paperback.) The

book consists of twelve articles previously published in various periodicals and volumes of collected essays.
Hilfiker, David. Not All of Us Are Saints: A Doctor's Journey with the Poor.

(New York: Hill and Wang. A division of Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 1994.
Pp. xii, 259. $20.00.)

Holm, Jean, with John Bowker (Eds.). Attitudes to Nature. (Pp. xii, 172.)

Sacred Writings. (Pp. xii, 201.) Worship. (Pp. xii, 187.) [Themes in Religious Studies Series.] (London: Pinters Publishers. Distributed in the
United States and Canada by St. Martin's Press, New York. 1994. $45.00
hardcover; $16.00 paperback each.)

/ Tatti Studies: Essays in the Renaissance, Volume 5. (Florence: Villa I Tatti,
The Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies. 1993. Pp.
331) Contents: Gene Brucker, "Florentine Voices from die Catasto,

1427-1480" (pp. 1 1-32); Caroline Elam, "Art in the Service of Liberty—

Battista della Palla, Art Agent for Francis I" (pp. 33-1 10); Stefano La Via:
Concentus Iovis adversus Saturni Voces—Magia, Música astrale e Umanesimo nel G?* Intermedio florentino del 1589" (pp. 111-156); John
Monfasani, "The Averroism ofJohn Argyropoulos and his Questio utrum
intellectus humanus sit perpetuus" (pp. 157-208); Robert Williams,

"The Facade of the Palazzo dei Wisacci'" (pp. 209—245); Chrisopher

Reynolds, "Aspects of Clerical Patronage and Musical Migration in the
Renaissance" (pp. 245—264); Alessandro Cecchi, "Un ritratto immaginario e celebrativo di Giovanni di Paolo Rucellai—indagini e ipotesi"

(pp. 265-278); Charles Trinkaus, "Lorenzo Valla's Anti-Aristotelian Natural Philosophy" (pp. 279-325).
Iscarioth, Sananda and Judas. And They Called His Name Immanuel: I Am
Sananda. (Las Vegas: Phoenix Source Publishers, Inc. 1993· Pp- iv, 199.
$6.00 paperback.)

OTHER BOOKS RECEDED171

Johnson, Kevin Orlin. Expressions of the Catholic Faith: A Guide to the

Teachings and Practices of the Catholic Church. (New York: Ballantine
Books. 1994. Pp. xvi, 287. $22.00.)

Magocsi, Paul Robert. Our People: Carpatho-Rusyns and Their Descendants
in North America. (Toronto: Multicultural History Society of Ontario.
1994. Pp. xii, 219) The first edition was published in 1984.
Major, J. Russell. From Renaissance Monarchy to Absolute Monarchy: French

Kings, Nobles, & Estates. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
1994. Pp. xii, 444. $49.95.)

McEvoy, James. Robert Grosseteste, Exegete and Philosopher. (Brookfield, Vt.:
Variorum. 1994. Pp. x, 295. $82.50.) Among the nine essays reprinted
here is "Robert Grosseteste and the Reunion of the Church."

Novak, Michael. Belief and Unbelief: A Philosophy of Self-Knowledge. Third

Edition. (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers. 1994. Pp. xxiv,
241. $1995 paperback.) Originally published in 1965.

Phelan, Craig. Divided Loyalties: The Public and Private Life ofLabor Leader
fohn Mitchell. [SUNY Series in American Labor History.] (Albany: State

University of New York Press. 1994. Pp. xii, 438. $1995.)

Pounds, N. J. G. The Culture of the English People: Iron Age to the Industrial
Revolution. (New York: Cambridge University Press. 1994. Pp. xviii, 477.
$69.95 hardback; $22.95 paperback.)
Remsberg, John E. The Christ: A Critical Review and Analysis of the Evidence
of His Existence. (Amherst, NY.: Prometheus Books. 1994. Pp. 437.
$29-95.) Remsberg (1848—1919) was one of the most widely traveled
freethinkers on the lecture circuits of his day.
Roche, Daniel. The Culture of Clothing: Dress and Fashion in the "Ancien
Régime. "Jean Birrell (Trans.) [Past and Present Publications.] (New York:

Cambridge University Press. 1994. Pp. xii, 537. $74.95.) Originally pub-

lished under the title La Culture des apparences by the Librairie Arthème
Fayard in 1989.
Sharer, Robert J. The Ancient Maya. Fifth Edition. (Stanford: Stanford Univer-

sity Press. 1994. Pp. xxxiv, 892. $75.00 cloth; $24.95 paperback.) The
first edition, by Sylvanus G. Morley, was published in 1946.

Shatzmiller, Maya. Labour in the Medieval Islamic World. [Islamic History
and Civilization, Studies and Texts, Volume 4.] (New York: E. J. Brill.
1994. Pp. viii, 450. $137.25.
Thompson, I. A. A., and Bartolomé Yun Casalilla (Eds.). The Castilian Crisis
of the Seventeenth Century: New Perspectives on the Economic and
Social History of Seventeenth-Century Spain. [Past and Present Publi-

cations. ] (New York: Cambridge University Press. Published in association

with the Instituto de Estudios Fiscales, Madrid. 1994. Pp. xiv, 328.
$64.95.)

172OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED

Thurner, Arthur W. Strangers and Sojourners: A History ofMichigan's Keweenaw Peninsula. [Great Lakes Books.] (Detroit: Wayne State University

Press. 1994. Pp. 404. $44.95 cloth; $16.95 paperback.)

van Lierde, Peter Canisius Johannes, O.S.A. (Ed.). Prayers and Devotionsfrom

Popefohn Paul II. Firman O'Sullivan (Trans.) (New York: Viking. A Giniger Book. 1984. Pp. viii, 466. $1795.) Originally published in 1984.

Veldman, Meredith. Fantasy, the Bomb, and the Greening of Britain: Romantic Protest, 1945-1980. (New York: Cambridge University Press.

1994. Pp. xiv, 325. $54.95 hardback; $17.95 paperback.)
Weber, Dorothea. Die handschriftliche Überlieferung der Werke des Heiligen
Augustinus. Band VI/1 : Österreich Werkverzeichnis; Band VI/2: Österreich

Verzeichnis nach Bibliotheken. [Veröffentlichungen der Kommission zur

Herausgabe des Corpus der Lateinischen Kirchenväter, Heft XI, XII; Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Sitzungsberichte, 601. Band.] (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 1993· Pp- 419;

484. Paperbacks.)
Weber, Francis J. Catholic California Essays: Some Historical Reflections.

(Los Angeles: Archdiocese of Los Angeles Archives. 1994. Pp. ?, 265.
Paperback.) This is the eleventh volume of collected essays that were
originally published in The Tidings, the weekly newspaper of the Arch-

diocese of Los Angeles. This volume contains 1 50 columns and an index.
Wirth, Gerhard. Diodor und das Ende des Hellenismus: Mutmaßungen zu

einem fast unbekannten Historiker. [Philosophisch-historische Klasse,

Sitzungsberichte, 600. Band.] (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 1993. Pp. 52. Paperback)