ELISABETH G. GLEASON
President of the
American Catholic Historical Association
1994

The Catholic Historical
Review
VOL. LXXXI

APRIL, 1995

No. 2

WHO WAS THE FIRST
COUNTER REFORMATION POPE?
BY

Elisabeth G. Gleason*

The Counter-Reformation, once the almost exclusive preserve of
Catholic scholars, has assumed a different physiognomy in studies
published during the last ten or fifteen years. Older schemes divided
sixteenth-century Catholic church history into two distinct periods,
the pre- and post-Tridentine, with the Council as the watershed between them. Adopting this division, it was easy to define the CounterReformation in a straightforward fashion chronologically as following
the Council of Trent, and structurally as the great offensive movement
aimed not only at stopping the tide of Protestantism, but also at reversing the patterns of Protestant gains and Catholic losses on the
religious map of Western and Central Europe.
Recent studies have introduced a number of changes and refinements into this older image of the Counter-Reformation. Continuities

rather than discontinuities have been stressed, and the connections
•Mrs. Gleason is a professor of history in the University of San Francisco. She read
this paper as her presidential address at a luncheon held in the Chicago Hilton Hotel
on Saturday, January 7, 1995, during the seventy-fifth annual meeting of the American
Catholic Historical Association.

173

174

WHO WAS THE FIRST COUNTER-REFORMATION POPE?

between ideas of reform during the first and second half of the sixteenth century have been established.1 New concepts have been introduced into the way scholars approach the Counter-Reformation,

and the kind of questions they pursue. Foremost among them probably

is the concept of Sozialdisziplinierung, or the exploration of new
and more pervasive forms of control over the Christian people exercised by the Church and later, the state.2 They included, for example,
the requirement of proof that laypeople had fulfilled their Easter duty,
or the increasing bureaucratization of the parish clergy. Methods from
other disciplines such as sociology and anthropology have been
brought to bear on analyses of the Counter-Reformation, which, interestingly enough, has become a new frontier in early modern history.

Witness, for example, recent attempts to see the remarkable clustering

of the so-called "New Orders" as an integral part of sixteenth-century
history,3 rather than as a phenomenon which concerned only the
Catholic Church. Another example of methodologically innovative
works has been the result of the current emphasis on contacts between
European and non-Western cultures. This vast topic has reopened the
whole subject of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Catholic missionary activity to more sophisticated analysis than it has traditionally
received, for instance, in Jonathan Spence's The Memory Palace of

Matteo Ricci.4

When compared to these new developments, the history of the

papacy has received relatively little attention.5 Although Paolo Prodi's
innovative The Papal Prince6 examined the institutional aspects of the
papal monarchy, the book has so far remained magisterial and isolated
without becoming the inspiration for more works along similar lines.
We have no new biography of a Counter-Reformation pope, except for
¦For excellent bibliographical introductions to major topics concerning the CounterReformation, see Catholicism in Early Modem History: A Guide to Research, ed John
O'Malley, SJ. (St. Louis, 1988).
2The basic essay on these topics remains Wolfgang Reinhard, "Gegenreformation als
Modernisierung? Prolegomena zu einer Theorie des konfessionellen Zeitalters," Archiv

für ReformationsgeschichtelArchive for Reformation History, 68 (1977), 226-252.
'See the recent volume onReligious Orders ofthe CatholicReformation, ed. Richard
L. De Molen (New York, 1994).
4New York, 1984.
The stimulating essay by Wolfgang Reinhard, "Reformpapsttum zwischen Renaissance und Barock," in Reformatio Ecclesiae. Festschriftfür Erwin Iserloh, ed. Remigius
Bäumer (Paderborn, 1980), pp. 779-796, offers numerous suggestions to future historians of the Counter-Reformation papacy.
^Because of the inadequacies of the English translation, the original version should

be consulted: // sovrano Pontefice (Bologna, 1982).

BY EUSABETH G. GLEASON

175

the recent one of Pius V,7 which breaks no new ground. In dealing
with individual pontiffs, therefore, we still fall back on the work of

historians like Ranke, Pastor, and Seppelt. It goes without saying that

their studies, despite their great merit, were written in and for other
times, and from our perspective are outdated not so much in their
documentation as in their attitudes and value judgments.
Approaches to the Counter-Reformation papacy for almost half a
century now have been influenced by Hubert Jedin's Katholische Reformation oder Gegenreformation? Ein Versuch zur Klärung der

Begriffe, published in 1946. This short book, really an essay, has ex-

erted a disproportionate influence on subsequent scholarship, not least
on account of its clarity. Jedin attributed the key role in the genesis
of the Counter-Reformation to the papacy, and used a well-known

metaphor to underline its crucial position. Likening efforts at Catholic
reform to rivulets, Jedin argued that what ultimately united all these

little watercourses into a mighty river was the papacy. According to
him, no true reform, let alone an organized Counter-Reformation, was
possible without the pope.
But which pope was the first to unite reform efforts into one stream?
On that, Jedin is less clear. He writes that "the papacy, renewed inwardly by Catholic reform, becomes the proponent of the CounterReformation. The papacy employs existing religious forces and political means of power for a counterattack on innovation."8 One has to
look very carefully in order to find when this papacy becomes the
carrier of new ideas: in just one phrase we are told that "the decisive

victory was won when in the year 1555 Marcellus II and Paul IV, both

of them, despite their differences, representatives of the new spirit,
ascended to the throne of Peter."9 In another place, Jedin affirms the
key role of Marcellus II by elaborating: "Marcellus II had decided on
[the necessity of] drastic measures: therefore, he is the first pope of
Catholic reform."10 At this crucial juncture, we are thus presented
with a rather weak statement or an ahistorical aside, since the Cervini
pope lived less than a month after his election." Scenarios of what
might have been do not answer our question.
7NiCoIe Lemaitre, Saint Pie V (Paris, 1994).

8Jedin, Katholische Reformation, p. 36.
•>Ibid., p. 28.
10Erwin Iserloh, Josef Glazik, and Hubert Jedin, Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte,

Vol. IV: Reformation, Katholische Reform und Gegenreformation (Freiburg, Basel,
Vienna, 1967), p. 505.
' 'See William V. Hudon, Marcello Cervini and Ecclesiastical Government in Tridentine Italy (DeKaIb, Illinois, 1992).

176

WHO WAS THE FIRST COUNTER-REFORMATION POPE?

On Paul IV, the Carafa pope, there is more agreement among historians.12 He is generally considered the paradigm of a Counter-Reformation pope, if that is taken to mean an intransigent man who had
little sensitivity to many of the burning issues of his own time, and
who wanted to turn the clock back to the days of Innocent III or,
better, Boniface VIII. His policy concentrated on the repression of
dissent and punishment of dissenters. If we define the Counter-Reformation as repression, then he is our man. But few non-Italian historians define it that way.
In Italy, the old battle between so-called lay and Catholic historians
has taken on new life with the work of several younger scholars who

have reaffirmed the well-established idea that Italian Renaissance cul-

ture was strangled by Inquisition and Index. For example, Massimo
Firpo has elaborated the Crocean image of Italian Renaissance culture
being forced to go underground by the Catholic Church like one of
the mysterious rivers which simply disappear at a certain place in
their course, the reverse of Jedin's image. His view of the Counter-

Reformation stresses the elements ofrepression and control of thought

and expression for which the Church was responsible, and the
pervasive suspicion and fear which were their inevitable result. Paul
IV, the former inquisitor, fits neatly into this view of the CounterReformation.13

If, however, one defines the latter more broadly, then Paul IV becomes an embarrassment to the Catholic historian precisely because
of his seemingly one-dimensional mind and action. His was an inquisitorial mentality, and he certainly lacked the sort of global imagination which we find in later and "classical" popes of the CounterReformation. His field of vision was narrow, his politics fanatical,

and the imprint he left on the Church slight. Only if the Counter-

Reformation is defined in the narrowest possible way would he emerge
as its first significant pope.
By now it should be abundantly clear that the question I posed at
the beginning of my talk hinges on the definition of the CounterReformation. I would like to define the Counter-Reformation more

broadly than some of my predecessors or colleagues have done. First

of all, it was a movement with roots in the late medieval Church. It
12See the useful volume by Alberto Aubert, Paolo IV Carafa net giudizio délia età
delta Controriforma (Città di Castello, 1990).
13For Firpo's views, see especially his essays in Inquisizione Romana e Controriforma (Bologna, 1992).

BY EUSABETiI G. GLEASON

177

was both defensive and offensive in nature, but could have cohesion

and consistency not only under papal guidance, but more importantly,
only after the leaders of the Catholic Church put on "a new thinking
cap," to borrow an expression of Sir Herbert Butterfield. Only after
the bitter realization by popes and their key advisers that the split in
Western Christianity was final, and that instead of the one Church
several churches actually coexisted, can we speak of a Counter-Reformation. What is a given to us was a shocking idea to men of the

1530's and 1540's, especially to those who, in the spirit of Erasmus,

hoped for an end of the schism and a healing of the break in Christian
unity. Once this break was acknowledged as irrevocable, the popes
could and did turn their attention first to in-house Catholic doctrinal

and disciplinary reform, and second, to the missionary activity of a
revitalized but also significantly changed church both in Europe and
in the non-European world.
If we accept the consciousness of the break as a key criterion, then
the task of seeking the first pope of the Counter-Reformation becomes
easier. As we reflect on popes after 1517, it emerges without a doubt
that Hadrian VI was the first to understand the seriousness for the

Catholic Church of the issues Luther had raised. But calling him "Ie

premier pape de la Contre-Réforme," as the title of a volume of essays

does,14 is an exaggeration, or rather, a mistake. His famous confession
of faults which Chieregati brought to the German estates meeting in
Nuremberg in 1522 shows no conception that the break between
Catholics and Protestants was final. On the contrary, he still spoke of
reform of the Church under papal leadership as something for which
"the entire world" was longing,15 and he appealed to the Lutherans as
brothers who were temporarily alienated, to be sure, but who would
ultimately be welcomed back into the one church where all Christians
belonged. Pope Hadrian's mental universe did not include the reality
of a permanently splintered Christianity. Besides, his pontificate was
too brief to allow him to accomplish any significant change.
To my knowledge, nobody has called his successor, Clement VII, a
pope concerned with reform. We have to await a promised new biography of the second Medici pope before we can decide whether
the bad press Clement has received is fully justified.16 But that he in
14 Cardinal van Roey et al., Adrien VI, le premier pape de la Contre Réforme (Gembloux, 1959).
15In John C. Olin, The Catholic Reformation: Savonarola to Ignatius Loyola (New
York, 1969), p. 125.
"Kenneth Gouwens has begun work on such a biography.

178

WHO WAS THE FIRST COUNTER-REFORMATION POPE?

no significant way either advanced the defense of the Church or supported its offensive against Protestantism is clear. His priorities were
Florentine, not Roman or universal.

Historians have dealt with his successor, Pope Paul III, in a curious
way. If ever a pope needed a new biography, it certainly is he, although
it is not likely that a single scholar will be able to write it, given the
mass of material related to his pontificate that has come to light in
the last twenty-five years or so. In works as different as the magisterial
fifth volume of Pastor's classical Geschichte der Päpste, the fourth
volume of the more recent Handbook ofChurch History, or a synthesis
of the Reformation period like that by Lewis Spitz,17 for example, Paul
III is labeled a figure of transition, a "precursor of Catholic Reform,

not its first pope."18 In Pastor's view, "Paul HI did not become a man

of the Catholic Reform in the full sense of the word. In him, the old
struggled continually with the new."19 Elaborating this further, Pastor
added: "He [Paul III] found a connection to the new times, so that,
although he still remained in some respects the representative of an
epoch that was over, he seems in many others to be the first of a new
epoch."20
It is certainly tempting to continue interpreting Paul HI as a Janusfaced figure. After all, he was a quintessential Renaissance cardinal
whose rise to prominence was associated with one of those titillating
stories so dear to nineteenth-century anticlerical historians. His sister,

the (of course) beautiful Giulia Farnese, the mistress ofPope Alexander

VI, reputedly used her influence to advance the career of her brother.
Stronger evidence of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese's worldliness are his
illegitimate children, whom he never disavowed, but acknowledged,
featured, and championed as pope.21 Yet this same man also had a
clearer grasp than any of his predecessors of what the Protestant
Reformation meant for the Catholic Church, and he acted on this new
understanding to initiate reform. By putting Paul III in a limbo marked
"transition," one evades the difficult task of trying to understand the
pattern formed by the seemingly incompatible pieces of his intellectual
and religious makeup.
"The Protestant Reformation 1517-1559 (New York, 1985), p. 294: "Paul III ... ,
Julius III ... , and Marcellus II . . . represented a transition to the reforming mentality."
^Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte, Vol. IV, p. 477.
"Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, Vol. V, p. 29.
20Ibid., p. 30.
2 'For a full family tree of the Farnese and portraits of the children and grandchildren
of Paul III, see Clare Robertson, 'Il Gran Cardinale': Alessandro Farnese, Patron of the
Arts (New Haven, 1992).

BY EUSABETH G. GLEASON

179

I would like to offer two theses concerning Pope Paul III: ( 1 ) He
was the first pope of the Counter-Reformation, and (2) his actions
were not those of a man caught on some sort of historical picket-fence

separating two epochs; rather, his decisions were guided by principles

we can uncover.

As to the first thesis, if we accept the definition of the CounterReformation which I have previously proposed, and agree that it necessarily entailed the consciousness that separate Christian churches
existed in actuality, then Paul III emerges as a shrewd and intelligent
pope without illusions about the nature of Protestantism. He was aware
of the threat that Protestant theology and practice posed to the Catholic Church, and he sought effective countermeasures. It is true that
his interest in church reform was partly a response to the demands
of Charles V, the heavy -weight of whose policies on the Italian states
left the pope less and less room to maneuver. But the other side is

equally true: for Paul HI church reform was as much a religious as a

political issue, and he considered it absolutely essential for the maintenance of Catholic supremacy in Europe. Paul III well understood
that promoting reform and calling a council were forms of damage
control in which he was prepared to take the lead.
During his pontificate, the Church faced aggressive Protestantism
in Germany, the rumblings of dissent in Italy, schism in England, and
an unpredictable French king. The pope was not merely cynically

playing along with German or imperial demands for reform, but was

acting out of conviction that it must be initiated. There was nothing
transitional about this conviction.

Within a few months of his election, in his second nomination of

cardinals in May, 1536, Paul III chose men who were known as pro-

ponents of reform. During his relatively long pontificate of fifteen years,
his many cardinals predictably included family members, clients, and

political appointees, but also men who swam against the stream and

who were critics of the Curia, outsiders to it, and advocates of church

reform. This last group was responsible for changing the atmosphere
in the College of Cardinals. Instead of transacting business as usual,
the College under Paul III became lively and at times argumentative.
While numerically always in the minority, the reform-minded cardinals
were disproportionately conspicuous for no other reason than the
support given them by the pope. He appointed them to important
commissions, entrusted them with legations, and most importantly,
listened to their concerns.

A crucial source is missing which would add immeasurably to our

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WHO WAS THE FIRST COUNTER-REFORMATION HOPE?

understanding of Paul III. We have no documentation of how and why
he made decisions about whom he appointed to the cardinalate. But
one thing is certain: this pope acted only after careful consideration
and reflection. The changing face of the College of Cardinals was due
to Paul IH and to him alone, as was the hearing given at his court to
ideas of church reform.

Two examples will suffice. In the fall of 1536, the pope appointed
a commission to draw up proposals for reform in preparation for a
general council. Its chairman, Cardinal Gasparo Contarini, was given
free hand in the choice of members, and selected noted proponents
of reform.22 This commission of nine prelates presented its report to
the pope in a consistory of March, 1537. Entitled "Consilium de emen-

danda ecclesia," the report was substantially different from the many

lists of grievances of the past two generations because it struck at the
heart of the matter. The document flatly stated that the sources of all
ills besetting the Church were the exaggerated claims made for papal
power and its wrongful use. Furthermore, it asserted that unless the
pope realized he had been led astray by curial lawyers who argued
that his will was law, no reform could ever begin.2'
In effect, the "Consilium" criticized the entire system of papal government because it had created and was perpetuating the conditions
under which abuses could exist. The preamble called for conceiving
papal power in spiritual rather than political or economic terms. Had
it led to a thorough re-examination of the power and role of the pope
in the Church, this proposal would have been a major document in
the history of Catholic reform. It was nothing of the kind because it
lacked a consistent concept of reform, notwithstanding claims for its
importance made by some historians. What remains significant, however, is the fact that Paul III ordered the report, had it read in consistory, and although it remained a dead letter owing to the opposition
of the majority of cardinals and curial politicians, he continued to
support and even favor its authors. The pope in this case was testing
the waters at the papal court and assessing the strength of the reform
party like the consummate politician he was.
Another and perhaps more striking example of Paul IH's support of

this party was his appointment of new cardinals in June, 1 542, among
22For the consilium see Elisabeth G. Gleason, Gasparo Contarini: Venice, Rome,
and Reform (Berkeley, California, 1993), pp. 143-157.
"The English translation of the consilium is in Reform Thought in Sixteenth-Century
Italy, ed Elisabeth G. Gleason (Chico, California, 1981), pp. 81-100.

BY ELISABETH G. GLEASON

181

whom were such known protagonists of church reform as Giovanni
Morone, Tommaso Badia, and Gregorio Córtese. Even the most cynical
interpretation of the pope's motives cannot detract from the significance of these appointments, made at a critical moment, which con-

firmed Paul IH's confidence in men who were at once critics and
innovators.

That he had an open mind about the ideas of innovators can also
be shown in his support of the first Jesuits and Capuchins. John O'Malley's recent work has cautioned us about simply linking the first Jesuits
and the Counter-Reformation, since neither St. Ignatius Loyola nor
Paul III envisioned the new order's primary purpose as combatting
Protestantism.24 The pope's approval of the Jesuits is proof that he was
willing to give serious hearing to new concepts of organizing a religious community. This can be seen in his support of the first Capuchins
as well, especially during the difficult period after the flight of their
general Bernardino Ochino to Protestant Switzerland. Despite his advanced age, Paul III was flexible enough to bend his own rule against
admitting new religious orders when dealing with Jesuits and Capuchins, both of which orders eventually played key roles as preachers,
teachers, and counselors in Catholic Europe.
Along with political acumen and sensitivity to the concerns of re-

form-minded prelates, Paul III also had a keen understanding of the
threat posed by German Protestantism. One of the most telling doc-

uments supporting this assertion is the instruction given to Cardinal
Gasparo Contarini when he was sent as legate to the religious colloquy
between Protestants and Catholics in Regensburg in 1542.25 We read
in the instruction that Protestants "have departed from the bosom of
the Church," and that it remains to be seen to what extent they are
still in accord with Catholics on such key issues as papal primacy, the
sacraments of the Church, and others confirmed by Scripture and
tradition. "From the very moment that there is disagreement on these
issues, any attempt at agreement on other controverted matters would
be bound to fail," Contarini was told.26 Paul III viewed the Lutherans

as heretics who had separated themselves from the true Church, and
never envisioned a real discussion in which they would be accepted
as equals. His attitude was that cutting the cord rather than building
bridges to them was the best course of action. In this matter he
"The FirstJesuits (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1993).
"Gleason, Contarini, p. 204, n. 84.
lHbid., p. 205.

182

WHO WAS THE FIRST COUNTER-REFORMATION POPE?

expressed a view typically held by all the Counter-Reformation popes.

This attitude also explains his support for the institution charged
with surveillance over thought and expression, the Inquisition. InJuIy,
1542, only one month after he had appointed the three spokesmen

for reform to the College of Cardinals, Paul III announced the reorganization of the Roman Inquisition. Almost more than any other of
his actions, the creation of a streamlined and ultimately effective Inquisition shows that the pope had adopted a militant stance in the
confrontation of the Catholic Church and Protestantism. During his
pontificate, therefore, one of the key institutions of the Counter-Reformation was in place and would continue to function with greater
or lesser effect all through the remainder of the sixteenth century.
Paul Ill's outstanding contribution to the Counter-Reformation was
the calling of the Council of Trent. In convoking its first session, he
was not merely responding to pressure by the emperor. Much more
importantly, he was personally convinced that the council must meet
to deal with burning issues, as he repeated tirelessly from the moment
of his election. One of the great merits ofVolume I ofJedin's magisterial
History of the Council of Trent is to have demonstrated that Paul III
was not deflected from his purpose despite the enormous political
complications which stood in the way of the council. Paolo Sarpi's
cynicism notwithstanding, Paul III championed the council for all the
right reasons.
One more major item of evidence in my argument for considering
Paul HI as the initiator of the Counter-Reformation is his realization

of the implication of the overseas discoveries for the future of the
Catholic Church. As the recently published volumes of papal documents regarding the newly discovered American continent27 dem-

onstrate, he envisioned the Christianization of the new world much

as the two Venetian Camaldolese Paolo Giustiniani and Pietro Querini

had done a generation before him, as an immense opportunity which

the Church was called upon to pursue. But he was also concerned
with the native populations and came down on the side of those
theologians and moralists who were defending the human dignity of
American Indians.28 Here, again, he was pointing to the program which
his successors were going to institute in the future, and which became
such a characteristic feature of the Counter-Reformation Church.

"America Pontificiaprimi saeculi evangelizationis 1493—1592, 2 volumes, ed. Josef

Metzler (Vatican City, 1991).

28See an especially good example of his concern for the Indians in America Pontificia,
Vol. I, pp. 26-27.

BY EUSABETH G. GLEASON

183

My second thesis, that historians can uncover the principles ac-

cording to which Paul III operated, and that he was not just a Janus-

faced transitional figure, cannot be documented quite so easily. He
alternated between support of spokesmen for reform at the papal court
and marked foot-dragging and even stone-walling. Not only modern
historians have been puzzled by his inconsistent behavior, but even

contemporaries were at a loss how to understand it.

Among them were, for example, Cardinals Contarini and Pole who
were clearly perplexed by the pope's vacillations. When their friend,
the poet Vittoria Colonna, on one occasion inquired why reform measures were discussed but not implemented, a witness reports that the

two cardinals "shrugged their shoulders, meaning to answer her (she

had a quick mind) by their silence "29 Paradoxically, modern historians have a better handle on the pope's mind, and a clearer understanding of the limits of his commitment to reform. The first limit
was his inability to conceive of the Church otherwise than as it was
during his lifetime. Unlike some members of the Italian spirituali, or

proponents of reform, the pope took for granted the entrenched con-

cept of the Church as property, meaning the matter-of-course acceptance of the traffic in benefices, offices, or compositions. Catholic
reform proposals hit the proverbial brick wall the moment they
touched upon property, as Barbara Hallman has convincingly shown.30
Paul III did not challenge this. Sweeping change would have amounted
to a revolution which it was hardly in his power to effect, because
not the pope but bankers and creditors controlled much of church
property. His realism, not his unwillingness to act, explains much that
to his contemporaries looked like vacillation.
The second limit to the pope's implementation of reform ideas was

his well-known nepotism. The cultivation of one's own family interests

was in reality a structural element of Italian society and an integral,

admired part of social norms in sixteenth-century Italy. It has been

shown by Wolfgang Reinhard31 that nepotism had a moral dimension,
contributing as it did to the central and immensely important value
of pietas, or the ideal of proper behavior toward one's family and
dependents in a society which assigned greater importance to familial
"Report of the Mantuan agent De Plotis, Rome, November 18, 1538, to Cardinal
Ercole Gonzaga, quoted in Aldo Stella, "La lettera del Cardinale Contarini sulla predestinazione," Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia, 15 (1961), 416 n. 22.
KItalian Cardinals, Reform, and the Church as Property (Berkeley, California, 1985).
ä'"Nepotismus: der Funktionswandel einer papstgeschichtlichen Konstanten," Zeit-

schriftfür Kirchengeschichte, 86 (1975), 145-185.

184

WHO VC AS THE I IKSI COUNTER-REFORMATION POPE?

collectivities than to the individual. Pietas was not an excuse for

nepotism, but its legitimation. Financial support, even on an extravagant scale, of family and familia, meaning the household including
retainers, for the Farnese pope was an inescapable obligation rather
than an abusive diversion of church funds.

Seen in this light, the principles according to which Paul III acted
become more comprehensible to our age with its different social
norms. The issue for the pope was not whether to cut off his family
and entire network of clients, including his grandson Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, from numerous and lucrative benefices. That would

have clashed with his sense of priorities as well as with that of most
of his contemporaries of equal social rank. Rather, in his mind concern
for the welfare of the Church was compatible with his desire to elevate
the Farnese to the highest possible social position, even if that meant
alienating church lands for the purpose of creating a new principality
for his descendants, or destroying the independence of abbeys so that
they could become benefices in the hands of his family. Paul HI, perhaps more than any other sixteenth-century pope, truly was a papal
prince. All his efforts at reform, therefore, proceeded within parameters that were defined by this reality, and they excluded change in
property arrangements or in what he considered family affairs. Reform
in these areas could come only later, in consequence of changing
views about the nature of papal power, of the economic crises of the

late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and last but not least, of

more modern ideas about family bonds, the limits of the obligations
family members had toward one another, and the relation of the family
to the state.

By situating Paul III firmly in his own world and society, it becomes
possible to see how in him elements coexisted which to us seem
incompatible. His reform-minded contemporaries, like us, were keenly
aware of the pope's shortcomings and, yes, his vices. His critics, however, were decidedly in the minority. For the leaders of Catholic
Europe and for sixteenth-century Italians, Paul III was pope, prince,
patron, and paterfamilias. In his self-image, however, his chief role

was that of leader and defender of the Catholic Church and faith, a
role which he took with the utmost seriousness. It is this role that

made him indeed the first pope of the Counter-Reformation, if we
accept its more inclusive definition for which I have argued in this
talk.

NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION
IN THE BEATUS APOCALYPSE
BY

Kenneth B. Steinhauser*

1. Introduction: The Goal of the Present Study
Beatus was a priest and monk of the Abbey of Santo Toribio at
Liébana, located near Santander in northern Spain. He completed the
first edition of his lengthy commentary on the biblical book of Rev-

elation in the year 776. The commentary would undergo two subsequent revisions at his hand in 784 and 786. ' Although thirty-two
manuscripts have survived, I have predominantly relied upon two:

New York, Pierpont Morgan Library Ms. 644, a. 922 (or 926 depending
upon how one reads the date), and Gerona, Museo Diocesano Ms. 7,

•Father Steinhauser is associate professor of historical theology and director of graduate studies in the Department of Theological Studies at Saint Louis University. Research
for the present study was initiated during a National Endowment of the Humanities
Summer Seminar in 1990 at Cornell University under the direction of Robert G. Calkins.

1Of the thirty-two extant manuscripts, twenty-five are more or less complete and

seven are fragmentary; see Anscari M. Mundo, "Sobre los códices de Beato," Actas del

Simposio para el estudio de los códices del "Comentario al Apocalipsis" de Beato de
Liébana (Madrid, 1979), I, 107-1 16. There have been three printed editions: Henricus
Florez (ed.), Sancti Beati presbyteri Hispani Liebanensis in Apocalypsin ac plurimos

in utriusque foederis paginas Commentaria, ex veteribus, nonnullisque desideratis
patribus mille retro annis collecta, nunc primum edita (Madrid, 1770); Henry A
Sanders (ed.), Beati in Apocalypsin libri duodecim ("Papers and Monographs of the
American Academy in Rome," 7 [Rome, 1930]); E. Romero-Pose (ed.), Sancti Beati a

Liébana Commentarius in Apocalypsin (2 vols.: Rome, 1985) For a current inventory
of the manuscripts and bibliography see Richard Kenneth Emmerson and Suzanne Lewis,

"Census and Bibliography of Medieval Manuscripts containing Apocalypse Illustrations,
ca. 800-1500," Traditio, 40 (1984), 34^-379. 1 also refer the reader to the ambitious

and monumental work of John Williams, The Illustrated Beatus: A Corpus of Illustra-

tions of the Commentary on the Apocalypse (5 vols.; London, 1994), which, when
completed, in addition to analysis will provide every illustration from each extant
manuscript; vols. I and Il are now available.
185

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NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEATUS APOCALYPSE

a. 975.2 The Morgan Beatus and the Gerona Codex are the earliest
extant manuscripts and both represent the third or last edition.
A comparison of the combined literary and artistic program of the
first edition to that of the third indicates that during the decade a

radical change in the intention of the author and the function of the

commentary had taken place. The first edition was actually not an
exegetical commentary at all but lectio diuina—spiritual reading for
monks consisting of continuous selections from the entire book of
Revelation. After each excerpt came a pictorial illustration and a writ-

ten explanation. The second edition of 784 manifests only minor re-

visions of the first. In 785 Beatus and Etherius, Bishop of Osma,
collaborated in writing Aduersus Elipandum. This overtly polemical
work was a strident critique of Elipandus, Archbishop of Toledo, for

his adherence to adoptionism. One year later in 786 Beatus issued the

third and final edition of his Apocalypse Commentary, which he had
changed into a polemic against heretics and the reign of the antichrist.
In the turmoil of Moslem-ruled Spain, the heretics were readily identifiable as the adoptionists who belong to the body of the antichrist.
Beatus transformed his commentary from contemplative reading into
polemical invective without removing any original text or illumination. Instead, he provided for certain well calculated artistic and lit-

erary additions. At his direction the following material was included

in the third or final edition: illuminations of the evangelists, partially
illuminated genealogical tables beginning with Adam and Eve and

continuing through the entire Old Testament (Plate 1), an alpha at

the beginning and an omega at the end of the text, a chapter entitled
De antichrtsto taken from Augustine's De ciuitate Dei, a chapter en-

titled De adfinitatibus et gradibus taken from the Etymologiarum

libri of Isidore of Seville, and a relatively complete copy of Jerome's
commentary on the biblical book of Daniel with some pictorial representations of Daniel's prophetic ministry.
The goal of the present study is to investigate the relationship of
narrative to illumination in the "Beatus Apocalypse," which the entire
compilation of text and miniatures is frequently called. Each edition
of Beatus' work contains its own communicative program composed
of literary and artistic elements, which have been combined into an
organic whole for the purpose of achieving a specific aim. This is
2The Gerona Codex is available in gorgeous facsimile edition: Jaime Marques Casanovas et al. (eds), Sancti Beati a Liébana in Apocalypsin Codex Gerundensis (Olten,
1962).

BY KENNETH B. STEINHAUSER

Plate 1. Gerona, Museo Diocesano Ms. 7, fol. 8V.

Adam and Eve and beginning of the genealogies

187

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NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEATUS APOCALYPSE

particularly evident when one compares the first and the third editions.
Since Beatus and Etherius coauthored Aduersus Elipandum only one
year before his final revision of the Apocalypse Commentary, that work
will provide a description of Beatus' concerns and preoccupations
immediately prior to his revising the Apocalypse Commentary for the
last time. In other words, Beatus himself has documented his theo-

logical and personal interests by writing his polemical Aduersus Elipandum in such close temporal proximity to his final revision of the
Apocalypse Commentary so that one readily knows what was on his
mind during the third revision. Scholars seem to be deadlocked on
the question whether the Beatus Apocalypse was anti-adoptionistic or
not.3 My hypothesis seeks to solve this problem with a sort of compromise. The first edition was not anti-adoptionistic but the third
edition was. In other words, an illustrated biblical commentary was
revised into an illustrated apology.
The present study will proceed as follows. After establishing the
goal and theoretical basis of our research, we will turn our attention
to the characteristics of the first edition of Beatus' Apocalypse Com-

mentary. Then, the purpose and content of Aduersus Elipandum as

well as the historical circumstances surrounding its composition will
be considered. Finally, we will investigate the peculiarities of the third
edition, which is essentially a synthesis of the first edition and Aduersus
Elipandum. The following chronological table4 will assist the reader:
Chronological Table

633

Fourth Council of Toledo

711

Arab invasion

776

First edition of the Beatus Apocalypse

784
785

Second edition of the Beatus Apocalypse
Beatus and Etherius write Adversus Elipandum

792

Council of Regensburg

786

Third edition of the Beatus Apocalypse

'See John Williams, "The Purpose and Imagery in the Apocalypse Commentary of
Beatus Liébana," The Apocalypse in the Middle Ages, eds. Richard K. Emmerson and
Bernard McGinn (Ithaca, New York, 1992), pp. 217-233, and The Illustrated Beatus,
I, 114-115.
4For an historical overview see Roger Collins, Early Medieval Spain: Unity in Di-

versity, 400-1000 (London, 1983), pp. 200-224.

BY KENNETH B. STEINHAUSER

922 (926)
975

1031

189

Completion of the Morgan Beatus
Completion of the Gerona Codex

Extinction of the Umayyad dynasty
1.1 The Beatus Apocalypse

The Beatus Apocalypse presents a thorny series of technical prob-

lems which are extremely difficult to solve but which nevertheless

must be mentioned here before we proceed to the task at hand, namely,

the relationship between text and illumination. The first problem concerns the three editions. Based upon the dating of the present era in
each manuscript, Henry A. Sanders developed the hypothesis of three

distinct editions.5 There does exist a clear consensus of scholarship

which identifies three families of manuscripts. However, there is considerable debate whether or not the three families of manuscripts
represent three editions or three recensions. The third edition or
recension presents the greatest difficulty. Did Beatus personally revise
his work or was the revision accomplished sometime after his death?
This question is further complicated by a second problem. No one

has been able to reconcile the textual tradition with the pictorial

tradition satisfactorily. Scholars seem to answer the question of edition
versus recension differently, depending upon whether or not they
prefer the textual or pictorial tradition. On the basis of textual criticism, Sanders and Wilhelm Neuss6 conclude that Beatus himself com-

posed three editions. Concretely, this would mean that Beatus added
Jerome's Commentary on Daniel and its illuminations to the work. On
the basis of the iconography, Peter K. Klein7 and John Williams8 conclude that the third edition was composed after the death of Beatus.

This would mean that Beatus is not responsible for appendingJerome's
Daniel Commentary and its illuminations to the work. The reconciliation of the textual tradition with the pictorial tradition appears to
'See Sanders, pp. xi—xxiii.

6See Wilhelm Neuss, Die Apokalypse des hl. Johannes in der altspanischen und
altchristlichen Bibel-Illustration: Das Problem der Beatus Handschriften ("Spanische
Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft," 2, 2—3 [Münster, 1931]), I, 62-111.
7See Peter K. Klein, Der ältere BeatusKodex Vitr. 14-1 der Biblioteca Nacional zu
Madrid: Studien zur Beatuslllustration und der spanischen Buchmalerei des 10.

Jahrhunderts ("Studien zur Kunstgeschichte," 8 [Diss. Bonn, 1976; Hildesheim, 1976]),
I, 302-303.

8See John Williams, "The Beatus Commentaries and Spanish Bible Illustration," Actas,
II, 201-219.

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NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEAItJS APOCALYPSE

be an insurmountable obstacle. For this reason, some scholars, for
example, Manuel Díaz y Díaz9 and Mireille Mentré,10 remain neutral
regarding the problem, which indeed could be a legitimate position
if the evidence were inconclusive. Nevertheless, the preponderance
of the evidence indicates that the third revision is an aactual edition

at the hand of Beatus and not merely a later recension. Among the
various arguments the explicit dedication of the third edition to
Etherius is especially convincing. Only the author, Beatus himself,
could dedicate the work. The present study accepts and supports the
hypothesis of Sanders and Neuss that Beatus himself composed three
editions of his commentary.
In addition to the arguments presented by Sanders and Neuss one

further piece of evidence needs to be considered. Within the Apoc-

alypse Commentary the Prologus libri secundi, which is essentially
an excursus, explicitly mentions the book of Daniel. A miniature corresponding to the text of Daniel contains animal representations of
the four kingdoms of the earth and the statue of Nebuchadnezzer's

vision. Since the miniature is contained in all three manuscript families,

Neuss concludes that it belonged to the original commentary. This
illumination bears a striking resemblance to the illuminations of Jerome's Daniel Commentary. First of all, it is unframed while the illuminations of the Apocalypse Commentary are framed. Second, the
same representation of the statue appears in the miniature of Nebuchadnezzer's dream and the mountain. Third, the four animals appear
again in Daniel's vision of the ancient one. This means that the miniaturist of the Apocalypse Commentary had consulted an illuminated
copy of the book of Daniel. In other words, the prototypes of the
miniatures of the Daniel Commentary were readily available at the
time of the first edition. Since, as we shall soon see, Beatus planned
the illuminations of the Apocalypse Commentary, we may be certain
that he was at least aware of the pictorial tradition used to illuminate
the Daniel Commentary.

'See Manuel C. Diaz ? Díaz, "Tradición del texto de los Comentarios al Apocalipsis,"
Actas, I, 163-184,
'"See Mireille Mentré, Contribución al Estudio de la Miniatura en León y Castilla
en la Alta Edad Media: Problemas de la forma y del espacio en la ilustración de los

Beatus (Leon, 1976), p. 146.

BY KENNETH B. STEINHAUSER

191

1.2 Principles of Interpretation
Early scholarship generally conceded that the Apocalypse Commentary of Beatus was neither original nor important. After all, it had
even been overlooked by Abbé Migne. If anyone was interested in the
Beatus Apocalypse, it was for some tangential reason relating to either
the text or the miniatures. Until recently, research had remained more
or less bifurcated.

Beatus copied verbatim—today we would say he plagiarized—extensive sections of his commentary from patristic sources. Scholars

were interested in Beatus not for what he had written but for what

he had copied. His Apocalypse Commentary provides one of the chief
pieces of evidence used in partially reconstructing the lost commentary of Tyconius, an African, Donatist, and older contemporary of
Augustine.11 For example, Taugott Hahn had considered the Apocalypse Commentary of Beatus a haphazard collection of patristic quotations sometimes concerning the book of Revelation and sometimes
unrelated to the biblical text at hand. In fact, his explanation of the
structure and disposition of the lost commentary of Tyconius was
based upon a so-called "mistake" of Beatus—a title erroneously and
mechanically written at the beginning of the wrong book.12 Furthermore, to discover the lost text of Tyconius' commentary, supposedly
one needed only read the text of unimaginative Beatus, who slavishly
copied from his sources. Although the Beatus Apocalypse remains an
invaluable source for reconstructing the lost Tyconian commentary,
Beatus was no mere copyist. His work was carefully composed, and
he had specific goals in mind.

The lavish illuminations, which the vast majority of codices contain,
are absolutely essential for understanding early medieval Spanish book

illumination.13 Although these miniatures manifest African and Islamic
and northern European influences, they are, nevertheless, distinctive

"See Kenneth B. Steinhauser, The Apocalypse Commentary of Tyconius: A History
ofIts Reception and Influence ("European University Studies," Series 23, Theology 301
[Diss. Freiburg, 1986; Frankfurt, 1987]), pp. 141-196.
l2See Taugott Hahn, Tyconius Studien: Ein Beitrag zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte des 4. Jahrhunderts ("Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie und Kirche," 6,
2 [Leipzig, 1900; rpt. Aalen, 1971]), pp. 18-19, and Kenneth B. Steinhauser, "The
Structure of Tyconius' Apocalypse Commentary: A Correction," Vigiliae Christianae,
35(1981), 354-357.
13The studies of Neuss, Klein, and Mentré are especially important; see also John
Williams, Early Spanish Manuscript Illumination (New York, 1977).

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NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEATUS APOCALYPSE

and in most manuscripts are considered typical of the style known as
Mozarabic, characteristic of Christian Spain under Arab rule. Further-

more, their influence may be found in romanesque and Carolingian
imitations. From this perspective the Beatus Apocalypse is an important link in the chain of the history of art.
Otto Pacht writes of Kunst als Bedeutungsträger and, if art does

indeed carry meaning, then the goal of the art historian is Kunstexegese

or the exegesis of art.14 The discovery of mutual influences and the
investigation of recensional characteristics, though important, do not
deal with the problem of meaning. One must consider the "didactic
or programmatic selection or juxtaposition of images that go beyond

a mere narrative function."1, In other words, the unique configuration
of text and illumination must be interpreted as a unity. This will reveal

the overall program which Beatus designed out of literary and artistic
elements. Any separation of text from illumination destroys the intention of the author and clouds the possibility of arriving at a genuine
understanding of the original work as Beatus wrote it in 776. Fur-

thermore, when Beatus revised his work in 784 and again in 786, his

revisions extended to both text and illumination. These subsequent
revisions of Beatus' commentary cannot be understood unless both
text and illumination are interpreted together, as was the intention of

the author. "One of the basic requirements for an understanding of
medieval illumination is to have a clear idea of how the miniature or

pictorial decoration is anchored in the organic structure of the book,

both physically and conceptually."16 This approach will ultimately
uncover the reason why Beatus revised his commentary, which was
already enjoying a wide circulation. Essentially the final edition contains not one literary and artistic program but two—the final program
itself and the original program imbedded within the book, which was

inherited from the first edition. Although some extraneous literary and

artistic material is present in the manuscript tradition, two distinct
programs are evident. Once the two programs are identified, they will

be compared in order to demonstrate how text and illumination carry
meaning.
uSee Otto Pacht, Methodisches zur kunsthistorischen Praxis: Ausgewählte Schriften

(Munich, 1977), p. 237.

"Robert G. Calkins, "Pictorial Emphases in Early Biblical Manuscripts," in The Bible
in the Middle Ages: Its Influence on Literature and Art, ed. Bernard S. Levy ("Medieval

and Renaissance Texts and Studies," Vol. 89 [Binghamton, New York, 1992]), p. 78.

16OUo Pacht, Book Illumination in the Middle Ages: An Introduction (New York,
1986), p. 32.

BY KENNETH B. STEINHAUSER

193

2. The First Edition of Beatus' Apocalypse Commentary
Why did Beatus choose Revelation out of all the books of the Bible
to be the subject of his commentary? This question cannot be answered
without considering the historical position of Revelation within the
medieval Spanish church. Perhaps no book of the entire New Testament has generated more controversy than the book of Revelation.
Due to its apocalyptic character, which is indeed a very specific Jewish
genre, the canonicity of the book of Revelation was enthusiastically
embraced by some communities and rejected by others. Its absence
from many Greek papyri, including the oldest majuscule, namely, the
Codex Vaticanus, could hardly have been oversight. There was resistance to the book of Revelation also in Spain which prompted the

Fourth Council of Toledo in 633 to assert that Revelation does belong
to the canon and is the inspired word of God. To give its theoretical

declaration teeth, the council insisted that Revelation be read at Mass

on Sundays from Easter to Pentecost. Indeed, use in worship is the
litmus test to demonstrate whether or not a community considers a
book sacred. Incorporating a cycle of readings from Revelation into
the Mozarabic liturgy clarified for all the canonical status of the book
more than any doctrinal pronouncement. Apringius, Bishop of Beja,
wrote a brief homiletic commentary on selections from Revelation.
The fragmentary nature of Apringius' commentary was a perplexing
problem until A. C. Vega discovered that his selections correspond to
the cycle of readings in the Mozarabic liturgy between Easter and
Pentecost as mandated by the Fourth Council of Toledo.17 Ecclesiastical legislation, liturgical usage, and scholarly interest combined to
make Revelation a theologically significant as well as popular book in
early medieval Spain. These religious and historical circumstances
explain the reason for the disproportionate importance which Revelation enjoyed in eighth-century Spain. Why then did Beatus choose
Revelation above all the biblical books available to him? In the dedi-

cation, Beatus states that Etherius considered the book of Revelation

the basis for understanding all the books of the Bible: 'Tet you should
believe this book to be the key to the library of all books."18 Beatus
presumably shared this viewpoint.
,7See A. C. Vega (ed.), Apringii Pacensis Episcopi Tractatus in Apocalysin [sic]

("Scriptores ecclesiastici Hispano-Latini veteris et medii aevi," 10-11 [Escorial, 1941]),

pp. xxviii-xxxv.
MCommentarius summa dicendorum, ed. Romero-Pose 1: 4.8-9: Omnium tarnen

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NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEATUS APOCALYPSE

Although Aduersus Elipandum deals with adoptionism, Beatus re-

veals there his exegetical method and the theoretical principles by
which he had organized his Apocalypse Commentary. His method was
based on allegory, which he considered essential for the proper interpretation of the sacred scriptures.19 Four kinds of allegory may be
found in the sacred scriptures: ( 1 ) the transference of a human characteristic to God, ( 2 ) an imaginative person, as a character of a parable,

referring to a real person, (3) a simple comparison or similitude without a story, and (4) the proverbial mode. Beatus writes that the Jews

do not accept these allegories and carnal Christians do not understand
them. Just as the face of Moses was veiled when he spoke to the
people, the entire library of the sacred scriptures has been veiled until
Christ. The whole library is like one book, veiled at the beginning and
revealed at the end. This entire library is to be understood as one
man:

And as we stated that one entire man consists of three parts, so let us
explain that one entire book in our library consists of three parts, that is,

the letter, the metaphor, and the mystical understanding. The letter, which
is the history itself, corresponds to the body of man. The metaphor cor-

responds to the soul of man. The mystical understanding corresponds to
the spirit of man.20

In other words, the science of exegesis has an anthropological basis
derived from the human being's body, soul, and spirit. Therefore, every
book has a threefold level of meaning, namely, the literal, metaphorical
(or tropological), and the mystical (or spiritual). Far from being original, this approach was in vogue during the late patristic and early
medieval periods and may be traced through Gregory the Great to
Origen and ultimately to Plato.21
librorum tbecae hunc librum credos esse clauiculam (my translation). I have cited

the edition of ancient works by volume, page(s), and line(s).

,9See Beatus and Etherius, Beati Liebanensis et Eterii Oxomensis adversus Elipandum libri duo 1.99; ed. Bengt Löfstedt ("Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaeualis" [Turnhout, 1984]), 59: 75.2899-2900.
10Adversus Elipandum 1.104, ed. Löfstedt, CCCM 59: 78.3008-13: Et sicut unum
hominem integrum ex tribus constare diximus, ita biblioteca nostra unum librum

integrum ex tribus constare explanemus, id est littera tropología et mística intelle-

gentia Littera est sicut corpus hominis, quae littera ipsa est historia Tropología sic

est sicut anima hominis. Mística intellegentia sic est sicut Spiritus hominis (my
translation). Since Löfstedt had only one meaningful manuscript, he followed its orthography throughout his critical edition.

2lSee Henri de Lubac, Exégèse médiévale: Les quatre sens de l'écriture ("Théologie,"

Vol. 41 [n.p., 1959]), I, 198-219.

BY KENNETH B. STEINHAUSER

195

The originality of Beatus lies in his organization of an entire commentary around the three levels of meaning. The Apocalypse Commentary is designed in a threefold pattern of story, picture, and

explanation corresponding to his anthropologically based exegesis.

His method of procedure is quite simple and remains uniform throughout the entire Apocalypse Commentary. First, Beatus writes an excerpt
from the text of Revelation which he identifies as the storia. Next, a
pictorial illustration of the storia follows. Finally, he writes the explanatio suprascriptae storiae, which is verbal explanation of the
sacred text. Essentially each storia has two explanations—one pictorial and the other textual. The entire book of Revelation has been

divided into sixty-two storiae of varying lengths. In no case do we
find a storia without a pictorial illustration and explanation. I will limit

myself to one example. After a brief introductory paragraph, Book I
begins with the text of Rev. 1:1—6, which describes the revelation of
God to Jesus Christ which was subsequently passed to John through
an angel. Then, an artistic representation of the text follows. Plate 2

portrays the scene in two registers. In the top register an enthroned
Jesus, identifiable by the nimbus, speaks to the angel. In the bottom
register the angel communicates the message of Jesus to John. Last
comes a verbal description of the scene and an explanation of its

theological significance for Beatus' contemporaries. Thus, regarding
Rev. 1:1 Beatus writes: "The matter was not conceived through re-

flection nor through some lying incantations but it was directed
'through an angel,' that is, through a messenger of his truth, 'to his
servant,' namely, John, the most tested and holiest of all the apostles."22
One may be certain that Beatus himself planned the illustrations, be-

cause the miniatures in all existing manuscripts are essentially identi-

cal.23 In addition, he does mention them in several places. For example,

in the second book we find a title: STORIA SVBSEQVENTISPICTVRAE.24

In the prologue to die second book Beatus writes: "And, therefore, the
picture of the diagram below more easily shows these grains of seed
through die field of this world, which the prophets tilled and will reap."25
22Commentarius 1, ed. Romero-Pose 1: 76.4-8: non cogitatione concepta res erat,
non aliquibus falsiloquis scripturarum carminibus, sed per angelum, ' id est, per
ueritatis suae nuntium, 'seruo suo,' probatissimo scilicet uiro et sanctissimo apostolorum omnium lohanni directa est (my translation).
2,See Casanovas, "The Gerona Codex," Codex Gerundensis: Prolegomena, p. 67.
2iCommentarius 2, ed. Romero-Pose 1: 285.12.

2,Commentarius prologus libri secundi, ed. Romero-Pose 1: 195.5-6:£tquofacilius
haec seminis granaper agrum huius mundi, quem profetae laborauerunt et hi metent,
subiectae formulae pictura demonstrat (my translation).

196

NARRATfVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEATUS APOCALYPSE

Plate 2. Gerona, Museo Diocesano Ms. 7, fol. 31?·
The First Revelation

197

BY KENNETH B. STEINHÄUSER

There is also a quotation from Isidore discussing why artists usually
paint angels with wings.26
Since Beatus explicitly relates the literal understanding of a book
to the story which corresponds to the human body, we may complete
the analogy and summarize Beatus' exegetical method and the literary
structure used in his commentary schematically:
homo

liber

Apocalypse

corpus
anima
Spiritus

Uttera
tropología
mística intellegentia

historia or storia
pictura
explanatio

Commentary

The Beatus Apocalypse was never used liturgically and was not
intended to implement the seventeenth canon of the Fourth Council
of Toledo, which insisted that the book of Revelation be proclaimed.
The lengthy time lapse, well over a century, between Toledo IV in
633 and the first edition of the commentary in 776 seems to preclude
this possibility. What purpose did the first edition of the Beatus Apocalypse serve? How did it function as a book? Jacques Fontaine has
identified the work as lectio diuina composed for the spiritual edification of monks. He traces Beatus' approach through Isidore and Gregory back to Cassiodorus' monastery at Vivarium.27 Essentially Beatus'
Apocalypse Commentary stands in the tradition of western mysticism.
Rather than strict biblical exegesis, its goal is education here and now
in an actual method of contemplation. Mentré has presented an excellent description of the illustrative program of the Beatus Apocalypse
where she states that Beatus' exegesis of Revelation is profoundly
spiritual and directed toward the mystical vision of God.28 However,
she also describes the Beatus Apocalypse as a "summa" or synthesis
of the whole Bible and Christian dogma formed into a kind of exegetical encyclopedia combined with religious and profane thought
inherited from church fathers and Visigothic culture.29 Unfortunately,
I must disagree with her on this point. Unlike many of the writings of
Isidore of Seville, the goal of the Beatus Apocalypse was certainly not
encyclopedic. In all his writing Beatus tends to be extremely attentive
to his prospective reader. Developing Mentré's vision theme further,
26See Commentarius prologus libri secundi, ed. Romero-Pose 1: 173.4—174.7.
27See Jacques Fontaine, "Fuentes y tradiciones paleocristianas en el método espiritual
de Beato," Actas, 1, 75-101.

28See Mentré, op. cit., pp. 78-86.
29IbId., p. 73.

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NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEATOS APOCALYPSE

O. K. Werckmeister has investigated the theology of death as presented in the Beatus Apocalypse. Beatus deals primarily with eschatological issues such as resurrection, salvation, damnation, and final
judgment.30
Beatus utilizes various sources from his monastic library. His biblical
text of Revelation was an Old Latin translation of African origin. His
illuminations were taken from a Bible and possibly other sources. His
explanation of the biblical text was partly copied from various patristic
authors, primarily Tyconius, Augustine, Gregory, and Isidore, and
partly his own composition relating Revelation to the concrete needs
of his contemporary monastic audience.31 The biblical text of the
Apocalypse, the illustrations, and the commentary on the text constitute a unified communicative program directed toward monastic
contemplation. AU three levels of meaning have been integrated into
the program of the commentary according to an expressed exegetical
method. The short excerpt or story presents the letter of Revelation.
The picture or illumination is a metaphor. The explanation is designed
to lead the reader beyond the letter and beyond the metaphor to
spiritual understanding. Beatus has molded his sources into a practical
program of monastic piety with a strong eschatological emphasis ultimately leading to the mystical vision of God.

3. The Polemical Work Aduersus Elipandum
Beatus had already alluded to adoptionism in the first edition of his
Apocalypse Commentary. In Spain Jews, Moslems, and Christians lived
side by side at peace but not without occasional conflict. Both Moslems
and Jews were strict monotheists and both had accused Christians of
believing in three Gods. For them it was ludicrous to speak of Jesus
as the Son of God in a literal sense. In addition, the Arabs had brought
Nestorian writings, particularly those in Syriac translation, into Spain

so that one may posit a direct historical link between late and early

adoptionism. The theological goal of Spanish adoptionism was a reconciliation of Moslem and Christian belief.32 Adhering to a rigid mono30SeC O. K. Werckmeister, "The first romanesque Beatus Manuscripts and the liturgy
of death," Actas, II, 163-192.
"See Commentarius summa dicendorum, ed. Romero-Pose 1: 4.3-6.
32See Wilhelm Heil, "Der Adoptionismus, Alkuin und Spanien," in Karl der Grosse:

Lebenswerk und Nachleben, ed. Wolfgang Braunfels (Düsseldorf, 1965), II, 95-155.
For a revisionist hypothesis, which identifies adoptionism as an indigenous Spanish

BY kenne™ B. steinhauser

199

theism, the Koran relegates Jesus to the role of a prophet. Adoptionism
is a mediating position which attempts to preserve the uniqueness of
Jesus as God's son while retaining monotheistic belief in one God only.
Elipandus, Archbishop of Toledo, had the task of shepherding a Christian community under Moslem occupation. This had two results. First,
he was open to the development of a more conciliatory formula of
faith, which could induce Moslem respect for Christianity. Second,
ironically he enjoyed a certain freedom because the decisions of ecclesiastical councils could hardly be enforced in his diocese since the
Church exercised no civil authority under Umayyad rule. Thus, in
spite of anti-adoptionistic declarations at the Council of Regensburg
in 792 and subsequent condemnations at Frankfurt in 794 and Aachen
in 799, Elipandus was able to continue his struggle on behalf of the
adoptionist cause until his death in 809.
Meanwhile, Liébana and Osma were in Asturia, which was under
the rule of Charlemagne. Neither Beatus nor Etherius faced the problem of Moslem occupation, and they had absolutely no sympathy with
Elipandus' genuine pastoral problem. In 785 Beatus, monk of Liébana,
and Etherius, Bishop of Osma, wrote a letter to Elipandus attacking
him for his heretical beliefs.33 As archbishop of Toledo, Elipandus was
also primate of Spain, and he was incensed to have been publicly
criticized by an upstart monk from the provinces. The anonymous
Vita sancti Beati praises Beatus as another Isaiah sent to fight error
in Spain and discipline with an iron rod.34
Beatus compares Jesus to a book: "Thus, Christ is our book. Outside
is the page and the letter, which is the man, both body and soul. Inside
is divinity, just as the meaning is in the letter."35 When describing
Jesus as the son of God, Beatus insists: Non est allegoria.i6 With rather
facile logic he presents his argument to demonstrate that Elipandus

is the antichrist. Elipandus believes that Christ is merely the adopted
son of God. The adopted son is not the real son. Elipandus denies that

problem, see John C. Cavadini, The Last Christology of the West: Adoptionism in Spain
and Gaul (785-820) (Philadelphia, 1993), and my review in Theological Studies, 55
(1994), 354-355.

"The coauthorship of Etherius is questioned in some quarters; see Löfstedt, op. cit.,

p. vii.

i4Vita sancti Beati 2, Patrología Latina, Vol. 96, col. 891; on the questions of au-

thorship and reliability see Williams, The Illustrated Beatus, I, 1 3.
"Adversas Elipandum 1.112, ed. Löfstedt, CCCM 59: 86.3305-6: Sic est Christus
liber noster: exteriuspagina et littera, quod est homo: corpus et anima Intus diuinitas,
tamquam intellectus in littera (my translation).
*Adversus Elipandum 1.105, ed. Löfstedt, CCCM 59: 79.3052.

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NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEATUS APOCALYPSE

Christ is the real son of God. "But also the antichrist is he who denies

that Jesus Christ is God."37 Elipandus is, therefore, the antichrist. Beams' vocabulary is unabashedly polemical. For example, the word antichristus is used some 83 times; diabolus 115 times; serpens 1 1 times;
draco 26 times; bestia 84 times; hereticus and related words 172
times.38 Beatus seems to become progressively more polemical and
insulting so that by the end of the second book we find him entering
into a lengthy discussion concerning the testicles of the antichrist,
who engenders heretical offspring.39

4. The Final Edition of the Beatus Apocalypse
The third and final edition of Beatus' work clearly reflects turmoil
of the adoptionist controversy. The lectio diuina—a pious commentary for monks—is now transformed into a polemical work echoing

the content and spirit of Aduersus Elipandum. Beatus changed the
communicative strategy of his commentary without removing any

illustrations or text. Instead, he planned and directed extensive literary
and artistic additions. The theological position oíAduersus Elipandum
provided the rationale for the third edition.

4.1 Literary Changes
First, there are several literary changes which Beatus makes to keep
his work current. For example, the date of the present era has been

changed to 786.40 Indeed, this date identifies the third edition of the

work. The third edition of Beatus' Apocalypse Commentary is dedicated to Etherius.41 Sanders surmises that after they had collaborated
on Aduersus Elipandum, Etherius may very well have asked Beatus
for a copy of the Apocalypse Commentary which was quoted about
twenty-four times in that polemical work.42 It would have been quite
natural to simply insert his name in the dedication.
"Adversus Elipandum 2.8, ed. Löfstedt, CCCM 59: 109204-5:Serf etilleAntichristus
est, qui negat Deum esse Ihesum Christum (my translation).
MThese statistics are from Instrumenta lexicológica latina, Vol. 19 (Turnhout,
1984).
»See Aduersus Elipandum 2.95-98, ed. Löfstedt, CCCM 59: 162.2298-163.2358.
40See Commentarius 4, ed. Romero-Pose 1: 608.16-17.
41See Commentarius summa dicendorum, ed. Romero-Pose 1: 5.1-3.
42See Sanders, op. cit., p. xviii.

BY KENNETH B STEINHAUSER

201

Second, we find a preoccupation with the devil and the antichrist,
who were mentioned in the original edition but become more important in the final edition. A typical example of a reference to the

antichrist in the first edition is the word antichristus itself identifying
"the lawless one" in a quotation from 2 Thess. 2:8; in this way Beatus

uses Paul to explain the meaning of Rev. 7.1—3, which is being treated
in this section.43 In the final edition references to the antichrist appear
to be more concrete, perhaps alluding to a specific historical character.
For example, in one section Beatus introduces a lengthy quotation
from Augustine's De ciuitate Dei with his own words, which are partially cited below:
After the gospel of Christ spread throughout the whole world, that false
and deceptive, and indeed spiritual, persecution remains within the
church. Nevertheless, hereafter the learned would understand it and all

the impious would not, because the devil changes himself into the cult
of religion with such subtlety that he can more easily deceive. Thus, he
mixes the true thing with the false under the name of Christianity and
the devil stirs his preachers more to conjecturing than to believing.44

This is a thinly veiled allusion to Elipandus, who in Beatus' view now

preaches heresy rather than faith under the guise of Christianity. In

addition, there is also a whole chapter entitled De antichristo taken
from De ciuitate Dei.4*1

Third, appended to the manuscript we find a relatively complete
copy of Jerome's commentary on Daniel, which is the lengthiest and
most significant addition to the book. Jerome's Daniel Commentary
has been organized into eight visions without division into books; this
organization departs from earlier manuscripts of the work.46 Jerome

was responding to Porphyry's Contra christianos, which is no longer

extant. Porphyry insisted that Daniel's prophecies refer to the historical figure Antiochus, while Jerome interpreted them as referring to
the future antichrist coming at the end of the world. The fourth book

"'See Commentarius 4, ed. Romero-Pose Ii 598.1, and Carl Otto Nordström, "Text
and Myth in some Beatus Miniatures: Part II," Cahiers archéologiques, 26 (1977), 126.
44Beatus, Commentarius 2, ed. Romero-Pose 1: 308.7— 14: Postquam totum orbem
peragrauit euangelium Christi, spiritalis quidem in ecclesia est persecutio ista falsa
atque deceptuosa, Ut tarnen porro docti intellegant earn, nee intellegant omnes impii:
quia tali subtilitate se diabolus in cultum mutat religionis, et, quo facilius possit

decipere, sub nomine christianitatis uera miscet falsis, ut magis opinando quam
credendo suos suscitet praedicatores (my translation).
4,See Commentarius 6, ed. Romero-Pose 2: 176.12-180.19.
46SeC F. Glorie, Corpus Christianorum 75A (Turnhout, 1964), pp. 751-754.

202

NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEATUS APOCALYPSE

of Daniel's commentary, which had an independent circulation as De
antichristo in Danielem, is also present in Beatus' copy of the commentary.47 Beatus himself merely adopted Jerome's exposition intact
and appended it to the book without making his own compilation as
he had done when writing his Apocalypse Commentary.48 Why did
Beatus simply include Jerome's commentary with no comments of his

own? There are several possible answers to the question. He may have

been perfectly satisfied with Jerome's commentary on Daniel and saw
no need for revision. However, even if he had wished to revise Jerome's
commentary, time was probably an important factor as well. Beatus
was responding to a crisis and delay would have made his response
less effective.

Fourth, some manuscripts have De adfinitatibus et gradibus in-

serted between the Apocalypse Commentary and Daniel Commentary.
The excerpt from Isidore's Etymologiarum libri obviously made its
way into the commentary because of its brief treatment of the word
adoption

4.2 Artistic Changes
First, several artistic changes emphasize the authority of the revised
commentary. For example, Beatus provided four full-page miniatures

of the four evangelists indicating that the book of Revelation has a

status equal to that of the gospels. Beatus also includes portraits of
the patristic authors whom he used as sources amassing the full weight
of ecclesiastical tradition behind his cause. In the Gerona Codex eight
fathers are named, and they appear on the top third of a full page
miniature of an alpha which introduces the text of the commentary.

The alpha immediately before the beginning of the text and the omega
as a colophon at the end is a characteristic shared with some Spanish
Bibles, for example León, Colegiata de San Isidoro, Cod. 2, fol. 514.
This also emphasizes the authority of the book. The only Beatus manuscript which contains the alpha and the omega but does not contain

the Daniel Commentary is Burgo de Osma, Archivo de la Catedral,

«See ibid., pp. 757-759.
48See Carl Otto Nordström, "Text and Myth in some Beatus Miniatures: Part I," Cahiers

archéologiques, 25 (1976), 24.

49See Isidore, Isidori Hispalensis episcopi Etymologiarum siue originum libri XX
9.5.16, ed. W. M. Lindsay (Oxford, 1911), not paginated.

BY KENNETH B. STEINHAUSER

203

Cod. 1, which comes from an original which did have the Daniel

Commentary.50

Second, the Christological theme is reinforced. However, one must
proceed with caution. On one hand, the full-page miniature of Jesus
in majesty and the scenes from the life of Christ do not come from
Beatus.51 The Herod miniatures, taken from an illuminated copy of
Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History, as well as the stylistically related
Christian horsemen killing the snake were also added at a later date.52
On the other hand, the illuminated genealogical tables, which begin
with a small miniature of Adam and Eve (Plate 1) and run through
the entire Old Testament up to the birth of Christ, do come from
Beatus, who modeled them on either Eusebius or some Donatist chronicles. In some manuscripts, for example, Biblioteca del Monasterio, &
II. 5, fol. 18, the miniature of Adam and Eve in the garden has been
expanded into a full page. The text of the genealogy refers to Mary
in the following way. "Mary from whom Jesus Christ the son of God
was born according to the flesh in Bethlehem of Judea."53 Beatus
echoes the anti-adoptionistic sentiment found in Aduersus Elipandum. Jesus is called "son of God" rather than the more common
biblical designation "son of David, son of Abraham" (Matt. 1:1). In
addition, the text also mentions that Jesus was born "according to the
flesh." The arrangement of text and illumination within the genealogical table constitutes a summary of salvation history which begins
with the fall of the human race and culminates in the advent of Christ,

the son of God. Furthermore, a programmatic unity is indicated by
the fact that every manuscript, which contains or once contained the
evangelist portraits, also contains the genealogical tables.54
Third, a cycle of miniatures illustrates Jerome's Daniel Commentary,
which deals with the reign of the antichrist. Beatus also directed this
pictorial program. By comparison to the Codex Legionensis and the
Ashburnham Pentateuch, Neuss has demonstrated that the Daniel cycle
of illustrations contained in the Beatus Apocalypse derives from a
Hellenistic model which was subsequently reworked by a Mozarabic
artist.55 The illuminations are based upon an illustrated Bible or at
,0See Nordstrom, op. cit., "Part I," p. 26; see also Neuss, op. cit., p. 237.
"See Neuss, op. cit., pp. 237-238.

"See Nordstrom, op. cit., "Part I," pp. 22-24.

53NeUSS, op. cit., p. 125: Maria de qua ihs xps deifilius in bethleem iude secundum
carnem natus est (my translation). Neuss provides the text of all inscriptions within
the miniatures. Thus, this text from the genealogy is present in no critical edition.
¦"¦See Neuss, op. cit., p. 119.
"See ibid., pp. 244-246.

204

NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEAlXS APOCALYPSE

least an illustrated Book of Daniel. A selection of these illustrations

was then adapted to the text of Jerome's Daniel Commentary and
placed in the Beatus Apocalypse. This is more difficult to prove than
in the case of the Apocalypse Commentary because that text was
written by Beatus himself and we needed only to find his explicit
references to pictures to demonstrate that he had some hand in il-

lustrating the commentary. Here the text is not his but Jerome's.

However, some evidence indicating the presence of Beatus may be
uncovered. The grieving Jeremiah, who is pictured in the illumination
of Jerusalem under siege, is not mentioned in the Book of Daniel but
is mentioned in Jerome's Commentary.56 This would prove that, even
though the illustrations of the Daniel Commentary may have been

dependent upon an illustrated Bible, the text did influence the illumination at this point. Thus, one may legitimately conclude that the
cycle of Daniel illuminations had been integrated into the overall

program of the book.
Beatus united the Daniel Commentary with the Apocalypse Com-

mentary through a series of visual contrasts. For example, the historical
Babylon is contrasted with the historical Jerusalem. The above men-

tioned miniature ofJerusalem under siege with the lamenting Jeremiah
in Jerome's Daniel Commentary parallels the miniature of the burning
of Babylon with the lamenting kings and merchants in the Apocalypse
Commentary. Babylon is contrasted with Jerusalem again in a theological context. The Daniel Commentary is introduced with a minia-

ture of Babylon surrounded by the serpent (Plate 5). This stands in
contrast with the miniature of the heavenly Jerusalem (Plate 3) and

the reigning Jesus57 (Plate 4) toward the end of the Apocalypse Com-

mentary. In Aduersus Elipandum the title of the second book reads
as follows: De Christo et eins corpore, quod est eclesia, et de diabulo
et eins corpore, quod est Antichristus.™ The contrast is the same in

both works. The serpent or devil surrounding Babylon represents the
antichrist while Jerusalem represents the Church, the body of Christ.
Within the codices the miniatures ofJerusalem and Babylon stand in
close physical proximity to one another with only the closing mini-

,6See Jerome, Commentariorum in Danielem libri III (IV) 1.1.1, ed. Glorie, CCL
75A: 776.4.

"The folio of the reigning Jesus is present in the Morgan Beatus but absent from the
Gerona Codex, from which it was obviously removed at a later date. The Gerona Codex
shows signs of having been rebound. For example, when Romero-Pose, op. cit., p. 392,
states that a section of Book 1 2 is missing from the Gerona Codex, the missing material

may be found within Jerome's Daniel Commentary in fols. 239—241".
''"Aduersus Elipandum 2. inscriptio, ed. Löfstedt, CCCM 59: 104.1-2.

BY KENNETH B. STEINHAUSER

Plate 3. New York, Pierpont Morgan Library Ms. 644, fol. 222".
Heavenly Jerusalem

205

206

NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEATUS APOCALYPSE

Plate 4. New York, Pierpont Morgan Library Ms. 644, fol. 223Christ Enthroned at River

208

NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEATUS APOCALYPSE

ature of the Apocalypse Commentary, namely, the sending of John,
intervening.
Two rivers present another contrast. Adjoining the heavenly Jeru-

salem the reigning Jesus sits enthroned at the river of life (Plate 4).

In the last miniature of the book (with the exception of the omega
which is actually a colophon), Daniel stands at the Tigris (Plate 6)
asking the angel: "How long shall it be to the end of these appalling

things?" (Dan. 12:6) Various rivers are also compared to one another
in Aduersus Elipandum-.

Behold one Christ and field of writings, nevertheless divided into two
parts: One part correctly believes in Christ, as he says: 'rivers of living
waters flow from his side' (John 7:38); and since this part will have
possessed Christ, it will also possess the law and the gospel. Another part,
which will not have possessed Christ, will not enable water to flow from
him and will be unable to navigate in those rivers, which the Holy Spirit
will not have designated. But without a doubt that water was named

depraved knowledge by Solomon through the woman [Folly], whose type

upholds heresies and flatters with cunning persuasion, saying: 'Stolen
waters are sweeter' (Prov. 9:17).59

Since water is traditionally a positive Christian image—for example,

the waters of the Red Sea, the flood and the covenant with Noah, the

waters of baptism, water flowing from the side of Christ crucified—
this contrast of good and evil waters appears to be a characteristic
peculiar to Beatus.
In the absence of Beatus' own verbal comments on the Book of

Daniel, a comparison of the illuminations of the Daniel Commentary
to the text of Aduersus Elipandum clearly reveals not only the concerns and preoccupations of Beatus but also his method of procedure
and mode of expression. In other words, Beatus' choice of illuminations from an illustrated Bible and their placement within the text of
Jerome's Daniel Commentary constitute Beatus' interpretation of Daniel. In her comments on the Morgan Beatus, Mentré has an intriguing
explanation regarding the iconographical differences between the two
^Aduersus Elipandum 1.14, ed. Löfstedt, CCCM 59: 10.366-375: Ecce campum
scribturarum et unum Christum, et tarnen inter utrasque partes diuisum: Pars, quae
recte credit in Christo, sicut ipse ait: "flumina de uentre eius fluent aquae uiuae;" et
qum habuerit Christum, tunc habebit legem et euangelium. Etpars, quae non habuerit
Christum, non poterit illa aqua ex eo fluere et ea in flumina non ualebit diriuare,
quae Spiritus sanctus non dictaberit; sed procul dubio illa aqua, quae apud Salomonen praua scientia nuncupaturper mulierem, qui tipum hereseos tenet et callidis
suasionibus blanditur, dicens: "Aquae furtiuae dulciores sunt" (my translation).

BY KENNETH B. STEINHAUSER

Plate 6. Gerona, Museo Diocesano Ms. 7, fol. 270v.
The Seventy Weeks: Daniel at the Tigris

209

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NARRATIVE AND ILLUMINATION IN THE BEAlTJS APOCALYPSE

commentaries. Perhaps these differences were intentional corresponding to the different types of visions found in the Old and the New
Testaments with the visions of Daniel being less multidimensional than

those of Revelation.60 In any event, Beatus is convinced that, in spite
of trials and tribulations, God's apocalyptic intervention in history will
soon save Jerusalem, the Church, from Babylon, the Moslem occu-

pation.
5. Conclusion: Narrative and Illumination

In 776 Beatus had written an Apocalypse Commentary whose com-

municative program was directed to the spiritual development of a
monastic community. The lectio diuina was designed to enable the
monk to contemplate the book of Revelation, which was systematically
presented according to the exegetical method of Beatus in three stages:
storia, pictura, and explanatio. Text and illumination functioned together to achieve the goal of the book, which was to lead its reader
to the mystical vision of God.
Ten years later the commentary was expanded not simply for the
purpose of including more material but in order to totally transform
its communicative program. The three stages of story, picture, and
explanation, though not deleted, are overshadowed by a new preoccupation. The literary additions in the third edition refer to either the
antichrist or adoptionism or historical persons involved in the adoptionist controversy. Illuminated scenes of salvation history within the

genealogical tables emphasize the divinity of Christ and anchor the

work in time. Miniatures of evangelists and Fathers of the Church as
well as the alpha and omega usually reserved for the Bible give the
work authority. Finally, the illuminated Daniel Commentary stresses
apocalyptic expectation and warns of impending crisis.
The book, whose illuminations originally began with an illustration

ofJohn receiving his commission (Plate 2) and ended with John being

sent to the seven churches, assumes epic proportions. The Beatus
Apocalypse now begins with a miniature of Adam and Eve, signifying
the fall of the human race (Plate 1 ), and ends with Daniel standing at
the Tigris (Plate 6) seeking the divine vindication which will come
only at the end of the world.
'See Mentré, op. cit., p. 146.

THE REVEREND CHARLES COUGHLIN AND THE

CHURCH: THE GALLAGHER YEARS, 1930-1937
BY

Earl Boyea*

"He cannot control himself in the excitement of oratory; much less
can anybody else control him." So noted Bishop Michael Gallagher of
Detroit about one of his priests, the Reverend Charles Coughlin.1 Yet,
if his own bishop, who supported Coughlin, admitted such limits, how
could anyone else in the Church hope to contain the man or his
rhetoric?

Much has been written about this Detroit cleric.2 Coughlin's talks
and articles have been published, described, and analyzed. His use of
the medium which earned him the sobriquet, "The Radio Priest," and
his effect on popular culture have also been examined. Others have
studied his political involvement, his relationship with unions, his antiSemitism, and his isolationism. Still others have presented his social
and economic theories. Nearly all of these works have been based on
printed materials in the public forum. If in addition to the views
expressed in these many documents Coughlin had other more private
views, only these latter are a part of his story not yet told. In the
•Father Boyea is the academic dean and a professor of church history in Sacred Heart
Major Seminary, Detroit, Michigan.
'Charles Edward Coughlin was born in Hamilton, Ontario, on October 25, 1891. He
was ordained in Toronto in 1916 and incardinated into die Diocese of Detroit on

February 26, 1923. In 1926 he was assigned to Royal Oak, Michigan, to establish the
parish of Saint Theresa of the Little Flower. He began his broadcasting the same year.
He died on October 27, 1979, in Birmingham, Michigan.
2The best summary of Coughlin's life is contained in Leslie Woodcock Tender, Seasons of Grace: A History of the Catholic Archdiocese of Detroit (Detroit, 1990); also
see Sheldon Marcus, Father Coughlin: The Tumultuous Life of the Priest of the Little

Flower (Boston, 1973); Charles J. TuIl, Father Coughlin and the New Deal (Syracuse,
1965); Alan Brinkley, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great
Depression (New York, 1982); James P. Shenton, "The Coughlin Movement and the
New Deal," Political Science Quarterly, 73 (September, 1958), 352-373; and James

P. Shenton, "Fascism and Fadier Coughlin," Wisconsin Magazine ofHistory, 44 (Autumn, I960), 6-11.

211

212 THE REVEREND CHARLES COUGHLIN AND THE CHURCH: THE GALLAGHER YEARS, 1930-1937

context of a general history of the Archdiocese of Detroit, Leslie Woodcock Tender has presented a thorough but necessarily brief account
of Coughlin using the Archives of the Archdiocese of Detroit. In this
work the few papers of Bishop Michael Gallagher, Coughlin's superior,
are discussed for the first time. That story here will be augmented
with more detail.3 Archival materials will also be used to expose more
clearly the part played by Gallagher's colleagues in the American episcopate as well as by the Vatican and its representative in the United
States, the Apostolic Delegate.
All of the evidence available points to one overriding theme: that
the local ordinary was responsible for handling one of his priests. The
other ecclesiastics involved in this long affair all felt, to one degree
or another, unauthorized to deal with what was so often termed "a
local problem." Canon law provided little guidance on how anyone
could interfere in the relationship between a bishop and his priest.
This was true even when Vatican or American clerics thought that
some intervention would be good for the Church in America.
Indeed there were other factors which caused everyone to be cautious in handling Father Coughlin. First of all, there was no desire
among the bishops to oppose publicly one of their brothers, in this
case Michael Gallagher. Secondly, Coughlin had many followers. Their
rowdiness was well known, and no ordinary wanted to be the cause

of riots or personal assaults on himself in his own diocese. Many feared

that this dissension, as a third reason, could lead to a schism in the
Church if Coughlin were mistreated. He also had followers in the
hierarchy, or at least some of the church leaders, besides Gallagher,
were sympathetic with some of his views, and that was a fourth reason
why corporately the American churchmen could not address the
situation.

Charles Coughlin had the clear backing of his own ordinary. There
remains no question about that.4 Leslie Tender shows that the two
ecclesiastics shared many views: on money, on isolationism, on Britain,
»The collection of papers from the administration of Bishop Michael Gallagher is
very sparse. This is even truer of those items dealing with Father Coughlin. The reasons
for this are unknown, but it appears reasonable that Bishop Gallagher himself or his
secretary, after the bishop's death in 1937, ordered the papers purged. Whatever the
source of the action, the results force the historian to rely on the testimony of others
who knew either Gallagher or Coughlin or both. These other witnesses provide the
basis of this article.

4See TuIl, op. cit., p. 19.

BY EARL BOYEA

213

and on a bankers' conspiracy in the economy which caused the
Depression:
Both were impulsive and stubborn and extremely sensitive to criticism,
and both were resentful of the ambiguous social position assigned even
to affluent Catholics in a country where the social elite had historically
been Protestant. . . . And both were inclined to an almost paranoid view
of history and politics, an inclination that was nurtured, if not born, in a
passionate commitment to Irish nationalism. . . .
[Gallagher] had been a vocal opponent of American entry into the First
World War, urging Americans as late as March 1917 to petition Congress
against intervention. . . . Gallagher remained an isolationist for the rest of
his life, always ready to see, in any argument in favor of an international
role for the United States, a nefarious British hand. . . .
Gallagher and Coughlin shared as well a distinctive perspective on
domestic politics. Both thought mainly in terms of conspiracy: politics
was simply the manifestation of an eternal struggle between an unscrupulous monied elite and the mass of humanity
Gallagher was in sympathy with the rage that moved the man [Coughlin]. He could never see
Coughlin's critics as anything but agents—unwitting, in some cases—of
the shadowy powers that oppressed small nations and condemned the
working man to want in the midst of plenty.5

The closeness in ideas and personalities was such that Tentler concludes that "as early as 1930 [Gallagher] found an outlet for his political
anxieties in Father Charles Coughlin."6 Gallagher was quite willing to
allow this priest free rein because he mirrored his own mind.
When the papal representative to the American bishops, the Ap-

ostolic Delegate, Archbishop Pietro Fumasoni-Biondi, attempted to

curb the priest's growing radicalism, he could not do so through the
priest's superior, a man too identified with the one he was to correct.7
In fact, the first extant correspondence on the matter had to do with
Gallagher's own outspokenness. In mid- 1930 the delegate wrote to
Gallagher's friend and metropolitan, Archbishop John Timothy McNicholas of Cincinnati, knowing "how laudably zealous and prudent"
the latter was "to maintain a good spirit among [his] suffragans." Fumasoni-Biondi felt particularly disqualified from even addressing this
political issue—the Detroit prelate's attacks on President Hoover—
'Tender, op. cit., pp. 320-322.

Hbid., p. 315. In November, 1936, after Coughlin's defeat at the polls, Gallagher
wrote Coughlin: "I consider you a national institution, invaluable to the safeguarding
of genuine Americanism and true Christianity. And I hope you will live long to carry
out this sublime vocation" (ibid., p. 319).
7See ibid., pp. 323-325, where some of the following is discussed.

214 TlIK REVEREND CHARLES COUGHLlN AND THE CHURCH: THE GALLAGHER YEARS, 1930-1937

since he was not an American citizen. McNicholas was to speak to the

bishop "to prevent further interference in political matters."8

Seemingly Gallagher responded by himself remaining silent but by
fully allowing his priest to carry the attack on the president to the

public. After seeing his Columbia Broadcasting System contract terminated in April, 1931, Coughlin began his own network. That October
he voiced his objections to President Hoover and international bankers. He noted that while the president was willing to help out the

bankers, who were foreclosing on farmers, he was unwilling to find

any assistance for the hungry. Coughlin also offered the solution of
monetary inflation to bring relief to the many debtors in the country.
By April of 1932 he was alienating not only politicians but even some

churchmen as well. This brought another call from the delegate. Fumasoni-Biondi directly ordered Gallagher to make sure that Coughlin
made no further discourses "of a political character." He particularly
objected to the priest's use of a church building for "arousing political

partisanship" and for encouraging citizens to vote in a particular way.9
Needless to say, such a reprimand would only have effect if Gallagher
would restrain Coughlin.

Others also objected to Coughlin's activities. The first of the bishops
to speak out was Cardinal William O'Connell of Boston in the spring

of 1932. Though there was need of Catholic voices demonstrating
that Coughlin was not the spokesman for Catholicism, McNicholas

viewed this as interference in the arena of "episcopal [i.e., Gallagher's]
supervision." McNicholas felt that even though Coughlin's voice could

be heard across diocesan boundaries, he still needed but the approval
of his own ordinary to continue. He claimed that O'Connell, by reach-

ing beyond his own diocese with an attack on the Detroit priest, was

doing the very thing which he accused Coughlin of doing. McNicholas
concluded:

Good, however, may come of it. I confess I have always been fearful of
Father Coughlin. I have spoken to Bishop Gallagher about him. I am
convinced that he is not grounded in the fundamentals. I think he has
not the sense of the Church and of the priesthood. I feel that he is not

armed as a theologian and as a philosopher, and my constant anxiety has
"Archives of the Archdiocese of Cincinnati, McNicholas Administration (AACi), Apostolic Delegate, Fumasoni-Biondi to McNicholas, June 30, 1930, Washington, D.C., a
copy.

'Archives of the Archdiocese of Detroit (AAD), Gallagher Administration (GA), Box
3, File 9, Fumasoni-Biondi to Gallagher, October 1, 1932, Washington, D.C.

BY EARL BOYEA

215

been that he would get the Church in trouble. I never saw, however, that
we could do anything, as his own Bishop was in favor of him.10

McNicholas here expressed the frustration that any other ecclesiastic

would have felt in these circumstances.

One of Bishop Gallagher's closest friends was a fellow suffragan,
Bishop Joseph Schrembs of Cleveland. He too had mixed feelings about
Coughlin. He wrote to Archbishop McNicholas on March 30, 1933,
alarmed at the impression given by Coughlin that President Franklin
Roosevelt was being tutored by Catholics, particularly himself. This,
Schrembs warned, could do damage to the Church once the ire of
non-Catholics would be aroused and Roosevelt would deny the connection, as he surely would.11 Yet, later that year, when responding
to a concerned Catholic about Coughlin's speaking for the Church,
Schrembs's secretary showed his protection of his brother bishop:
Father [Coughlin] has the approval of his own Bishop and is exercising

his right as an American citizen. He speaks as an American citizen, but
undoubtedly speaks from a priest's viewpoint and must be defending
solemn principles or his own Ordinary would be conscientiously obliged
to silence him.12

Roosevelt was concerned about Coughlin and expressed this to
Father John Burke, the General Secretary of the National Catholic
Welfare Conference (NCWC), in 1934.13 The president was especially
10AACi, Bishops, [McNicholas] to Noll, April 21, 1932, [Norwood], a copy; see TuIl,
op. cit., p. 19, and Gerald P. Fogarty, The Vatican and the American Hierarchy from
1870 to 1965 (Stuttgart, 1982; reprinted Wilmington, Delaware, 1985), p. 239.

"Archives of the Diocese of Cleveland, Joseph Schrembs Papers II (ADC), [Schrembs]
to McNicholas, March 30, 1933, [Cleveland], a copy.
12ADC, Secretary to Mr. Leon Lehman, November 24, 1933, [Cleveland], a copy.

Schrembs maintained that he was a friend of Coughlin's, having dedicated his church
of the Shrine of the Little Flower in Royal Oak; he noted this friendship in many letters
to Coughlin's followers; cf. [Schrembs] to J. S. Jacubec, November 10, 1936, [Cleveland],
a copy.

"The NCWC was the conference of American Catholic bishops which met annually,
usually in Washington, DC, and which had a standing secretariat, headed by a General
Secretary. For the history of this organization see James M. McShane, "Sufficiently
Radical": Catholicism, Progressivism, and the Bishops' Program of 1919 (Washington,
D.C., 1986); Elizabeth McKeown, "Apologia for an American Catholicism: The Petition
and Report of the National Catholic Welfare Council to Pius XI, April 25, 1922," Church

History, 43 (December, 1974), 514-528; eadem, "The National Bishops' Conference:
An Analysis of Its Origins," Catholic Historical Review, 66 (October, 1980), 565—583;
and eadem, "War and Welfare, A Study of American Catholic Leadership, 1917-1922"
(Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1972); John B. Sheerin, Never Look Back:
The Career and Concerns ofJohnJ. Burke (New York, 1975 ); Earl Boyea, "The National

216 THE REVEREND CHARLES COUGHUN AIVD THE CHURCH: THE GALLAGHER YEARS, 1930-1937

bothered by Coughlin's suggestion of raising the price of silver to
inflate the nation's money. He told Burke that the Treasury Department
had discovered that Coughlin himself was speculating in silver. Roosevelt was obviously offering this information as a warning to the man
who was "stirring up religious intolerance and hatred" by his attacks
on Jews, particularly his mentioning some by name.14 There was, of
course, little that the secretary could do with this information save
relay it to the apostolic delegate.15 It was something best handled
through the proper channels, that is, by way of Coughlin's superior.
It was, however, this superior who allowed Coughlin his tremendous
freedom. In a broadcast of December 9, 1934, the Radio Priest attacked
Cardinal O'Connell's challenges of his teachings:
Every word that I have written had received the imprimatur of my right
Rev. Bishop. When this is taken into consideration William Cardinal
O'Connell practically accuses a brother Bishop, who for years has been
famed in Michigan for his defense of the poor and for his opposition to
the type of pampered evils which have been so rampant in the textile
industries of New England.16

In early January, 1935, Archbishop Amleto Cicognani, the new Apostolic Delegate, directed McNicholas to ask Gallagher to curb Coughlin's name-calling, which had continued in his broadcasts. The
Cincinnati archbishop informed his "brother and friend" in Detroit
that many prelates were discussing Coughlin and wondering whether
the issue of clerical use of the airwaves was not a topic to be sent to
Rome for settlement since broadcasts crossed diocesan boundaries.

McNicholas knew how Gallagher's "great heart" went "out to the poor"
and was aware that many in the hierarchy sympathized with the radio
priest's denunciations of injustice. Many, however, could not accept
his criticism of specific individuals nor the impression that he left that
he had "a special mandate to interpret the Papal Encyclicals." Delicately presenting the problem, McNicholas felt the issue should be
settled locally and not by Rome.17
Catholic Welfare Conference: An Experience in Episcopal Leadership, 1935-1945"

(Ph.D. dissertation, The Catholic University of America, 1987); Douglas Slawson,/O«ndation and First Decade of the National Catholic Welfare Conference (Washington,
D.C., 1992).
'!Archives of the National Catholic Welfare Conference, General Secretary Files

(ANCWC), Private Files, Roosevelt, Memorandum of Burke, April 30, 1934.
"ANCWC, Church, Clergy, Coughlin, Burke to Cicognani, [April 30, 1934], (Washington, DC], a copy.
16TuIl, op. cit., p. 71.

17AACi, Bishops, [McNicholas] to Gallagher, January 22, 1935, [Norwood], a copy.

BY EARL BOYEA

217

This had little effect on Coughlin's behavior. In January, 1935, he
launched a massive attack on Roosevelt's attempt to have the United
States join the World Court, and the next month mused about Communist and capitalist controls being exerted on the president. In March
he openly attacked the president's financial plans. McNicholas was
asked to write yet another letter to his Detroit suffragan. The ordinary
of Cincinnati reported in April to Cicognani that he did not expect a
response from Gallagher:
I spoke to His Excellency, Bishop Gallagher, two or three times about
Father Coughlin, but one often fails—at least, I do—to put sufficient
emphasis on a difficulty when treating with him. The Bishop is so exceptionally keen in his judgments, and is marvelously clever in turning a thing
into a joke. He is indeed good-hearted beyond any doubt, and he loves
the Church, but his criteria judicandi are not those of a Bishop having
a fine, balanced judgment.18

The next day McNicholas sent his message to his suffragan in Detroit.

He recommended, to avoid the issue being sent to Rome, that Gal-

lagher publicly announce that Coughlin spoke for himself alone and

not for the Church in the United States. McNicholas was certain that

if the question of authorizing clerical radio broadcasts were answered
by Vatican authorities, it would not be in Gallagher's favor. Rome, he
claimed, would probably state "that a priest must have not only the
permission of his own Ordinary" but that of all the other ordinaries
into whose dioceses his voice reached or even of the pope himself.
He then included a possible statement for Gallagher's use.19
On Easter Sunday Gallagher made the communication suggested by
his metropolitan, but, as he put it to McNicholas, "with full explanation

to prevent the misunderstanding that such pronouncement [meant]

repudiation of the lecturer" by himself.20 McNicholas later thanked
Gallagher for his "love of the poor," for his "fearlessness," and for his
"knowledge," but felt that his claim that the spoken word should, like
the written word, require only the approval of a priest's immediate
superior would "not be the solution." He added, by way of warning,
that other priests might soon take to the radio and broadcast contradictory messages, thus creating confusion in the Catholic community.
He was, nonetheless, grateful for Gallagher's distancing himself from
18AACi, Apostolic Delegate, [McNicholas] to Cicognani, April 13, 1935, [Norwood],
a copy.

19AACi, Bishops, [McNicholas] to Gallagher, April 14, 1935, [Norwood], with enclosure, a copy.

20IbId., Telegram of Gallagher to McNicholas, April 21, 1935, Detroit.

218 THE REVEREND CHARLES COUGHLIN AND THE CHURCH: THE GALLAGHER YEARS, 1930-1937

Coughlin by clearly stating that granting a priest permission to speak
did not mean agreement with what he had to say.21
The Coughlin issue appeared on the agenda for the November, 1935,
annual meeting of the NCWC. The American hierarchy met while
Coughlin was distancing himself even more from Roosevelt. The minutes, however, recorded nothing of any debate, let alone even the
mention of Coughlin's name. Gallagher was in attendance and perhaps
that led to a reticence on the part of some to raise the question.
McNicholas, writing a year later to the Apostolic Delegation, indicated
that the hierarchy simply "refused to discuss the matter." He labeled
his colleagues' behavior irresponsible by forcing Rome or the Delegation to take the dangerous risk of silencing the priest.22 The Delegate,
however, was to toss the matter back into the bishops' court.

While in Washington for the NCWC Administrative Board meeting
in February, 1936, McNicholas chanced to speak with the delegate.

Cicognani was by this time aware that no amount of pressure on
Gallagher either from himself or from McNicholas would be of any
avail in the taming of Father Coughlin. The priest was rapidly moving
toward the support of a third party in that year's presidential elections,
and his broadcasts were continuing to create the impression that he
spoke for the Church. Cicognani sought a statement from the board,
not condemning the priest, but rather distancing the hierarchy from
him. Since McNicholas, unfortunately, had had no time to discuss the
matter with Archbishop Edward Mooney of Rochester, the chairman
of the Administrative Board, he did not raise it during the board
meeting. Instead he sent a suggested text to the chairman, one that
recognized Coughlin's "liberty of opinion" and freedom to express it,
but also one that clearly indicated that the priest was "not speaking
for the Catholic Church in the United States." He added that he hoped
the American episcopate could handle Coughlin, as he feared the
repercussions of a Roman censure of the priest.
Mooney was warned, however, of the dangers of making any negative remarks about Coughlin. McNicholas wrote that if he were to
speak out in Cincinnati, then "half the people, at least, of [his] See city
would take sides against their Bishop." The board members would be
labeled "plutocrats" by Americans in general and would have "millions
of Catholics" in opposition were they to take a similar stand as a body
2lIbid., [McNicholas] to Gallagher, April 26, 1935, [Norwood], a copy.
22AACi, Apostolic Delegate, [McNicholas] to Monsignor Egidio Vagnozzi (Auditor of
the Apostolic Delegation), August 14, 1936, [Norwood], a copy.

BY EARL BOYEA

219

against the radio priest. Nonetheless, claimed McNicholas, he would
have been ready to propose just such a declaration by the board had
he had time to speak with Mooney about it beforehand.23
Mooney was aware of the delicacy of the delegate's and McNicholas'
suggestion. He informed his colleague in Cincinnati that any statement
that could be made would be so mild as to make it practically worth-

less. Mooney then reminded McNicholas of the standing problem up

to that point, that only two authorities could "step into this affair, his
own Bishop and the Holy See." After pointing out that the pope, rightly,
did not wish to interfere, he described the limits of the NCWC:

If supreme authority wishes to exercise some indirect control, could that
not better be done by bringing pressure to bear on the Ordinary than
through the medium of a necessarily vague statement of a group whose
competence is not clear enough to defy a challenge—perhaps on the part
of the proper Ordinary who is something of a challenger? I very much
fear that any statement which stops short of condemnation—and it must
do that—will almost inevitably be taken as some sort of approbation.

The chairman was, however, willing to try to fulfill Cicognani's request

and asked McNicholas to draft an announcement for circulation to a
few of the other board members.24

McNicholas was very much in the middle of this controversy. While

attending the February meeting he had received a telegram from Gal-

lagher inquiring about the board's activities and whether it was discussing Coughlin. Since the archbishop had not brought up the topic
requested by Cicognani, he could honestly inform his suffragan: "[T]he
indivisual ofwhose liberty of speech and action you are such a staunch

defender, [was] not so much as mentioned at our meeting." He made
no reference to Cicognani's request nor to his own personal misgivings
about Coughlin's talks and activities.25

Conditions became rapidly worse that summer as Coughlin, at his
large campaign rallies, attacked Roosevelt. OnJuIy 16, Coughlin called
him a "liar" at a rally in Cleveland. As if anticipating such behavior,

Bishop Schrembs wrote that morning, "I am afraid that it is such
2,AACi, Bishops, [McNicholas] to Mooney, February 28, 1936, [Norwood], with en-

closure, a copy; see Fogarty, op. cit., pp. 244-245.
24AACi, Bishops, Mooney to McNicholas, March 5, 1936, Rochester; see Tentler, op.
cit., pp. 326-327.

25AACi, Bishops, [McNicholas] to Gallagher, March 5, 1936, [Norwood], a copy.

220 THE REVEREND CHARLES COUGHLIN AND THE CHURCH: THE GALLAGHER YEARS, 1930-1937

performances as these that are doing harm to Bishop Gallagher."26
Gallagher did chide his priest into apologizing to the president, though
he thoroughly supported Coughlin's ideas.27
Gallagher was worried about Coughlin not due to any disagreement
but rather due to conflicts with his own superiors. He tried to arrange
a meeting with the apostolic delegate on June 1 5 but was unsuccessful.
He also flew to Cincinnati in early July at McNicholas' request to
discuss the priest. McNicholas was convinced that Gallagher understood the dangers to the country due to Coughlin's activities. Gallagher
assured his metropolitan that Coughlin was a good priest, careful about
his religious duties. McNicholas later related to Cicognani a common
fear, that Coughlin would cause a schism in the Church:
I do know that Bishop Gallagher has always been solicitous to so deal
with Father Coughlin as to keep him a true priest, ever ready to obey the
Church. Bishop Gallagher remembers well the McGlynn case of New York.
Some time ago I personally heard Cardinal Hayes say something to the
following effect, when speaking about Father Coughlin, to about twenty
of us Bishops—that we who have gone through the McGlynn case know
that today hundreds of souls are dying outside the Church because of
McGlynn. And yet the McGlynn case would be but as a drop of water to
the bucket in comparison with Father Coughlin's, if the worst should
come to him! His Eminence was stressing this point: In considering Father
Coughlin and all the questions connected with him we must have one
thing in view—the supreme interests of religion.28

Finally, Gallagher and his close friend, Bishop Schrembs, went to Rome

in July, 1936, to defend the Bishop of Detroit and Father Coughlin

"before the Holy Father and the Roman Curia."29 The Detroit prelate
found no support for his handling of his priest.
Some bishops began to speak out more. For example, McNicholas
found the courage to correct some of Coughlin's views. While recognizing his freedom to speak and applauding his support of the poor
26ADC, [Schrembs] to McNicholas, July 16, 1936, [Cleveland], a copy. Schrembs and
Gallagher were preparing to leave for Rome on July 18, and both bishops were aware
of rumors circulating that some reprimand of Gallagher was in store due to his handling
of Coughlin. See also [Schrembs] to Gallagher, July 9, 1936, [Cleveland], a copy: "The
more I think about the matter you spoke to me about, the more I am convinced that
it is just empty gossip by some of your 'friends' just to get you excited."
27Tentler, op. cit., p. 327.

28AACi, Apostolic Delegate, [McNicholas] to Vagnozzi, August 14, 1936, Norwood, a

copy.

29ADC, [Schrembs] to Coughlin, December 5, 1939, [Cleveland], a copy.

BY EARL BOYEA

221

and his opposition to Communism, McNicholas could not countenance
the priest's seeming advocacy of revolution and force against the pres-

ident. That the archbishop was far from condemning other of Cough-

lin's views was indicated in his closing paragraph:

There is no reason to criticize Father Coughlin for condemning the

action of our Government in recognizing anti-God Russia, and in cuddling

Mexico, with its unspeakable anti-God program. It is to be hoped that
every Christian and every one who has die normal judgment offair-minded
men will express likewise his condemnation. There can be no objections
to expressing condemnation of the acts of the Administration in destroying
crops and food and in advocating scarcity when millions were hungry. I
must, however, condemn the statement which seems clearly to say that
Mr. Roosevelt is "anti-God."50

No doubt, McNicholas was so balanced in his criticism because he

was fully aware of Coughlin's strong support in Cincinnati. It was also
true, however, that McNicholas and many other bishops agreed with
Coughlin in many of his stands against Roosevelt.31
Roosevelt was affected by Coughlin's personal attacks. He summoned Father Burke on August 10, 1936, to discuss die matter. Burke's
memorandum records the event:

"Fr. Burke do not worry about Father Coughlin, for I am not worrying. . . .
I don't mind Father Coughlin calling me a liar: but I do mind his reference
to my father and my father's attitude towards me. However, I will say

nothing until November 3rd " [Burke concluded:] It is the more striking
that, while it was a priest who hurt him, he sends for a priest who may
give him some measure of healing.32

Meanwhile, Gallagher was claiming that he had found silence about
Coughlin during his recent visit to Rome and that this signaled Rome's
approval. John Burke wrote Archbishop John Mitty of San Francisco

that, in fact, Pope Pius XI had expressed disappointment to Gallagher

about Coughlin's language. Burke added tihat the Vatican did not want
to interfere in the United States or with a person's freedom of speech;
instead the Holy See expected Gallagher, or, if not him, the American
bishops, to act. Yet, Monsignor Egidio Vagnozzi, auditor of the Apostolic Delegation in Washington, informed McNicholas of the lack of
30AACi, Coughlin, Statement of Archbishop McNicholas, [September 26, 1936].

31See AACi, Apostolic Delegate, [McNicholas] to Vagnozzi, August 13, 1936, [Nor-

wood], a copy.

32ANCWC, Private Files, Roosevelt, Memorandum of Burke, August 10, 1936; revised

September 9, 1936.

222 THE REVEREND CHARLES COUGHUN AND THE CHURCH: THE GALLAGHER YEARS, 1930-1937

American episcopal unity on the Coughlin affair; he noted that Rome
would know what to do especially since Archbishop Cicognani was
currently in Rome to give his advice."
In fact, the Vatican was working behind the scenes. Monsignor Joseph Hurley, an American serving in the Vatican Secretariat of State,

made a secret visit to Coughlin during the summer of 1936. He re-

minded Coughlin that he should never forget he was a priest, "that
he should be prudent and that he should say nothing which might
diminish respect for constituted authority."'4 Cicognani informed Gal-

lagher on September 29, 1936, that a recent statement in the Osser-

vatore Romano (September 3, 1936), which denied Gallagher's earlier
claims that Coughlin had the approval of the Holy See, "accurately
[represented] the mind of the Holy See." The Apostolic Delegate
continued:

Nor is it true that "in the absence of criticism" (from the Holy See) "we
assume that everything is satisfactory" as your Excellency has stated in

the Michigan Catholic of September 10th. I trust that this point has been

made sufficiently clear.
. . . The Holy See, while respecting liberty, deplores and always will
deplore any violation of the proprieties with regard to those who represent

the supreme civil authority; and such impropriety is the greater when
coming from a priest. Words that vilify public officials, ungentlemanly

references to them, and intimations of civil violence clearly fall beneath
this condemnation.

As I have said, I am authorized to indicate that the statement of the
"Osservatore Romano" is official.

I must add that certain expressions which the newspapers attribute to

Your Excellency (cf., e.g., the NEW YORK TIMES of September 26) create
a very unfavorable impression not only in the minds of our Catholic
people, but on large groups outside the faith as well. Your Excellency will
reply perhaps, as on other occasions, that quotations are not exact, or

that the reporters send out entirely false accounts of the statements you
give them. If this is the case, Your Excellency might well consider the
advisability of refusing such interviews, and thus avoid endangering your
dignity as a Bishop.35

33AACi, Apostolic Delegate, Vagnozzi to Eccellenza, August 6, 1936, Washington,
D.C., Italian.

34AAD, Mooney Administration Uncatalogued, Box 9, Hurley to Doc [Mooney], October 12, 1937, [Vatican]; and Hurley to Doc, November 3, 1937, [Vatican].
35AAD, GA, Box 3, File 9, [Cicognani] to Gallagher, September 29, 1936, Washington,
D.C., a copy. Cardinal Pacelli, the Papal Secretary of State, visited the United States in
late 1936. It was assumed that he had come to address the Coughlin situation. If he

had come for that purpose, he failed. See Marcus, op. cit., p. 131; also see Sheerin, op.

BY EARL BOYEA

223

This had a quelling effect upon Coughlin's behavior if not upon his
views.

Meanwhile, John Burke, following another Vatican directive, was
trying to solicit public comments from American bishops against
Coughlin. He noted that the Holy See did not want to act publicly as
this would be seen "as interference in American political matters by
Rome" but wanted the bishops to speak out against Coughlin's language even as Gallagher was supposed to be taking action behind the
scenes to discourage Coughlin's behavior.36 Bishop John Peterson of
Manchester explained some of the episcopal reticence to John Burke:
I believe that the Holy See and many of our Bishops feel that the
Coughlin bubble may presently burst; and that meanwhile prudence counsels no action against him which could easily alienate his admirers from
the Church.37

A further sign of the cautiousness of the bishops was Mooney's

reaction, as chairman of the Administrative Board of the NCWC, to a

political speech delivered by Monsignor John A. Ryan on October 8
under the auspices of the Democratic National Committee. Ryan explained that he had done this as a private citizen, not as an agent of
the NCWC, and that he was trying to counter the impression that
Coughlin was speaking for the Catholic Church in America and that
he was interpreting the papal encyclicals correctly. Mooney was furious, since Ryan was employed by the NCWC. He wanted Ryan's
resignation even if this gave the appearance that the bishops had
thereby sided with Coughlin. In fact, upon reflection the bishops of
the Administrative Board decided to let the matter die by not acting
against Ryan.38
Bishop Gallagher, "one of nature's princes" (as McNicholas de-

scribed him), died in January, 1937, and this changed the whole piccit., pp. 217-218; Fogarty, op. cit., pp. 246-248; John Cooney, The American Pope:

The Life and Times of Francis Cardinal Spellman, 1889—1967 (New York, 1984), p.

64; and Robert I. Gannon, The Cardinal Spellman Story (New York, 1962), pp. 134152.

"¦Archives of the Diocese of Toledo, Alter Administration, Burke to Bishop Karl Alter,
September 30, 1936, Washington, D.C.
37ANCWC, Administration, Policy, Politics, Peterson to Burke, October 22, 1936,
Manchester.

38ANCWC, Private Files, Roosevelt, Memorandum of October 11, 1936; Memorandum

of October 12, 1936; [Burke] to Archbishop John Mitty, October 19, 1936, [Washington,
D.C], a copy; ANCWC, Administration, Policy, Politics, Bishop John Peterson to Burke,
October 22, 1936, Manchester.

224 THE REVEREND CHARLES COUGHUN AND THE CHURCH: THE GALLAGHER YEARS, 1930-1937

ture. Bishop Schrembs described the era that was passing. He noted
that the Detroit bishop had not "lost faith in Fattier Coughlin. He still
felt that he had a great mission to perform. He deeply regretted mistakes that had been made but never thought of them in terms of
personal disloyalty."39 Writing to a fellow bishop after the funeral,

McNicholas, in the midst of a glowing tribute to the deceased church-

man, used Gallagher's words about Coughlin to make the same point:
" 'Let us keep in mind the good that he is doing. He cannot control
himself in the excitement of oratory; much less can anybody else
control him.' " McNicholas did record the cost to Gallagher in that

while it would have been natural to have Detroit made an archdiocese,

Rome clearly did not view Gallagher in good grace and thus would

not raise Gallagher's see. He concluded with a prayer for the road
ahead:

We shall never see his [Gallagher's] like again. May his soul rest in peace,
and may the Holy Spirit send a successor to carry on the work of the
Detroit founded by Bishop Gallagher!40

Gallagher's successor was not to be of his mind and sympathy regarding the Detroit priest. "Indeed it was widely assumed that Archbishop Edward Mooney was sent to Detroit in part to solve the
Coughlin problem," as Tentler has put it.41 Mooney realized that
the situation he faced "had been built up by the course of events in

the late years of [his] lovable and overly generous predecessor."42 Yet,
Mooney was ready to take a stand. He set the stage for his work with

his arrival at the railroad station in Detroit on August 2, 1937, when
he agreed with the statement that "The most distressing and alarming

symptom I note in the United States today is the growth of hate."43

He would soon have to counter the expressions of hate from one of
his own priests.
The Vatican, the Apostolic Delegate, Archbishop McNicholas, and
many members of the American hierarchy all wanted to see Father
39ADC, [Schrembs] to Gertrude M. Coogan, February 2, 1937, [Cleveland], a copy.
40AACi, Bishops, [McNicholas] to Cantwell, February 10, 1937, [Norwood], a copy.
Bishop Schrembs commented on Gallagher's death: "The nation has lost an outstanding
citizen; the Church has lost a brilliant scholar and a great Bishop; and I have lost my

best friend," ADC, [Schrembs' Statement on the Death of Bishop Gallagher], January 2 1 ,
1937.

4,Tentler, op. cit., p. 329.

42AAD, Mooney Administration, Coughlin Collection, Box 2, File 4, [Mooney] to
Spellman, March 27, 1942, [Detroit], a copy.
43AAD, Mooney Administration, Box 41, File 3, Address of August 2, 1937.

BY EARL BOYEA

225

Coughlin curbed. Yet, this has been a story of limitations in the exercise
of ecclesiastical authority. First of all, the very constitution of the

Church served as a circumscription to curbing the Radio Priest in any
effective way. To some the Church appears monolithic and easy in its
use of power. Yet, an ordinary, not in sympathy with his superiors'

view of things, could easily deflect or delay their efforts. Episcopal

autonomy is a factor never to be neglected in the study of church
history. Secondly, other bishops would decline to co-operate in any

coercing of a colleague because therein they might see their own
future. Thus, in spite of the developing collegiality among the Amer-

ican bishops in their National Catholic Welfare Conference, the hierarchy would never take a stance which would be viewed as curbing
a brother bishop. Thirdly, the American culture imposed its own limits.
The expectations about freedom of speech and the fears of antiCatholic bigotry were enough to make the Vatican cautious. Rome
summoned Gallagher only as a last resort. There had been the clear
expectation that the bishops of this country would address the errors
of one of its priests. It was only when the bishops abdicated their own
responsibilities that papal authority had to be invoked. Another aspect
of this American culture was its ubiquitous religious pluralism. The

fear that American Catholics would vote with their feet and choose

to rebel against what they might view as unjust episcopal sanctions

was embedded in the American Catholic consciousness. In the face

of these limitations, the American hierarchy still could have acted.
The NCWC could have issued a statement merely distancing the teaching authority of the Church from the opinions of the Detroit priest.

Such a statement could have included elements to accommodate the

American sensibilities as well as those of Bishop Gallagher. As it was,
the ecclesiastical silence lent credence to the popular impression that

the Church was indeed monolithic and that it agreed with Father

Coughlin. No amount of individuals working behind the scenes could
counter the solid impression Coughlin was continuing to make. Since,
however, the Church chose to work through the cleric's superior, this

episode left one lesson in everyone's mind—at Gallagher's death what
was needed was an ordinary who would tame Coughlin.

MISCELLANY

THE SEVENTY-FIFTH ANNUAL MEETING
OF THE AMERICAN CATHOLIC HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION

Report of the Chairman of the Committee on Program

The seventy-fifth annual meeting of the American Catholic Historical Association took place January 6—8, 1995, at the Chicago Hilton Hotel. There

were nine sessions, of which three were jointly sponsored. The Executive
Council convened on the evening of January 5, and the Business Meeting of
the Association was held on the afternoon of January 6, followed by a Social
Hour. The sessions began on the morning of January 6 to large audiences.

The morning session on January 6 saw two excellent panels on medieval
and early modern Europe. The first, "Rethinking the History of Early Modern
Catholicism: New Historiographical Directions and Related Research," was
chaired by Professor Philip Soergel of the Institute for Advanced Study, and
jointly sponsored with the American Historical Association. The session aimed
to examine the dramatic changes in historiographical perceptions of early
modern religious movements in Europe. Marc Forster of Connecticut College
examined confessionalization and Catholicism in Germany, shifting the perspective from the traditional political and institutional emphases of German
historiography to an examination of the nuances of Catholic identity and
function at the local, and particularly rural village level. William Hudon, of
Bloomsburg University, in a paper entitled "Beyond 'Counter' Reformation or
'Catholic' Reformation: Rethinking Early Modern Italian Catholicism," discussed the growing awareness of the role of non-traditional groups in the
development of religious identity. In particular, an examination of Italian
inquisitions, new religious orders, and writings by religious women create a
much more complex picture of the relationships of religious institutions and
individuals than previously thought. The final paper was delivered by Allyson
Poska, of Mary Washington College, who discussed the reassessment of the

power and presence of the Church in early modern Spain. Through the re-

examination of the tribunals of the Inquisition, historians have come to the
perspective that the Church exerted a much more limited influence over
Spanish Catholicism and Inquisition, and that Catholic identity was much more

regionally nuanced than traditionally thought. The commentator was the Reverend John W. O'Malley, SJ., of the Weston School of Theology.
226

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227

The second session, jointly sponsored with the American Society of Church
History, was entitled "The Word Preached and the Word Heard: The Laity
and Preaching in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe." The session was
chaired by Professor Phyllis Roberts of City University of New York. Professor
Darleen Pryds of the University of Wisconsin-Madison spoke on "Jurists and
Heretics: Re-examining the Status of Lay Preaching in Late Medieval Europe."

The second paper, "Preaching, Lollards, and the Laity," presented by Professor

Simon N. Forde of the University of Leeds, focused attention on the religious
situation of late medieval England. Professor Benjamin W. Westervelt of Lewis
and Clark College spoke on clerical ideals for the laity responding to CounterReformation preaching in the Milan of Cardinal Borromeo. Commentary was
provided by Professor Beverly Mayne Kienzle of the Harvard Divinity School.
The session on Friday afternoon, "The American Catholic Historical Association Past and Future: Reflections on the Seventy-fifth Anniversary," was a

lively and well-attended anniversary session in which four past presidents

discussed both the history of the Association and offered reflections on the
future. The Reverend James Hennesey, SJ., of Canisius College, Past President

in 1986, presided. Perspectives were provided by Professor Philip Gleason of
the University of Notre Dame, Past President in 1978, Professor James Brundage, of the University of Kansas, Past President in 1985, and the Reverend
Gerald Fogarty, SJ., of the University ofVirginia, Past President in 1992. Among
the issues discussed were the foundation and history of the Association and
its relationship to broader concerns in American Catholic cultural and intellectual history, the broadening of perspective as the Association attempted to
go beyond its original focus on American Catholicism and Catholic intellectual

life to European, Asian, African, and Latin American issues, and to topics in
ancient, medieval, and early modern history, and considerations on new directions for the Association, focusing in particular on the broadening of membership and the greater involvement of women and young scholars, as well
as the importance of the fact that the Association promotes a fuller dialogue
on religious history, contributions, and concerns in the United States than is

possible in other intellectual contexts. A lively discussion between all members of the panel and the audience ensued.

The first morning session on Saturday, January 7, examined "Renaissance
Life-writing: Constraints, Strategies, Reception." The session was chaired by
Anne Reynolds of the University of Sydney. Three broad themes linked the

papers: the possibility for writers of personal self-expression within the con-

straints of humanistic genres, the ways that writing served as a vehicle for
self-definition, and the reception of the authors under consideration. Jennifer
Rondeau of the University of Oregon examined the strategies of women humanists for writing, and the opportunities such strategies made for women
within a highly gendered social and intellectual world. She showed that women

worked within the traditional images available to them—images of the family—to create a personal voice. Kenneth Gouwens of the University of South

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Carolina discussed "Group Biography and Memory: Valeriano's De Litteratorum Infelicitate as Therapeutic Life-writing." This was a reinterpretation of
the famous text of Valeriano as a representation and memorialization of a
golden age of literary society already past, as a perpetuation of the humanist
tradition of Rome prior to the Sack of 1527, and as a reflection on evanescent
fortuna, thus making of the text a significant and positive cultural contribution.
The final paper in the session was given by Thomas Mayer of Augustana
College. This was an analysis of Reginald Pole's Vita Longolii as the idealized
memorialization of Christophe de Longueil as a pure humanist unsullied by

the kind of involvement in cultural politics that Longueil had in fact practiced.

This became the model for Pole's subsequent work on Thomas More and John
Fisher, De unitate, and provided the foundation for the subsequent writing
by scholars of eulogy as history.
The second morning session was entitled "Education and the Congregation
of Holy Cross," and was chaired by James T. Connelly, C.S.C., of the University
of Portland. The panel focused on how an educational tradition was developed
in the American Holy Cross communities, which assumed a primary ministry
of teaching and the cultivation of the intellectual life when the Congregation

came to America in 1841. Sister Georgia Costin, C.S.C., traced the development

of an educational tradition in the Sisters of the Holy Cross after their arrival
in Notre Dame and in Bertrand, Michigan, in 1843. Among her conclusions
were that the Sisters developed their ministry in education in practical response to the needs of local settlers, Indians, and recent immigrants, and to
young women who would have to support themselves. Brother Philip Armstrong, C.S.C., of the Holy Cross Brothers Center, presented "Early TwentiethCentury Education in the United States: The Role of the Brothers of Holy
Cross," which examined the disengagement of the Holy Cross Brothers from
primary education and their reorientation toward secondary schools. It was
primarily through the agency of Brother Ephrem O'Dwyer that the development of quality secondary institutions took place after the Civil War, establishing the ministry in urban secondary education associated with the
Brothers of Holy Cross. The final paper in this session was by Anne Kearney,
of Jefferson Community College, University of Kentucky, who discussed the
upgrading of the priestly faculty at the University of Notre Dame in the early
years of the twentieth century. She discussed the role of Father James A. Burns,

C.S.C., President of Holy Cross College and Provincial of the Indiana Province,

in the development of the highest academic standards and intellectual training
of the faculty at Notre Dame.
The morning session was followed by the Presidential Luncheon attended
by seventy-four persons. Professor Jay Dolan of the University of Notre Dame
and president-elect of the Association, presided at the luncheon. He introduced Professor Elisabeth Gregorich Gleason of the University of San Francisco, President of the Association and this year's winner of the Howard R.
Marraro Prize, who delivered her address, "Who Was the First CounterReformation Pope," arguing that the distinction rightly belongs to Pope Paul

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229

III, usually considered a conciliator, instead of the confrontational Paul IV.
The John Gilmary Shea Prize was awarded to Brian P. Clarke.
The afternoon of January 7 saw two excellent sessions. The first, "Church
and Society in Ramon Llull's Majorca," was chaired by Olivia Remie Constable
of Columbia University, and examined three diverse elements of thirteenthand fourteenth-century Majorca. Mark D. Johnston of Illinois State University
discussed "Education and Schools in Ramon Llull's Majorca, c. 1250-C.1320."
Pamela Beattie, of the University of Toronto, examined Majorcan ecclesiology

in "Responsibility and Authority in Ramon Llull's Plan for Ecclesiastical Re-

form." Larry J. Simon of Western Michigan University examined the "Ransoming and Manumission of Slaves by Christians in Ramon Llull's Majorca."
Comment was provided by James Brodman of the University of Central
Arkansas.

The second session examined "The Search for Identity Among Catholic

Immigrants in the United States," and was chaired by Christopher Kauffman

of The Catholic University of America. Anita L. Specht of the University of
Notre Dame examined authority and ethnic identity in the American Catholic
Church in the decade between 1887 and 1897, comparing Irish-American and
German-American viewpoints on human nature, bureaucratic and institutional

power, and the role of women. Despite substantial differences between the
two groups, they shared a common liturgical identity and respect for clerical
authority, and the paper concluded that it was through the judicious use of
hierarchical authority that schism and disunity could be prevented, a process
increased by gradual German acculturation to the English language and American society. Nicole Mische Gothelf of the University of Notre Dame discussed
the ways in which Catholic immigrants balanced their developing under-

standing of democracy and their sympathy for monarchical Catholicism in the

mid-nineteenth century by focusing on the political coverage of Cincinnati

newspapers in 1848. She concluluded that Catholic newspapers condemned

revolutionary activity in Europe, but distinguished American democracy from

European radicalism and republicanism. Walter D. Kamphoefner of Texas A
& M University provided the commentary on the papers.

Sunday morning, January 8, began with Mass celebrated by the Reverend
Robert Bireley, S.J., of Loyola University of Chicago. The first session of papers
considered "Medieval and Renaissance Scholars," and was chaired by James
W. Brodman of the University of Central Arkansas. Jill R. Webster of the
University of Toronto examined "The Attitude of Medieval Aragonese Mendicant Friars to Scholarship." Besides the traditional participation of the friars
in university study, their contribution to scholarship extended to works of
interpretation and translation commissioned by the monarchy and citizens.
These activities could be at variance with the traditional mendicant calling,
though the friars' attitude toward learning made their emphasis on scholarship
more comprehensible within the broader mendicant mission. James K. Farge,
C.S.B., of the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto, discussed the

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ways in which the University of Paris was regarded in its own day, discarding
the traditional humanist and historiographical viewpoint that Paris seriously
declined as an intellectual center during the Hundred Years' War. By focusing
closely on the Faculty of Theology, masters and students who taught and
studied in it, university recruitment and scholarly output, all against the back-

drop of the debate between Scholasticism and Humanism, the true and pow-

erful role of Paris as a moral and intellectual force in its day becomes clear.
Erika Rummel of Wilfrid Laurier University discussed the difficulties faced by
Renaissance scholars whose works were censured by the Church: Giovanni
Pico della Mirándola, Antonio Nebrija, and Desiderius Erasmus, examining
their willingness or unwillingness to compromise their findings or submit
their scholarship to Church authority.
The final session on Sunday morning was jointly sponsored with the Amer-

ican Historical Association and the Medieval Academy of America, in commemoration of the 900th anniversary of the calling of the Crusades. Entitled
"Crusade: Holy War or Holy Vengeance?," the session brought together some
of the most noted contemporary scholars of Crusade history, and examined
the enormous growth and change in perspective of Crusade historiography
in recent decades. The session was chaired by Professor James M. Powell of
Syracuse University. Professor James A. Brundage of the University of Kansas
discussed the Crusades as Holy War. Professor Bernard Hamilton of the University of Nottingham, whose paper was read by Powell, discussed "Church
and Crusade." The perspective of "Byzantium and the Crusades" was taken

up by Professor Donald E. Queller of the University of Illinois at Champaign-

Urbana. Commentary was provided by Professor William Chester Jordan of
Princeton University.
The Committee would like to express their appreciation to all those who
submitted proposals and organized panels for the meeting. We were pleased
to be able to incorporate a number of fine proposals, and regret that we were
unable to incorporate others. The members of the committee would also like
to thank Monsignor Robert Trisco, Secretary-Treasurer, and Miss Maryann
Urbanski, secretary in the executive and editorial office, for their assistance,
help, and patience. As co-chair I would like personally to thank the other
members of the committee for their experience, generous help, and insight:
the Reverend Robert Burns, SJ., Professor Emeritus of the University of California at Los Angeles, co-chair, the Reverend Michael Engh, SJ., my colleague
at Loyola Marymount University, and Professor Emeritus Doyce Nunis of the
University of Southern California. Their contributions to the success of this
anniversary program were invaluable.
Susan A. Rabe, Co-Chair

Loyola Marymount University

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Letter from His Eminence, Joseph Cardinal Bernardin,
Archbishop of Chicago, to be read at die Presidential Luncheon
My dear Friends in the Lord Jesus:
It is my pleasure to extend a warm welcome to our city to all gathered for
the annual Presidential Luncheon of die American Catholic Historical Asso-

ciation to be held in Chicago on January 7, 1995.
Although I would be delighted to join you, unfortunately, I will just be
returning from a two-day meeting on Pastoral Priorities in Herndon Valley,
Virginia, at this time and so am regretfully unable to be present.
I wish to take this occasion, however, to express my heartfelt congratulations to the members of this distinguished and learned society upon the
completion of three quarters of a century of scholarly service to the Church—
a precious gift.
May God bless your meeting. Although unable to be with you in person,
know that you will be in my thoughts and prayers at this special time.
With cordial good wishes, I remain
Sincerely yours in Christ,
[signed] Joseph Card. Bernardin
Archbishop of Chicago
Resolution Adopted at die Annual Meeting
Whereas Professor Caroline Walker Bynum served the American Catholic
Historical Association with distinction as its president in 1993, and
Whereas she has been recently elected as president-elect of the American
Historical Association,

Be it resolved, That the members of the American Catholic Historical Association assembled in their annual meeting thank her for her services, congratulate her on her new dignity, and wish her every success.

[signed] Elisabeth G. Gleason
President

Chicago, Illinois
January 7, 1995

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Report of die Committee on Nominations
In this election 423 ballots were cast. The results are as follows:

For First Vice-President (and President in the following year):
William J. Callahan, University of Toronto
Frank J. Coppa, St. John's University, New York

218
205

For Second Vice-President:

Elisa A. Carrillo, Marymount College, Tarrytown, New York
Bennett D. Hill, O.S.B., Georgetown University

1 38
218

For the Executive Council (three-year term, 1995, 1996, 1997):
Section I:

Susan Schroeder, Loyola University Chicago
John F. Schwaller, Academy of American Franciscan History,
Berkeley, California

184
208

Section II:

Margaret Mary Reher, Cabrini College, Radnor, Pennsylvania
Leslie Woodcock Tentler, University of Michigan, Dearborn

186
225

For the Committee on Nominations (three-year term, 1995, 1996, 1997):
Anita Marie Rasi May, Oklahoma Foundation for the Humanities
186
J. Dean O'Donnell, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University,
Blacksburg
220
COMMITTEE ON NOMINATIONS

JODI BlUNKOFF

University of North Carolina, Greensboro
Thomas R. Greene

Villanova University
Sandra Horvath-Peterson, Chairman
Georgetown University
Report of die Committee on die John Gilmary Shea Prize

The John Gilmary Shea Prize for 1994 is awarded to Dr. Brian P. Clarke of

Toronto for his book Piety and Nationalism: Lay Voluntary Associations

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and the Creation of an Irish-Catholic Community in Toronto, 1850—1895,
published by McGill-Queen's University Press in Montreal. In this meticulously

researched, richly detailed volume, which is marked by both a sophisticated
use of social scientific methods and an informed appreciation of trends in
nineteenth-century piety and church polity, Brian P. Clarke traces the evo-

lution of the ethnic identity of the Irish Catholic community in Toronto during
its formative years. As he investigates the role that lay associations, both secular
and religious, both pious and nationalistic, played in creating and sustaining
that identity, he both enriches our understanding of the often complex dynamics and tensions that marked the lives of the Irish living in diaspora, and

challenges many of our inherited assumptions concerning the role that "ethnicity," that most volatile of commodities, plays in the life of the immigrant
communities. Indeed, by examining the ways in which church authorities,

nationalistic groups, and gender-specific associations within the Irish community interacted with and reacted to changing social, economic, and political

circumstances, he argues persuasively that "ethnicity ... is not a fixed identity
that is merely inherited. Rather, ethnicity is constantly in the process of being
made and reformulated by people. Culture, including custom and tradition,
is mobilized to achieve specific goals in response to a particular social
situation."

Although the story that he tells is neither simple nor devoid of conflict, the

end product is an admirable example of the kind of "people history" that

Philip Gleason and others called for in the aftermath of the Second Vatican
Council over two decades ago, a history that never slights the importance of
the institutional life of the Church, but that insists on seeing and celebrating
the contributions that the laity have made to the very institutions that define
and enliven the Church in every age. It is hoped that other historians will

follow Clarke's lead and provide us with studies of other faith communities

that are marked by the same sensitivity and sophistication that characterize

this work.

Donald J. Dietrich
Boston College
John Howe

Texas Tech University, Lubbock
Joseph M. McShane, S.J., Chairman
Fordham University
Report of the Committee on the Howard R. Marraro Prize
The Marraro Prize Committee received numerous strong entries, especially
in medieval and Renaissance Italian history. Of diese entries, one stands out:

Gasparo Contarini: Venice, Rome, and Reform, by Professor Elisabeth G.

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Gleason, published by the University of California Press. Contarini was first
and foremost a Venetian noble who brought a civic perspective to religious
issues. As cardinal, he committed himself to a reform agenda in Rome and to
mediation between Catholics and Protestants, an effort that failed. In this
thoroughly documented study, Professor Gleason offers a balanced and convincing interpretation of an influential and controversial figure. For these
reasons, the American Catholic Historical Association awards the 1994 Howard

R. Marraro Prize to Elisabeth G. Gleason of the University of San Francisco.
Alexander J. DeGrand
North Carolina State University
Donna Gabaccia

University of North Carolina, Charlotte
Paul F. Grendler, Chairman

University of Toronto
Report of the Chairman of die Committee on Recruitment

During 1994 our major project was the placement of an advertisement in

Perspectives, which is sent to all members of the American Historical Association. The committee hopes for a continuing response and encourages members to xerox copies of this advertisement to put in the mail boxes of graduate
students and colleagues or to send to friends. During the coming decade,
retirements will continue to be numerous. We suggest that each member
planning to retire should make an effort to recruit at least one new member
for the Association. Finally, does your library subscribe to the Catholic Historical Review?

James M. Powell, Chairman
Syracuse University
Report of the Delegate to the Joint Committee
of Catholic Learned Societies and Scholars

The Joint Committee of Catholic Learned Societies and Scholars, of which
the American Catholic Historical Association is a constituent member, is
charged with facilitating dialogue and exchange between the Catholic scholarly community and the American hierarchy.
This exchange is accomplished principally through the agency of the Commission of Bishops and Scholars, a group jointly sponsored by the Committee
on Doctrine of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops and the Joint

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Committee. The Commission is composed of bishops appointed by the Com-

mittee on Doctrine and representatives of the Joint Committee. The purpose

of the Commission is to serve as a standing co-operative structure to assure
continued interaction and collaboration between the bishops and scholars.

Since its inception in August, 1987, the Commission has met annually,

usually in conjunction with the November meeting of the N.C.C.B. in Washington D.C., most recently on November 17, 1994.

The greater part of the work of the Commission has been dedicated to the

planning and evaluation of regional colloquies sponsored by the Commission.
The purpose of these colloquies is to address topics of concern and interest

to the bishops of a particular region with the resources and perspectives of
the Catholic scholarly community. Last year, the Commission made a com-

mitment to the bishops of Region Twelve (the Pacific Northwest) to sponsor
a colloquy in that region on the topic "Evangelization in an Unchurched

Society: History and Challenge." That colloquy was scheduled for the fall of

1994, but the bishops of the region requested that the colloquy be rescheduled

for fall of 1995, since a significant number of bishops from the region would

be in Rome much of the fall for the synod on the religious life. The colloquy
is now scheduled for next fall, and the Commission is presently at work on
the planning of this colloquy.
Until now, the Joint Committee of Catholic Learned Societies and Scholars

has attempted to be responsive to the needs of the bishops by helping to
organize and providing resources for colloquies on topics requested by the

bishops. The Commission believes that the positive experience of these col-

loquies has helped improve relations between the scholarly community and
the hierarchy, and that now is the time for some reciprocity in the relationship.

Accordingly, delegates from the constituent societies of the JCCLSS are re-

quested to ask their societies if there are issues that they would like to see

bishops and the Catholic scholarly community address. This request has been
passed on to the Executive Council of our Association.

Jeffrey von Arx, S.J., Delegate
Georgetown University
Report of the Secretary and Treasurer

Although I am expected to submit a report only on the past year, I will be
forgiven, I trust, for beginning with a few words about the last seventy-five

years. Soon after its founding at the end of 1919, the Association achieved a
recognized position among professional historical societies as well as within

the Catholic Church in the United States, and for many years it has been

winning ever greater respect from non-Catholic and Catholic scholars alike.

It has become a truly national and to some extent even an international society.

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If it has been less preoccupied with defending the historical truth concerning
the Church against falsehoods and misinterpretations due to prejudice or
ignorance than in its early years, it has continued to promote the study of

Christianity, especially of Catholic Christianity, in all ages, to foster a better
appreciation of the immense debt that our present-day civilization owes to

Christianity, and to present a Christian view of history in this era of contrary
philosophies. Far from separating its Catholic members from their nonCatholic colleagues, it brings them into closer contact at its annual meetings
and in other activities, and at the same time it helps them to preserve their
religious identity, which is essential for any efficacious dialogue with nonCatholic Christians or with non-Christians. The founders may have envisioned
a grander expansion than has ever been realized, but the Association has
remained the leaven in the mass of dough and embodies the same potential

for growth and for good as it had at the beginning.

Our seventy-fifth anniversary has been the occasion for bringing the Association to the attention of the members of the American Historical Asso-

ciation in several ways. In the November issue of its newsletter, Perspectives,
we placed a half-page advertisement authorized by the Executive Council last

year and designed by the chairman of our Committee on Recruitment, Pro-

fessor James M. Powell of Syracuse University, who also supplied camera-ready
copy. So far only seven persons—not as many as we had expected—have
used this form to apply for membership. Secondly, the editor of Perspectives,
Mr. Robert B. Townsend, invited me to supply material for an article in the
section entitled "Affiliate News"; he then added paragraphs at the beginning
and the end and devoted a page and a half to our Association in the December

issue. A box occupying one-half of a column was also given to us free of charge
to advertise our presidential luncheon and to announce the location of our

registration desk during the meeting. Lastly, our program is printed on nearly
two pages in the preliminary section of the American Historical Association's
program booklet; for this service, however, we must pay; last year the charge
was $250. Besides thanking Mr. Townsend, I wish to express warmest gratitude
to the executive associate and convention director of the American Historical

Association, Miss Sharon K. Tune, who has been generous with her assistance.
To organize this seventy-fifth annual meeting we have turned to members
in Los Angeles, who have not enjoyed that privilege since 1981 and will not
be so favored again in the foreseeable future. We are deeply indebted to the
co-chairmen of the Committee on Program, the Reverend Robert I. Burns, S.J.,

professor emeritus in the University of California in that city and a past pres-

ident of the Association, and Dr. Susan A. Rabe of Loyola Marymount University,

for presenting nine sessions, more than usual, one of which is devoted to

reflections on the seventy-fifth anniversary. For our next January meeting,
which will be held in Atlanta, the chairman of the Committee on Program,
Dr. Patrick Allitt of Emory University, is still soliciting proposals for sessions.

Our spring meetings continue to be held in steady succession. The last one,
sponsored by the College of the Holy Cross, was the best attended, 206 persons

MISCELLANY

237

having registered. Since all the sessions, papers, and participants were named
in the report that was published in the July issue of the Catholic Historical
Review, nothing remains to be said except our profound thanks to the organizing committee and especially to its chairman, Professor James T. Flynn,

as well as to the officials of the college who subsidized the meeting to the
extent not covered by the registration fees. Now we look forward to the

meeting of next April at Marquette University, which is being prepared by a

committee under the chairmanship of the Reverend Steven M. Avella. Our

first spring meeting in Texas will take place in March, 1996, at the University
of St. Thomas; the chairman of the organizing committee, the Reverend Richard
J. Schiefen, C.S.B., began laying plans a year ago. No university or college has
yet invited the Association for the spring of 1997, although many institutions
ought to covet the honor.

During the past year the Association was represented by members as official
delegates at two academic functions: by Dr. Susan E. Ramirez of DePaul Uni-

versity (a member of the Executive Council) at the installation of the twentysecond president of Loyola University Chicago on April 9 and by Sister R.

Patricia Smith, G.N.S.H., of DTouville College at the installation of the twentythird Jesuit president of Canisius College on April 30.

During the past year we have lost through death two of our past presidents

and many other members of long standing. We mourn the following:
The Reverend Colman J. Barry, O.S.B., of Saint John's Abbey, Collegeville,

Minnesota, a member of the Association since 1948, a member of the Ex-

ecutive Council in 1960-1962, and president in 1976;

Professor Frank L. Beach, of the University of San Francisco, a member from

1969 to 1975, chairman of the Committee on Program in 1973, and a

member again since 1993;
Mr. Clement D. Brown, of Wilton, Connecticut, a member since 1959;
The Reverend Caspar Caulfield, C.P., of the Passionist Historical Archives,
Union City, New Jersey, a member since 1991;

The Reverend John L. Ciani, S.J., of Georgetown University, a member since

1987;
The Reverend Paul E. Crunican, of London, Ontario, a member since 1959;
Brother Henry Cuddy, O.S.F., of Saint Francis College, Brooklyn, New York, a
member since 1956;

The Reverend Arthur J. Ennis, O.S.A., of Saint Augustine Friary, Villanova,
Pennsylvania, a member since 1949;

The Reverend Cornelius P. Forster, O.P., of Providence College, a member
since 1963 and organizer of the Association's spring meeting in 1987;
The Most Reverend Lawrence P. Graves, Bishop Emeritus of AlexandriaShreveport, a life member since 1969;

The Most Reverend Charles H. Helmsing, Former Bishop of Kansas City-St.
Joseph, a member since 1949;
The Most Reverend John L. May, Archbishop of St. Louis, a member since
1976;

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Reverend MonsignorJoseph N. Moody, of Statesboro, Georgia, professor emer-

itus of the Catholic University of America, a member since 1936, a life

member since 1969, president in 1979, and associate editor of the Catholic
Historical Review since 1965;
Sister Miriam Ellen Murphy, of Mount Saint Vincent Convent, New York, a
member since 1951;

Sister M. Georgiana Rockwell, S.B.S., of Bensalem, Pennsylvania, a member
since 1980;

Mr. George A. Schneider, of Old Bridge, New Jersey, a member since 1963
and a life member since 1966.

Let us also remember in our prayers Reverend Monsignor James A. Magner,
of Palm Beach, Florida, formerly of the Catholic University of America and

director of the Catholic University of America Press (the publisher of our
journal), a member from 1937 to 1992. May their souls and the souls of all
the faithful departed members of the American Catholic Historical Association
through the mercy of God rest in peace.

As you may have counted, three life members passed away in 1994. Their

places have been filled in part by two new life members, who were both
previously yearly members, namely, the Reverend Paschal Baumstein, O.S.B.,

of Belmont Abbey (whose fee was paid by a friend and admirer), and Dr. Paul

Misner, of Marquette University. May they benefit from the investment for

many years. There are now seventy-four life members, of whom sixty are
individuals and fourteen are immortal organizations.

The past year has seen a larger number of new members than the preceding

year— 105 as compared with eighty-five. Twenty-three of them are students,
and at least thirty-one are women; six of the women are also students. In 1993

thirteen of the new members were students, and twenty-seven were women
(of whom three were also students). There are now eighty-three student
members, although a few of them are no longer bona fide students and some
have been students for many years. Again we gratefully acknowledge the
effective work of our membership director, Professor Erving E. Beauregard
of the University of Dayton, who has brought back to the fold several straying
members. In all, twelve persons renewed their membership after having let
it lapse for a year or more; in 1993 we reported seven in that category. The
number of retired members remains unchanged from last year—nineteen.
From the 117 members thus gained we must subtract the sixteen deceased

(seven more than in 1993), eight who resigned their membership (two fewer

than in 1993), and sixty-five who have failed to pay their annual dues without

explanation (eight more than in 1993). Sixty-three of them are individuals,
and two are organizations. Thus we arrive at a net gain of twenty-eight mem-

bers. Adding that figure to the 1 , 1 26 reported a year ago, we now count 1,154
members on our rolls.

As treasurer I have less agreeable results to report. We have suffered an
even larger net operational loss than in 1993· If we did not include the life

MISCELLANY

239

memberships fees in the revenue, since they should be invested, the loss

would be nearly S 19,000, and if we added to the membership fees thirty

dollars for each life member, the loss would still be nearly $17,000. We have

supplied the deficit by applying most of the income from investments collected
by our brokerage firm, Alex. Brown & Sons, and deposited it into our Cash
Reserve Fund, Prime Series. Since this fund has nearly been depleted (though
it will be replenished as quarterly dividends are received) and since the value
of some of our stock and shares in mutual funds has declined, the Association

has less in resources than it had a year ago. It should be borne in mind that
fewer than one thousand members pay thirty dollars per year, and our expenses for everything other than the subscriptions to the Catholic Historical
Review are $21 ,000. Moreover, beginning next year, the Association will have

to pay more to the Catholic University of America Press for each subscription

to the Review, because the Press is raising its rates in order to defray the

increased costs of printing (especially of labor and paper) lest it require an
even larger subvention than it now receives from the university. We will have

to pay 826.40 instead of $24.00 for each subscription. Hence, an increase of

our dues, which were last raised in 1992 but not sufficiently, seems to be
unavoidable, as the American Society of Church History has also found
necessary.

A few explanations of the financial statement will perhaps be enlightening.

The expense for the office secretary, $11,544.78, covers one-half of Miss
Urbanski's salary and benefits; the other half comes from the Catholic Historical Review. That die charge for postage is more than $2,000 larger than
it was in 1993 is partly due to our university post office's erratic practice of
billing and partly to our having sent the programs, ballots, etc., by first-class
mail rather than by bulk mail, which requires more labor in our office than
we can provide. Some of the amount for miscellaneous expenses also goes

for postage, since it includes petty cash used in part to buy stamps while only
larger mailings are metered in our university post office. Finally, the loss of
more than $700 on the last annual meeting was due in small part to the social

hour, at which the tickets sold do not cover all the charges, but in large part

to the expenses for the travel, lodging, meals, etc., of Miss Urbanski. The
presidential luncheons always pay for themselves.
Without purchases we have gained some shares of stock during the past
twelve months. On March 1 1 ITT Corp., in which we have 200 shares, gave

us fifty shares of Rayonier, Inc., as a spinoff. On May 16 General Electric Co.
declared a stock split; hence, our 800 shares have been doubled to 1,600.

The net value of our portfolio held in street name by Alex. Brown & Sons
as of November 25, 1994, was $224,761.40, including $2,944.40 in the Cash
Reserve Fund, $219,556.00 in stocks, and $2,261.00 in mutual funds. This
constitutes a decrease from the net value of our portfolio posted at the end
of November, 1993, when it was $246,761.61. In addition, we have several

holdings apart from our portfolio with Alex. Brown & Sons, the current value
of which is as follows:

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MISCELLANY

Columbia First Bank: certificates of deposit

(September 30, 1994)
(September 30, 1994)

T. Rowe Price GNMA Fund: 2,871.658 shares at
«8.83 per share (November 30)

Vanguard GNMA Portfolio: 2,850.267 shares at
$969 per share (September 30)

Vanguard GNMA Portfolio: 466.511 shares at
$9.60 per share (December 15)
Vanguard High Yield Bond Portfolio: 847.767 shares at
$7.14 per share (December 15)
Vanguard Preferred Stock Fund: 1,003.690 shares at
Î8.13 per share (December 15)

Washington Mutual Investors Fund: 4,941.853 shares

4,509.85
2,190.15
25,356.74
27,61909

4,478.51
6,05306
8,160.00

(less 1 32 shares held by Alex. Brown) at $17.54 per

share (December 15)
84,364.82
To these should be added the portfolio held by Alex. Brown . . . 224,761.40
Hence, the Association's total invested assets were valued at . . . 387,493.62

This figure represents a decrease of $22,61 2.42 from 1993. This loss, of course,

reflects mainly the depreciation of some of our stocks and shares in the mutual
funds, which is due to the market's fluctuations.
In all respects but one it has been a prosperous year for the Association's

journal. The volume for 1994, our eightieth, contains 846 pages numbered

with arabic numerals and forty-eight with roman numerals. This total exceeds

the number allowed by our budget (608) by 238. In these pages we have

published fifteen articles, six review articles, and 197 book reviews. Unfortunately, we could not afford such a sizable enlargement. It is true that we
collected a considerable amount (more than $3,000), and we had a little over
$2,500 left over from 1993, but still we overspent our expansion fund by
$2,300, and we will have to reimburse the general treasury to that extent.
Until we satisfy that obligation we will be limited to the standard length of
152 pages per issue, although we have been promised a subsidy that will
enable us to publish in the January issue an article of approximately twice
the normal length. Last October thirty-three reviews that had been set in type
could not be published, because we had exhausted our savings, but they will
appear in the January issue and others will be held over to April. I wish to
express my own gratitude and, I assume, that of the subscribers and readers
to all those who have contributed amounts of any size for the enlargement
of the journal.* I regret that because of the insufficient staff in our executive
*Mr. Maurice Adelman, Jr., Miss Charlotte Ames, Dr. R. Scott Appleby, Reverend
William A. Au, Reverend Robert C. Ayers, Professor William S. Babcock, Reverend Paul
F. Bailey, Ms. Carla Bang, Mr. Charles Bashara, Mr. Clifford J. Berschneider, Reverend
Edward J. Biggane, S.M.A., Dr. Jeremy Blanchet, Professor Maxwell Bloomfield, Dr.
Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak, Reverend Monsignor Myles M. Bourke, Professor Henry

MISCELLANY

241

and editorial office we have not yet sent acknowledgments to everyone who
has made a donation of twenty-five dollars or more, but we shall do so as
soon as possible in case the donors may need such a receipt to prove their
deductions from their income when they file their tax returns.
After several years in which we have received relatively few manuscripts—
W. Bowden, Reverend Thomas S. Bokenkotter, Mr. James F. Breen, Professor Sidney A.
Burrell, Professor William J. Callahan, Reverend Daniel E. Carter, Mr. Aloysius Clarke,
Professor Robert H. Connery, Professor Jay Corrin, Mr. Timothy P. Cross, Dr. Ronald
S. Cunsolo, Reverend R. Emmett Curran, SJ., Most Reverend Thomas V. Daily, Dr. Roy
P. Domenico, Reverend John P. Donnelly, SJ., Mr. R A. Dowd, Reverend Monsignor
Thomas M. Duffy, Reverend Monsignor Walter J. Edyvean, Mr. Edward V. Egan, Reverend

George P. Evans, Reverend Dr. John Whitney Evans, Reverend James K. Farge, C.S.B.,
Sister Janice Farnham, R.J.M., Most Reverend Joseph L. Federal, Mr. Paul C. Ferguson,

Reverend Peter Fleming, S.J., Dr. Michelle M. Fontaine, ProfessorJohn B. Freed, Reverend
Monsignor John T. Foudy, Professor Sixto J. Garcia, Professor Edward T. Gargan, Mr.
Richard C. Garvey, Mr. Geoffrey K Gay, Professor Frank X. Gerrity, Most Reverend
Peter L. Gerety, Reverend Paul E. Gins, O.S.M., Reverend Monsignor Edward R. Glavin,
Professor Elisabeth G. Gleason, Dr. Philip A. Grant, Professor Walter D. Gray, Dr. Thomas
R. Greene, Brother James A. Gutowski, O.F.M.Cap., ProfessorJan T. Hallenbeck, Professor
Hanns Gross, Professor Francis X. Hartigan, Professor Martin J. Havran, Reverend Law-

rence Hennessey, S.T., Reverend Bennett D. Hill, O.S.B., Mr. RobertJ. Horak,Jr., Reverend
Monsignor John V. Horgan, Professor Robert F. Hueston, Reverend John Jay Hughes,
Reverend Monsignor Robert A. Hughes, Most Reverend Mark J. Hurley, Dr. Jane C.
Hutchison, Reverend Leon M. Hutton, Dr. Cathy J. Itnyre, Professor James J. John,
Professor Christopher Kauffman, Reverend Leonard J. Kempski, Mr. Michael J. Kennedy,
Professor Eric D. Köhler, Professor Peter J. Kountz, Reverend Raymond J. Kupke, Rev-

erend Monsignor Andrew P. Landi, Dr. Charles F. Lasher, Mrs. Joan M. Lenardon, Professor A. Paul Levack, Most Reverend Oscar H. Lipscomb, Reverend Ambrose Macaulay,
Dr. Ellen A. Macek, Mr. Paul R Madden, Dr. Joseph F. Mahoney, Dr. Dennis D. Martin,
Dr. Lawrence J. McAndrews, Miss Maureen McArdle, Professor Lawrence McCaffrey,
Reverend John R. McCarthy, Reverend Floyd McCoy, Reverend Thomas C. McGonigle,

O.P., Dr. Mary M. McLaughlin, Reverend Robert F. McNamara, Reverend Clarence C.
Menard, O.M.I., Sister Brigid Merriman, O.S.F., Dr. David C. Miller, Professor Samuel J.

T. Miller, Reverend Wilson D. Miscamble, C.S.C., Dr. Carlton T. Mitchell, Reverend John
V. Monestero, Professor John C. Moore, Professor James Muldoon, Reverend Francis J.

Murphy, Professor Thomas F. Noble, Honorable John T. Noonan, Jr., Professor Doyce

B. Nunis, Jr., Reverend Fergus O'Donoghue, S.J., Most Reverend Gerald O'Keefe, Most

Reverend Joseph T. O'Keefe, Professor Glenn Olsen, Reverend Charles E. O'Neill, S.J.,
Dr. John W. Osborne, Mr. John R. Page, Dr. Matthew L. Panczyk, Reverend Louis J.
Pascoe, S.J., Dr. Robert E. Paul, Professor Neal Pease, Reverend Dr. John F. Piper, Jr.,

Professor George J. Prpic, Mr. Robert R Quigley, Mr. John F. Quinn, Reverend Monsignor
John A. Radano, Reverend Francis Reed, Dr. Alan J. Reinerman, Mrs. Margherita RepettoAlaia, Mr. John W. Robbins, Professor John F. Roche, Professor John D. Root, Mr. Gerard
Roubichou, Dr. James C. Russell, Professor Francis J. Ryan, Dr. James D. Ryan, Dr. David
L. Salvaterra, Reverend Monsignor Robert J. Sarno, Dr. Daniel L. Schlafly, Professor John
A. Schutz, Reverend John C. Scott, O.S.B., Professor Paul S. Seaver, Reverend Monsignor

Francis R. Seymour, Dr. William D. Sharpe, Dr. Albert Shumate, Reverend Joachim Smet,
O.Carm., Right Reverend Matthew Stark, O.S.B., Mr. George C. Stewart, Jr., Dr. Neil

242

MISCELLANY

only twenty-three in 1988 and thirty-nine in 1993—during the past year fiftyseven have been submitted. That number is still notably lower than the

seventy-two we received in 1974, but it provides a good choice. The articles
are rather well distributed over the various fields, as the following table shows:

Accepted

Conditionally
accepted
Rejected Pending

General and Miscellaneous
Ancient

3
2

Total
3
3

1

Medieval

1

1

8

Early modern European
Late modern European

3
4

4
5

7
1

American

2

4

2

2

10

Latin American

1

1

11

4

1
1

1

24

57

African
Australian
Total

13

16

1

11

14
10

1

The proportion of articles rejected in the medieval period is lamentably high,
although we have published an excellent article in Late Antiquity or the Middle
Ages in each of the last four issues. Consequently, we continue to solicit essays
in that as well as in all odier fields. We caution writers, however, that papers
prepared for oral delivery at scholarly conferences usually require substantial
revision before diey can be deemed fit for publication. I express cordial
gratitude both to the advisory editors and to the numerous referees who have
evaluated manuscripts for us and in many cases have made very constructive
and extensive suggestions for revision. Most of the referees prefer to remain
anonymous, but they deserve public recognition in globo, because without

their expert assistance many manuscripts would not be made suitable for

publication.

The index for Volume LXXX has again been compiled by Mr. Lawrence H.
Feldman. It is more detailed than usual, occupying twenty-eight pages of small
print in double columns. We hope that it will also be more useful than ever.
According to the statement of ownership regarding management and circulation that the business manager of the Catholic Historical Review, Mr.
Storch, Miss Elizabeth M. Streitz, Professor Richard E. Sullivan, Reverend Charles J. Talar,
Mr. Daniel F. Tanzone, Professor Leslie W. Tender, Professor Samuel J. Thomas, Reverend
Thomas W. Tiflit, Dr. William J. Tighe, Dr. John B. Tomaro, Professor James D. Tracy,
Reverend Edward R. Udovic, CM., Professor Nicholas Varga, Capt. Andrew J. Walsh,
Mr. Thomas M. Walsh, Professor Morimichi Watanabe, Dr. Joseph M. White, Professor
Joseph L. Wieczynski, Reverend John W. Witek, S.J., Mrs. Leah R. Wolf, Reverend Norbert
G. Wolf, Reverend William L. Wolkovich-Valkavicius, Dr. Ann Marie York, Reverend
Martin A. Zielinski.

MISCELLANY

243

Gordon A. Conner, will insert in the January issue to comply with the re-

quirement of the United States Postal System, the average paid circulation,
which includes not only the members of the Association but also direct subscribers such as libraries and institutions, was 1,926 per issue in 1994. More-

over, 166 free copies were sent out each quarter, mostly in exchange for
other historical journals. Thus, the total distribution was 2,092 per issue. In

1993 the average number of paid subscriptions was 1,949, or twenty-three
more but these figures fluctuate from year to year. Since January 1 , while the
postal rates for first-class mail have been raised by approximately ten percent,

the rates for second-class mail, which we use for sending the Review, have
been raised by approximately fourteen percent.

I wish to thank my secretary, Miss Maryann Urbanski, for her careful, reliable,

and accurate work during the past year, and our undergraduate work-study
assistant, Miss Christina Sinck, who has been both helpful and cheerful in the
office.

As we begin not only a new year but also a new quarter-century of the

Association's existence, let us resolve to renew our efforts to make this organization, which is both professional and familial, an ever more effective
instrument for the advancement of the study of the history of the Church and

of Christianity. Perhaps we should begin by observing the exhortation that
Pope John Paul II has set forth in his recent apostolic letter, Tertio millennio
adveniente; in the first phase of the immediate preparation for the GreatJubilee
of the year 2000 the Holy Father thinks it appropriate that "the Church should
become more fully conscious of the sinfulness of her children, recalling all

those times in history when they departed from the spirit of Christ and his
Gospel and, instead of offering to the world the witness of a life inspired by
the values of faith, indulged in ways of thinking and acting which were truly
forms of counter-witness and scandât" (par. 33). "Among the sins which
require a greater commitment to repentance and conversion," the Pontiff says,
"should certainly be counted those which have been detrimental to the unity

willed by God for his People" (par. 34). Finally, the Holy Father reminds us,
"Another painful chapter of history to which the sons and daughters of the
Church must return with a spirit of repentance is that of the acquiescence

given, especially in certain centuries, to intolerance and even the use of
violence in the service of truth." He admits that "an accurate historical judgment" must take into account "the cultural conditioning of the times, as a

result of which many people may have held in good faith that an authentic

witness to the truth could include suppressing the opinions of others or at

least paying no attention to them. Many factors frequently converged to create

assumptions which justified intolerance and fostered an emotional climate

from which only great spirits, truly free and filled with God, were in some

way able to break free. Yet the consideration of mitigating factors does not
exonerate the Church from the obligation to express profound regret for the
weakness of so many ofher sons and daughters who sullied her face, preventing
her from fully mirroring the image of her crucified Lord, the supreme witness

244

MISCELLANY

of patient love and of humble meekness. From these painful moments of the

past," he concludes, "a lesson can be drawn for the future," namely, that the

truth cannot be imposed on anyone by force (par. 35).
In all the ways, whether customary or new, in which the Association will
be engaged in the next twenty-five years, may it provide ample grounds for

those who will celebrate its centennial in late 2019 or early 2020 to look
back with satisfaction upon substantial accomplishments.
Robert Trisco

Secretary and Treasurer

245

MISCELIANY

Financial Statement

Fund Statement (as of December 15, 1994)
Cash:

Balance as of December 15, 1993
Increase (Decrease) : see Exhibit A
Transfer from investment income
Balance as of December 15, 1994
Investments: see Exhibit B
Total Fund Resources
Statement of Revenue and Expenses (Exhibit A)

1,658.07
(17,924.17)
17,000.00
733.90
234,772.80
235,506.70

(for the period December 15, 1993, through
December 15, 1994)
Revenue:

Membership fees (annual)
Membership fees (life)

25,00547
1,000.00

Annual meeting, 1993/94
Rental of mailing list

3,046.00
420.00

Endowment Fund
Dividends (cash)
Miscellaneous
Expenses:
Office Expenses:
Secretary
Telephone

312.49
574.31
8.00

30,366.27

11,544.78
38.31

Supplies, printing

1,598.14

Postage

2,206.08

15,387.31

Catholic Historical Review

Subscriptions

27,468.00

Annual meeting, 1993/94
Annual meeting, 1994/95
John Gilmary Shea Prize
C.I.H.E.C. dues (two years)

3,771.95
300.00
500.00
6598

J.C.C.L.S.S. contribution
Bank charges

100.00
191.61

Discount on checks

41.87

Miscellaneous

463.72

Operational surplus—Net gain (loss)

48,290.44

(17,924.17)

Investments (Exhibit B)
General Fund

Balance as of December 15, 1993

210,922.93

Income from investments (dividends and interest):
Abbott Laboratories
Alex. Brown Cash Reserve Fund
American Capital Bond Fund, Inc
American Electric Power Company

592.00
9953
1,540.00
480.00

246

MISCELLANY
Detroit Edison Co

201.88

First American Financial Corp
General Electric Company
ITT Corporation

48.60
2,304.00
396.00

Johnson & Johnson

904.00

Montana Power Company
Rayonier, Inc
SCE Corporation

480.00
27.00
1,452.00

T. Rowe Price GNMA Fund, Inc

1,866.63

Vanguard GNMA Portfolio
Vanguard High Yield Bond Portfolio
Vanguard Preferred Stock Fund
Washington Mutual Investors Fund

1,86352
694.55
666. 1 5
2,720.48 16,336.34

Capital Gains:

Washington Mutual Investors Fund

1,842.20

Total
Less dividends received as revenue (Exhibit A)
Total income from investments
Less transfer to cash

18,178.54
(574.31)
17,604.23
(17,000.00)

Balance as of December 15, 1994

211,527.16

Special Fund I—Howard R Marraro Prize
Balance as of December 15, 1993:
Alex. Brown Cash Reserve Fund
Central & Southwest

5,536.94
7,966.47

13,503.41

Investment income:

Alex. Brown Cash Reserve Fund
Central & Southwest

Prize and luncheon
Balance as of December 15, 1994
Special Fund II—Anne M. Wolf Fund

198.78
680.00

878.78

(532.00)
13,850.19

Balance as of December 15, 1993:

Columbia First Bank CDs
Investment income

Balance as of December 15, 1994
Special Fund III—Expansion of the CHR
Balance as of December 15, 1993

6,941.94
218.17

7,160.11
2,508.75

Contributions

3,027.90

Expense
Balance as of December 15, 1994

(7,843.81)
(2,307.16)

Special fund IV—Endowment
Balance as of December 15, 1993

Vanguard GNMA Portfolio

Investment income
Transferred to Exhibit A
Balance as of December 15, 1994
Total investments

4,542.50

312.49
(312.49)
4,542.50
234,772.80

MISCELLANY

247

New Members
Sr. Barbara Baer, C.S.J., 1121 South Clifton, Wichita, Kansas 67218
Mr. John C. Bates, 200 Mayfair Drive, Mt. Lebanon, Pennsylvania 15228

Mr. Henry Bednarski, 763-B Foothill Boulevard, #204, San Luis Obispo, California 93405

Miss Grace M. Bitondi, 4801 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., #115, Washington,
D.C. 20008

Rev. Cornelius M. Buckley, SJ., Department of History, University of San Fran-

cisco, 2130 Fulton Street, San Francisco, California 94117-1080
Prof. Joseph F. Byrnes, Department of History, Oklahoma State University,
Stillwater, Oklahoma 74078

Mrs. Mary E. Carlton, P.O. Box 1676, Bandon, Oregon 97411
Dr. Nathan Anthony Cervo, 102 Cheney Avenue, #2, Peterborough, New
Hampshire 03458
Prof. Celia Chazelle, Department of History, Trenton State College, Trenton,

New Jersey 08650
Prof. Leslie Choquette, Department of History, Assumption College, 500 Salisbury Street, Worcester, Massachusetts 01615

Rev. Austin Cooper, OML, Catholic Theological College, P.O. Box 1302
RMDC, Clayton, Victoria 3169, Australia
Dr. Robert T. Cornelison, Department ofTheology, Fordham University, Bronx,
New York 10458

Rev. Michael Cusato, O.F.M., Department ofHistory, Siena College, 515 Loudon
Road, Loudonville, New York 12211-1462

Prof. Margaret F. Dalton, Box 870252, Tuscaloosa, Alabama 35487-0252

Rev. John P. DeLora, Holy Name of Jesus Church, 75 Lispenard Avenue, New
Rochelle, New York 10801

Prof. Ronald K. Delph, Department of History, Eastern Michigan University,
Ypsilanti, Michigan 48197

Ms. Maribel Dietz, 129 Dickinson Hall, Princeton University, Princeton, New
Jersey 08544-1017

Mr. Matthew J. Dowling, 46 Quentin Street, Hamden, Connecticut 06517
Mr. William F. Duffy, 5605 Bristol Court, Alexandria, Virginia 22312-6317
Dr. J. P. Ellens, Redeemer College, Ancaster, Ontario L9K 1J4 Canada

Dr. Orlando O. Espin, Department of Theological and Religious Studies, Uni-

versity of San Diego, 5998 Alcalá Park, San Diego, California 921 10-2492

Mr. Aurelio Espinosa, 6082 North Black Bear Loop, Tucson, Arizona 85715

Prof. Duncan G. Fisher, 641 Whitney Avenue, #3D, New Haven, Connecticut
06511

Mr. John F. Fox, 5 Villanova Lane, Rochester, New Hampshire 03867
Mr. Mark Galli, Managing Editor, Christian History, 465 Gunderson Drive,
Carol Stream, Illinois 60188

248

MISCELLANY

Ms. Karin E. Gedge, 155 Rowland Road, Fairfield, Connecticut 06430

Mr. Savariar A. George, Jr., 93 Persn Sg. Pari Timur-l4, TMN MAS, 30100 Ipoh,
Malaysia

Mr. G. W. Giles, P.O. Box 22-4074, Hollywood, Florida 33022
Dr. Irene E. Gnarra, 26 Country Club Lane, Elizabeth, New Jersey 07208

Mr. Alexander W. Gotta, M.D., 29 Ascot Ridge, Great Neck, New York 1 10212912

Prof. Kenneth V. Gouwens, Department of History, University of South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina 29208
Rev. William C. Graham, 47 East 129th Street, New York, New York 10019

Mr. Ronald J. Granieri, 5113 South Kimbark Avenue, Apt. IF, Chicago, Illinois
60615

Prof. Frank Graziano, RR 3, Box 165, Lovettsville, Virginia 22080
Prof. Francis X. Hartigan, Department of History, 308, University of Nevada,
Reno, Nevada 89557

Prof. Thomas J. Heffernan, Medieval Studies Program, 417 McClung Tower,
University of Tennessee, Knoxville, Tennessee 37996-0460
Ms. Laura Morland O Hehir, 1203 Walnut Street, Berkeley, California 94709

Mr. Charles E. Herring, Jr., 401 East Crocker Street, Bel Air, Maryland 21014
Brother Charles A. Hilken, Saint Mary's College, Box 4825, Moraga, California
94575

Dr. Joseph J. Holmes, 67 Tower Street, Worcester, Massachusetts 01606

Prof. Maryann Janosik Hoskins, 2650 University Boulevard, #105, University
Heights, Ohio 44118
Prof. Irving A. Kelter, Department of History, University of St. Thomas, 3800
Montrose Boulevard, Houston, Texas 77006
Mr. David A. Kingma, Special Collections, Foley Center and Library, Gonzaga
University, Spokane, Washington 99258

Ms. Kim M. Klein, 4201 Somerset Place, Baltimore, Maryland 21210
Ms. Sue Korlan, 1016 G Street, S.E., Washington, D.C. 20003
Dr. Diane Krantz, 408 University Drive, Davis, California 95616
Brother Anthony Kreinus, S.V.D., Divine Word College, D201, 102 Jacoby
Drive, S.W., Epworth, Iowa 52045-0380
Ms. Melissa H. Larriviere, 52 Breezemont Avenue, Riverside, Connecticut
06878

Sr. Margaret Lorimer, C.S.A., Marian College, 231 Evans Drive, Fond du Lac,
Wisconsin 54935

Mr. Keith L. Lostaglio, 250 West 94th Street, #2K, New York, New York
10025-6954

Rev. Thomas A. Lynch, Caldwell Hall, Catholic University of America, Wash-

ington, D.C. 20064
Mr. Paul R. Madden, P.O. Box 2053, Ventnor City, Newjersy 08406
Dr. Kevin J. Madigan, 1153 East 56th Street, No. 3, Chicago, Illinois 60637
Dr. Elizabeth Makowski, Department of History, Taylor-Murphy #230, Southwest Texas State University, San Marcos, Texas 78666—4616
Mr. Peter G. Martin, Emory University, P.O. Box 21335, Atlanta, Georgia 30322

MISCELIANY

249

Mr. H. William McAtee, 71 Silverwood Street, Mobile, Alabama 36607-3409

Mr. Eugene B. McCarraher, 636 Overhill Road, Ardmore, Pennsylvania 19003
Prof. Joseph M. McCarthy, 344 West Street, Duxbury, Massachusetts 023323609

Prof. John T. McGreevy, Robinson Hall, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138-6502

Prof. Johannes Meier, Neustrasse 11, D-44787 Bochum, Germany

Mr. Mark Milosch, 326 Finkbine Lane, #11, Iowa City, Iowa 52246
Prof. John Monfasani, Department of History, State University of New York,
Albany, New York 12222

Mr. Scott B. Montgomery, 34 Woodbridge Avenue, #3, Highland Park, New
Jersey 08904
Rev. Dr. Margot L. Nesbitt, 1703 North Hudson Street, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma 73103

Dr. Louis John Nigro, U.S. Embassy—Vatican, PSC #59, APO AE 09624

Dr. Ray R. Noll, 321 Ridgeway Drive, Petaluma, California 94952
Ms. Theresa Notare, 3211 4th Street, N.E., Washington, DC. 20017-1106
Rev. Dr. Edward J. Ondrako, O.F.M.Conv., Cornell Catholic Community, G-22

Anabel Taylor HaU, Ithaca, New York 14853

Mr. David L. Peavy, 8710 Nairn Street, Houston, Texas 77074
Mr. James P. Philbin, 11511 Regnid Drive, Silver Spring, Maryland 20902

Mr. Laurence Pittenger, 1309 Lawrence Street, N.E., Washington, D.C
20017

Prof. Veronica B. Plesch, Department of Art, Colby College, Waterville, Maine
04901

Dr. Phyllis E. Pobst, Department of History, P.O. Drawer 1690, Arkansas State

University, State University, Arkansas 72467
Rev. Thaddeus J. Posey, O.F.M.Cap., Mail #4361, 2115 Summit Avenue, St.
Paul, Minnesota 55105-1096

Mr. Craig Prentiss, 828 West Addison, Apt. 309, Chicago, Illinois 60613

Rev. Francis A. Regan, S.T.D., St. Christine's Rectory, 1295 Main Street, Marshfield, Massachusetts 02050
Dr. Louise B. Richardson, P.O. 392, Spring Lake, New Jersey 07762
Dr. James D. Riley, 5710 39th Avenue, Hyattsville, Maryland 20781-1715

Prof. Joyce E. Rogers, University College, Room 20, University of New Mexico,
Albuquerque, New Mexico 87131-1456
Mr. R. G. Rolwing, 7651 Burkey, Reynoldsburg, Ohio 43068

Mr. Michael Romano, P.O. Box 264, Cedar Grove, New Jersey 07009
Prof. Jennifer F. Rondeau, Department of History, University of Oregon, Eu-

gene, Oregon 97403

Prof. Jane Rosenthal, 600 West 1 16th Street, Apt. #92, New York, New York
10027

Dr. Robert Royal, Vice-President, Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1015 15th
Street, N.W., Suite 900, Washington, DC. 20005

Rev. Dr. Olaf Roynesdal, Pastor, P.O. Box 86, Baltic, South Dakota 570030086

250

MISCELLANY

Prof. Josephine H. Schulte, Department of History, St. Mary's University, One
Camino Santa Maria, San Antonio, Texas 78228—8546
Mr. Robert Scully, SJ., Jesuit Community, Hagemann House, 2535 Le Conte

Avenue, Berkeley, California 94709

Prof. Hiroaki Shiozaki, 22—12 Eminent Hayama, Nagaski 852, Japan

Mr. Phillip J. Simko, 40 Eugene Boulevard, South Amboy, New Jersey 08879—
1969

Dr. Corliss K. Slack, Department of History, #1103, Whitworth College, Spo-

kane, Washington 99251
Dr. Andrew D. Sorokowski, 1583 Massachusetts Avenue, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

Prof. Nancy Spatz, 1 1 West Caramillo Street, Colorado Springs, Colorado 80907

Mr. George T. Spera, 601 West 1 13th Street, Apt. 10 D, New York, New York
10025

Ms. Christine Taylor, Archdiocese of Seattle, 910 Marion Street, Seattle, Washington 98104
Rev. Robert Thorp, St. Hugh of Lincoln, 43 Belmont Road, Torquay, Devon
TQl IND, England

Dr. Donald Tinder, Windestraat 64, 1 171 KB Badhoevedorp, The Netherlands

Prof. David F. Tinsley, Department of Foreign Languages, University of Puget

Sound, Tacoma, Washington 98416

Prof. Elisa Narin van Court, 447 63rd Street, Oakland, California 94609
Mr. Charles Van Hof, Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 255 Jefferson Avenue,
SE., Grand Rapids, Michigan 49503-4570
Ms. Karen T. Wagner, 312 Montrose Avenue, Toronto, Ontario, M6G 3G8
Canada

Rev. Arthur Wheeler, C.S.C., University of Portland, 5000 North Willamette
Boulevard, Portland, Oregon 97203-5798
Mr. Basil Williams, III, 61 West 9th Street, #7A, New York, New York 100118985

Mr. T. Gordon Wilmot, 387 East Mosholu Parkway North, #5C, Bronx, New
York 10467

Ms. Alice L. Wood, 4601 Woodside, Houston, Texas 77023
Rev. Dr. Casimir J. Wozniak, Department of Theology, Gannon University,
Perry Square, Erie, Pennsylvania 16541

BOOK REVIEWS

Ancient and Medieval

The Roman Near East, 31 BC-AD 337. By Fergus Millar. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 1993. Pp. xxxii, 587.)

This is an extremely well-documented volume on the extension of Roman

rule in the Near East in the course of the four centuries or so that elapsed
after the battle of Actium in 31 B.C. Its Near East is not that region in its
entirety but the Semitic Near East, the future Byzantine Diocese of Oriens,

that excluded Anatolia and Egypt. The author ably discusses the various stages

of this extension of Roman rule, which in the reigns of Trajan, Severus, and
Diocletian went beyond the Euphrates, thus going counter to Augustus's decision to make the Euphrates the boundary between Rome and Iran. The
author is careful not to present his work as a contribution to the history of

Roman "drums and trumpets," and so he thoroughly goes through the history,

geography, and religions of the sub-regions which constituted the Near East,
and in the process he demonstrates the power of Hellenization and Romanization in transforming this Semitic Near East from what it had been to what
it came to be at the end of this period. The author has acquitted himself

remarkably well in the execution of his task, and all students of Roman history
should be grateful to him for this well-researched and richly-documented

volume.

What would interest readers of this journal most is what the author says

on Christianity and the two Semitic peoples that were related to it, namely,
the Jews and the Arabs, the latter being the people who sponsored the spread
of Islam, the monotheistic Abrahamic religion, in the seventh century and
with it the Arab conquests. These topics are important in this age of ecumenism

and of inter-faith dialogues and their treatment calls for the following critical
comments. In a volume of this size and context, more might have been said

on Christianity: on its fortunes in the Near East as a persecuted religion and

on its final triumph in the fourth century when Constantine converted and

declared it religio licita, thus revolutionizing the history of the region and
the world. There is fresh material on both Christianity in this period and on
the vexata quaestio of Constantine's conversion.
251

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His treatment of the two Semitic peoples, the Jews and the Arabs, is of
unequal value. It is excellent on the Jews, with whose language and history
he is evidently conversant but not so on die Arabs, who do not do well with
him. The sedentary Arabs of Emesa, Edessa, Nabataea, and Palmyrena—whose
territories formed a large chunk of die Near East—wrote important chapters
in die history of this region and of Rome, as they contributed to the welfare
of Christianity before Constantine and as they protected the Roman frontier.
It is common knowledge that their Arabness was much diluted by the forces
of Hellenization and Romanization, but it was not entirely obliterated. The

audior strips them of dieir Arab identity and chooses to conceive of die Arabs

as those nomads of the steppe who appear as a threat to the Roman-controlled
Near East. The vulnerability of this conception of the Arabs is advertised by
the author himself, who confessedly has no knowledge ofArabic (p. xvi). This
naturally has led him to operate with dependent judgments and to a view of

Arab history, which no true and objective scholar of Arabic, Arabica, and

Romano-arabica will accept. But it is good to hear die audior say diat by
down-playing the significance of Arab identity, his book should not "seem to
take one side in the profound religious and communal tensions of the modern
world." The volume, however, remains a substantial contribution to the study
of the extension of Roman rule in the Near East from the principate ofAugustus
to die reign of Constantine.
Irfan Shahid

Georgetown University

Religion and Literature in Western England, 600—800. By Patrick Sims-

Williams. [Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England, Volume 3·] (New

York: Cambridge University Press. 1990. Pp. xvi, 448 incl. 2 maps.
$79.95.)

The proliferation of general and specialized studies in Anglo-Saxon life and
institutions over the last five years or so is gratifying; most encouraging is
dieir universal tendency toward scholarly syncretism, mating fields of study

that are traditionally separate, and making resourceful use of new and over-

looked kinds of sources. There are at least three ambitious survey projects

out now—one of them on CD-ROM—and there are advanced studies that

cover subjects as various as Anglo-Saxon dress, medicine, and military techniques. For students of intellectual history diere are new contributions in
folklore, liturgy, hagiography, and the overall problem of England's conversion
to Christianity. Critical studies in die dynamics of early English religious
sensibilities in particular fill important gaps in our understanding ofhow AngloSaxon culture worked; these studies are especially welcome when they deal
in regional matters, and at the very earliest stages of Anglo-Saxon settlement,

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BOOK REVIEWS

where the sources are routinely bare. For sensitivity to the value of scattered
sources none surpasses Patrick Sims-Williams' remarkable study of the tiny

sibling kingdoms of the Hwicce and the Magonsaetan, who centered in the

seventh-century Avon and Severn valleys, cheek-by-jowl with the Welsh, and
whose story is so obscure that even Bede has little to say of them. This local
study has wide consequences: these two kingdoms are never politically
weighty, but they are important proof of how widely religious institutions
can vary over place and time, and also how international the patterns of

influence can be, some of them coming in Ulis case from Ireland and the
Continent.

The problem is how to come to know a people who leave so little behind,
and how much then to infer about other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. The book's
measured pace begins with the geographical and genealogical boundaries of
die two kingdoms, drawing from place-names and archaeological information.

The Hwicce and the Magonsaetan turn out to have kept their own kings and
monasteries well into the eighth century. Their first flirtations widi Christianity

and their eventual formation into what will be the dioceses of Hereford and

Worcester follow. The success of the English Church is thought to have much
to do with die success of its monasteries, and not the episcopal sees founded
generally on Roman city sites. In Worcester, however, it seems that die bishops
had a consistently high degree of control on the development of all die
important aspects of monasticism. This picture of the eighth-century Church
fills out to a complex chapter on the administrative realities of the reigns of
die Mercian over-kings ¿Cdielbald and Offa, during which the significance of
terms like monasterium and mynster could vary tremendously.
Even so, die monastic component of die religious culture dominates, and
die rest of the book deals widi die extensive literary expression of tíiis fact.
On die evidence of biblical study, letter writing, and poetry and prose diese
bishops and monastics built a strong and anachronistic pastoral system which,
diough it was soon eclipsed by Mercia, stands as a lively rebuke to many

traditional generalizations about Anglo-Saxon religious culture. It is too early

to generalize about die pre-Conquest Church, Dr. Sims-Williams observes, and
this is the substance of his book.

He is undoubtedly right about the importance of deep local studies. He is
right as well to choose from such a broad range of sources: some multidisciplinary study is absolutely necessary to elevate die art of the historian.
The clarity with which he does this is truly impressive. One could wish for
a brassier conclusion; he may be more cautious dian he needs to be about
what we can learn from die Hwicce and the Magonsaetan, and perhaps sub-

sequent work should deal with the continuity of institutions. Still, this book
is an exemplar for high-order scholarship, and it will survive as such.

Duncan G. Fisher

New Haven, Connecticut

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BOOK REVIEWS

Consorting with Saints: Prayer for the Dead in Early Medieval France. By

Megan McLaughlin. (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. 1994.
Pp. xii, 306. $32.50.)

By "early medieval" Dr. McLaughlin understands the period between the

mid-eighth century and ca 1 100. The thesis of her book is that, during it,

prayer for the dead followed a distinctive pattern which differed from what
came before and followed after and which reflected current social, economic,
and cultural structures. By 750, people were no longer participating directly
in most rituals for the dead but sought to be associated with clerical, and
especially monastic, devotions on behalf of die faithful departed. The consequence was an age of ecclesiological symbolism; a prime manifestation was
the collective service which spiritual communities undertook on behalf of

the dead. After 1100, this rapidly changed. Prayer for die dead became dis-

sociated from the context in which it had been performed and, in line wiüi
the commercial emphasis of later medieval society, became more of a commodity. If it became theologically more sophisticated, it also became more
numerical and even mechanical.

Dr. McLaughlin's monograph has solid merits. She offers a conspectus, much

needed by Anglophone readers, of the recent historical study of the commemoration of the dead. Such study was promoted in the second half of die
nineteenth century by Delisle in France and the Monumentists in Germany
until, in 1890, Adalbert Ebner published his still useful survey of commemorative practices up to Carolingian times. Relative neglect followed until after
World War II, which was followed by a major revival, especially but by no
means only in the Münster-Freiburg school. In her first two chapters, Dr.
McLaughlin discusses the funerary ceremonies that followed die death of an
individual, and then prayer for the dead collectively and the continuing com-

memoration of individuals. The core of the book, and its strongest part, is
constituted by two further chapters on the laity and liturgical communities,
noting the different treatment of humiles and potentes. A long final chapter
on the ideology of prayer for the dead is less successful because more couched
in generalities.
Dr. McLaughlin's principal contention is that early medieval rituals for the
dead were primarily "associative," that is, their symbolism exhibited the complex relationships that bound the intercessors with the dead and the divine.
She has surprisingly little to say about die biblical citations and references
which suggest more individual preoccupations. Perhaps the most often attested is Christ's mysterious saying about the mammon of iniquity (Luke 16:8),
which was used to suggest how the tables might be turned upon a corrupt
world by diverting its goods to endow and to win a part in the prayers and
good works of the monks. Abbot Odilo of Cluny's statute about AU Souls Day
ends with the thought that everyone in God's household should offer according to his means lest he share the fate of the slothful servant who hid his

BOOK REVIEWS

255

talent in a napkin. A just balance between the individual and the social is
difficult to strike. However, it is probably significant that confraternity with
an older black-monk monastery does not seem to have established any such
solidarity amongst confratres as would mark the Third Orders of the later
medieval mendicants.

St. Edmund Hall, Oxford

H. E. J. Cowdrey

The Church in Western Europe from the Tenth to the Early Twelfth Century.
By Gerd Teilenbach. Translated by Timothy Reuter. [Cambridge Medieval
Textbooks.] (New York: Cambridge University Press. 1993. Pp. xix, 403.
S79.95 cloth, S22.95 paperback.)
This is an outstanding translation of an outstanding book; it was published
originally in German as Die westliche Kirche vom 10. bis frühen 12. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1988). English readers will be especially grateful that

Professor Reuter has updated and expanded the bibliography in accordance

with English practice as well. Tellenbach's masterful survey of the history of
the tenth- and the critical eleventh-century history of the Church deals with
the Church as both an institution and as a spiritual body in eight chapters·.
"Western Christendom and its environment in the tenth and eleventh cen-

turies" (1), "The church and its manifestations on earth" (2), "The material
existence of the churches and the clergy" (3), "Religious life and thought"

(4), "The beginnings of the revolution in church history" (5), "Gregory VII

(1073—1085)" (6), "Continuing conflicts between established principles" (7),
and "Pope, church, and Christendom" (8). A brief epilogue, a select bibliography, and a very helpful index conclude the volume which will be welcomed by scholars who are non-specialists in this field as well as by specialists,

for Tellenbach, who devoted his entire scholarly life to the investigation of
this period, does more than just nod in the direction of recent scholarly
contributions; he reflects and comments upon them with wit and incomparable insight.
The division of the volume alone indicates that its emphasis lies on the

second half of the eleventh century, the period of the so-called "Gregorian"

reform. In agreement with Yves Congar and others, Tellenbach interprets this
period primarily as a transformation of ecclesiology through the papal introduction of a new type of ecclesiastical government, centralization in short.

The full force of this revolution and its source is revealed in Tellenbach's

consideration of the tenth and early eleventh century. The author is able to
show convincingly that the description of the Church as suffering in the hands
of the laity—popularized many years ago by Augustin Fliehe—is anachronistic.
"If the institutions of proprietary church and monastery were responsible for

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BOOK REVIEWS

so much damage as has often been maintained, usually in a radier stereotyped

fashion, then one would have to blame not only lay but also clerical owners"

(p. 108). The unreflected use of the term "reform" is criticized with particular

insistence. "There have always been 'monastic reforms'. What was understood

by Ulis varied greatly, and needs to be clarified from case to case" (p. 109).

Tellenbach himself does so in exemplary manner with regard to Cluny (p.

11 Iff.), concluding that the Burgundian abbey could not have meant much

to the popes of the tendí century whose political and jurisdictional activities

focussed essentially on Rome and central Italy.
Thus the ecclesiological change after 1046 is attributed almost exclusively

to the activity of the popes themselves, and among them especially to Gregory
VII. Tellenbach differentiates this change from reforms supported by both
Church and monarchy, such as the ancient struggle against simony and clerical

marriage. Revolutionary changes were wrought, he argues, by die vision of
the papacy as "called to lead Christendom" in a "religious, dogmatic, legal,
and political sense" on the basis of the old idea of papal primacy (pp. 187,
308). According to Tellenbach, Gregory VII at one with the radical reformer
Humbert of Silva Candida felt primarily compelled to secure the effectiveness

of papal authority, to assert its divine origin, and to deny the same to the
monarchs of Europe in pursuit of this ideal. The result was a fundamental and
permanent change, primarily widiin the Church but also in the relationship
between the papacy, Byzantium, and the western monarchies.

Not all questions are answered by die volume, and here and there one
might disagree with the views presented, but the mosaic so carefully and
learnedly constructed by Tellenbach is on the whole most persuasive, stimulating, and richly rewarding.
Uta-Renate Blumenthal

The Catholic University ofAmerica

Canon Law in the Age of Reform, 11th—12th Centuries, By John Gilchrist.

[Collected Studies Series, 406.] (Brookfield, Vermont: Variorum, Ashgate

Publishing Company. 1993. Pp. xx, 313- Î8995.)

It seems impossible to deny that a connection exists between the movement
for ecclesiastical reform and developments in the canon law in the mid-

eleventh and early twelfth centuries. While recent historiography has tended

to minimize die direct influence of die so-called Gregorian reform by em-

phasizing the persistence of die canonical tradition of the earlier period,
especially diat of Burchard of Worms, it is clear that along with continuity,

there was significant innovation. Even if no single personality, group, or cause
can, or should, be identified as the principal raison d'être, the diversity of the

new appeals to the law, the very different types of canonical collections, the

BOOK REVIEWS

257

obvious attempts by disparate people to apply the law to real and pressing

problems if only in a polemical sense, demonstrate that the period 1049—

1140 was significantly different from that which had gone before.

The twelve studies by the late John Gilchrist collected in this volume
support all of these statements. While not easily summarized in a review, the
articles reveal both the progressive phases of Gilchrist's ideas and his under-

lying preoccupation with the sources. Gilchrist was convinced at an early

stage of his career of an idea of "reform rooted in diversity." A number of the
articles collected here show his attempts to find the antecedents of the "Gregorian reform" in the earlier period. Articles I and II consider the life of

Humbert of Silva-Candida and his doctrine of Roman primacy. (Gilchrist

would, however, later reject Humbert as a subject for strictly canonistic in-

quiry.) In Article III, Gilchrist traced the supposed "novel principles" of the
Gregorian Reform as represented by the Dictatus papae of Gregory VII in
Humbertine writings and in the Diversorumpatrum sententie, finding a much
longer tradition for these than had previously been assumed. Gilchrist would
later restrict a strictly "Gregorian" program to the decrees of the November

synod of 1078 (Article VIII). In Article IV, on the heresy of simony from Leo
LX to Gratian, Gilchrist showed that the supposed radicalism of Gregory VII,

especially in terms of the issues of simony and clerical chastity, had to be set

in context with a far older tradition and indeed controversy regarding the

problem of orders. Gilchrist soon came to the conclusion that the movement

for reform was "less ecclesiological, less definite and certainly not as
Gregorian-oriented as formerly assumed" (Article VII). No longer seeking

simply to limit the uniqueness of the Gregorian reform by tracing its ante-

cedents, Gilchrist then questioned whether such a program had even been
adequately defined. The important Articles VIII and LX, in which he charted

the reception of Gregory VII in subsequent canonical collections, reflected
these concerns.

One common element in these articles is the minute attention paid to the

sources. It was this preoccupation that led Gilchrist to adopt what he termed
a "quantitative approach," largely with unpublished canonical collections.
There were certain methodological problems inherent in such an approach,
as he acknowledged, notably that of determining what actually constituted a

canonical collection, and what value should be given to collections surviving
in only one or two manuscripts. His work on the Epístola Widonis (Article

X) is an important example of this approach. Tracing one text through a
number of collections and canonistic materials, he believed, might reveal
important and hitherto unnoticed relationships.

It is perhaps inevitable that, with Gilchrist's tragic death, this volume will
acquire a sort of memorial status. This is unfortunate in that, as his introduction

shows, Gilchrist envisaged this publication as a midway point of synthesis,
and clearly looked on to new projects, not least ofwhich his much-anticipated

edition of the Collection in Four Books. A far better tribute to this scholar

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BOOK REVIEWS

of canon law would be for us to assume his challenge: to rigorously examine

the structure of the "reform" collections, their reception and their influence;
indeed, to continue his attempt to explain how and why the period 1050—
1 1 50 was so different from that which had gone before.
Kathleen G. Cushing

Cleverdale, New York

Love and Marriage in the Middle Ages. By Georges Duby. Translated by Jane
Dunnett. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1994. Pp. x, 231. Í37.50.)
Georges Duby brings together in this volume fifteen studies, written be-

tween 1967 and 1986, which have appeared in scattered books, journals, and
occasional publications. To these Duby has added a concluding chapter, orig-

inally written in 1 980 but previously unpublished, in which he surveys "Trends

in Historical Research in France, 1950—1980."

The papers in this collection fall into three parts. The studies in the first

and longest section discuss, as the book's title suggests they should, issues

connected with love, marriage, and women's history. Part two treats patterns

and changes in family structure. The final section of the book brings together

seven shorter essays on a variety of general topics that range from "The History

of Value Systems" to "Heresies and Societies in Preindustrial Europe between
the Eleventh and Eighteenth Centuries."

The essays in part one of this book for the most part reproduce arguments
that Duby has made in earlier books that are available in English, especially
Medieval Marriage (1978) and The Knight, the Lady, and the Priest (1983).
The essay "On Courtly Love" and Duby's introduction to the 1976 edition of
the Roman de la Rose, however, present provocative readings of courtly
literature that will perhaps not be familiar to an Anglophone audience.
The three papers on family structures that make up part two of Love and
Marriage deal with matters that are central to Duby's scholarly interests,

namely, the relationship between the French monarchy and the aristocracy
in the eleventh and early twelfth centuries. The primary evidence that Duby

relies upon in these three studies comes largely from French chronicles and
other narrative sources, together with a sprinkling of information from charters. The limitations of this evidence base, in turn, significantly restrict the
force of Duby's conclusions about the structure of medieval families. Important
as France undeniably was in the intellectual, literary, and social life of Europe
during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, it remains to be demonstrated that

the marital and family relationships that characterized the French military and

landholding elite in those two centuries faithfully reflected conditions else-

where in Christendom or in social groups other than the high aristocracy.

BOOK REVIEWS

259

Even for France, moreover, the abundant evidence that still lies fallow in other
types of documents, notably in the poorly explored records of the French

ecclesiastical courts, might well present quite a different picture of the family

structures that prevailed, not only among the aristocracy, but also among
peasants and city dwellers during the thirteenth and following centuries.
The third part of Love and Marriage presents a medley of seven studies,

mostly brief, on grand themes that range from the history of value systems
to Duby's report on trends in French historical research.
Duby quite properly compares the studies in this volume to "the pages of
a workshop notebook." They constitute a progress report on work that he

was engaged in over roughly two decades. Readers may differ widely in their
reactions to these fragments from Duby's workbench, but many will find them

stimulating and suggestive, although even their author would be reluctant to
claim that they present definitive solutions to the problems that they explore.
James A. Brundage

University of Kansas

Stained Glass in England during the Middle Ages By Richard Marks. (Buffalo,

New York: University of Toronto Press. 1993· Pp. xxvi, 301; 30 color
plates, 200 black and white figures. $85.00.)

Earlier in Ulis century a number of general histories of stained glass in
England were published; these were followed by numerous detailed treat-

ments of windows in one or more locale, including five titles that have been
published in the international Corpus Vitrearum series. A book that draws
this material into a lengthy and probing new synthesis is, therefore, timely,
and the author is eminently qualified for the task.

One of the great merits of his book is the space given—the first 100 pages—
to general topics of current interest to social historians. "Donors and Patrons,"

"Technique . . . and die Organization of Workshops," "Iconography," and "Domestic Glass," before embarking on a "Chronological Survey" in Part II (pp.
105—246). The scant published documents that shed some light on the ways

in which pre-fourteenth-century glazing was financed are drawn together (pp.

3-4), followed by a discussion of the abundant donor 'portraits' and documents from the later periods. The author rightly alludes to the "English connections" of the early representations of Henry II and Eleanor of Aquitaine as
donors in the east window of Poitiers Cathedral, but cautions against taking

all later royal arms as an indication of royal donations (p. 10). Under "Technique," centers of glass production are discussed, and the conclusion sup-

ported that colored glasses were at all times imported from the continent
(pp. 29—31). The author gives valuable surveys of records of individual glass

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BCX)K REVIEWS

painters, guilds, and wages (pp. 40-47), and of prices for glass and windows
(pp. 48-51).

The late medieval documentary evidence for the spiritual functions of windows and for donors' specific wishes in the selection of subjects is emphasized

in the section on iconography (pp. 59-91). The case is well argued that

didactic themes in windows had a powerful effect on their medieval viewers,
despite the frequent modern quibble that windows are hard to see (pp. 59-

61 ). This section takes particular note of subjects that have some claim to be

"English," such as the life and miracles of Thomas Becket, and even St. Anne

teaching the Virgin to read (p. 75). Themes from catechism are very clearly
laid out in relation to the Church's mission to instruct the laity (pp. 78—81 ).

In Part II we learn that recent archaeological finds, in addition to the famous
fragments from Bede's monastery at Jarrow, have served to carry a well established and continuous history of glass painting in England back to the
seventh century (pp. 105— 1 12). Fully utilized throughout are documents and
drawings that often survived iconoclasm and neglect better than the windows

themselves (Pl. XXX, figs. 104, 109, 114, 117, 121, 124, 129, 150, 176, 180,

197—200; notable among these are the superb mid-nineteenth-century watercolor tracings by Charles Winston). These are of especial assistance in a
valuable section on "The Reformation and After," in which the effects of

iconoclasm and restoration are discussed (pp. 229—246). Also notable are the
number of significant comparisons the author is able to make with contemporary works in other media, most frequently with paintings in manuscripts,
but also with panel paintings, sculpture, tiles, tomb brasses, and printed block

books (figs. 12, 24, 33, 36, 37, 39, 40, 48, 91, 97, 107, 126, 133, 138, 140,

151). Relationships to continental works are also kept in sight. The discussion
of these connections helps to transform the parochial character of "glass
studies." Furthermore, architectural contexts are illustrated as well as discussed throughout, so that the reader can apprehend the complementary
nature of windows and stonework in the Gothic period (figs. 32, 35, 76, 78,
92, 116, 123, 132, 182-183).
The book is handsomely produced, though with color plates that are very
slightly greenish to this reviewer's eye; the excellent black and white figures
are liberally distributed through the text, and their referencing in the margins
as well as the italicization of sites within the text assists the retrieval of

information. Footnotes, placed at the end of the volume no doubt to avoid
further cluttering of the text page, are clear and succinct, with an apparently
complete grasp of bibliographic sources; the only impediment to their use is
the lack of a header indicating the chapter or text pages they refer to. Overall
very few errors were noted (e.g., the situation of Sens in ducal Burgundy
instead of the royal domaine, p. 75).
Madeline H. Caviness

Tufts University

BOOK REVIEWS

261

Beginen im Bodenseeraum, By Andreas Wilts. [Bodensee-Bibliothek, Band

37] (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag. 1994. Pp. 508; 1 color plate.

DM 78,-.)

In this meticulously researched Habilitationsschrift Andreas Wilts has examined the Béguines from two methodological perspectives. First, he has
employed a regional approach, that is, he has looked at all the houses of
Béguines situated in the Lake Constance region, which he defines as the area
which was under the jurisdiction of the Franciscan friaries in Constance,

Lindau, Überlingen, and Schaffhausen. This analysis is based on a 169-page

appendix that contains the histories of all known communities of Béguines
in the region prior to the Reformation. Second, Wilts seeks explanations that
do justice to the diversity of the movement, both geographically and chronologically. Previous scholars, in his opinion, have offered either general explanations that have concentrated on only one facet of the movement (for
example, Karl Bücher's view that béguinages were asylums for unwanted

women is based largely on late-medieval evidence) or have written descrip-

tions of individual convents that have ignored the broader interpretive
questions.

The first appearance of the Béguines in the region in the second decade of

the thirteenth century was part of the European-wide search for apostolic
perfection. Wilts rejects Joseph Greven's thesis that the Béguines were frustrated nuns who were forced to develop their unique lifestyle because the
older male orders refused to assume the care of additional nunneries. Rather,
they were women who sought to live an active life in the world supported
by their own work and begging but who were impeded by their gender from
doing so. The movement's diversity was caused by the women's differing
responses to Ulis conundrum. If anything, religious opportunities for women
in the Diocese of Constance had declined in the twelfth century as the few
existing double houses were dissolved. Here, I would have liked an explanation
why the region was so inhospitable to women religious compared, say, to

Saxony in the tenth century or the Archdiocese ofSalzburg, where Benedictine
and Augustinian double houses flourished during the High Middle Ages.

Communities of Béguines founded before 1230, normally by women inspired by the preaching of the Fifth Crusade, were transformed into Benedictine and Cistercian nunneries. The most important were affiliated with the
Cistercian Abbey of Salem. After the appearance of the friars, die women
gravitated toward them. The more traditional Dominicans with their emphasis
on learned contemplation, at first reluctantly and after the 1250's deliberately,
encouraged the Béguines' claustration. The Franciscans' own ideals were more
attuned to the women's aspirations, and most of the remaining Béguines,
roughly 80 percent in the Later Middle Ages, became Franciscan tertiaries.
Wilts emphasizes that while there were significant differences in the social
composition of individual houses, the majority of Béguines, whether or not

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they became nuns or lived in the countryside, were of urban origin. He
presents his findings about the Béguines' social origins in an appendix. The
movement was thus a response to both the problems and the opportunities
created by medieval urbanization.
The publication of the Constitutions of Vienne in 1317 accelerated the
institutionalization of the movement; the Béguines were forced to become
Franciscan tertiaries to escape the suspicion of heresy. Some of die urban
houses remained true to the original ideals of ministering to the needy but
were closely supervised by the municipal authorities. The majority of new
late-medieval foundations were established in the countryside, but these communities were small. These rural Béguines assumed many of the characteristics
of inclusae whose cells were attached to a parish church or anchoresses. It
is impossible in a short review to do justice to the complexity of Wilts's
arguments, but his book is required reading for anyone with an interest in
the Béguines.
John B. Freed

Illinois State University

Eckhardus Theutonicus, homo docttis et sanctus. Nachweise und Berichte

zum Prozess gegen Meister Eckhart Edited by Heinrich Stirnimann in
collaboration with Ruedi Imbach. [Dokimion, Band 11.] (Freiburg/

Schweiz: Universitätsverlag. 1992. Fp. x, 312. 49 S.Fr. paperback.)

In the 1980's a movement to request an official reconsideration of the 1329
condemnation of excerpts from Meister Eckhart's writings began to gather
strength, both in the Dominican Order and in wider circles of readers of the
great Dominican mystic and theologian. Given recent Vatican willingness to
reverse earlier judgments, as in the Galileo case, the time seemed ripe for

such a request, though not all readers of Eckhart (including myself) found it
either necessary or appropriate.

This volume of essays is intended to contribute to this effort, at least in
part, by providing new information and consideration of the actual condemnation process itself—one of the best known and most fully documented of
all medieval condemnations for heresy. Like so many collective volumes,
however, the title is not really fulfilled by what we find in the volume. This
is not to say that a number of the essays in Eckardus Theutonicus are not
useful contributions to recent Eckhartian scholarship.
Four of the eight essays have substantial relevance to John XXII's condemnation. Winfried Trusen provides a competent, if not original, overview of the
whole process, stressing the canonistic aspects of the Cologne and Avignon
proceedings. The long article of Tiziana Suárez-Nani on the interpretation of

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263

those articles that were finally censured in the Bull In agro dominico is often
insightful in its detail, but suffers from a perspective that is more interested
in showing how the Avignon investigators misunderstood Eckhart than in

uncovering how they also disagreed with him. At least some Eckhart scholars
may be inclined to think that had the inquisitors understood him better the

comdemnation would have been even more severe. This judgment would not
be shared by all, as witnessed by E.-H. Weber's article. "Maître Eckhart et la
grande tradition théologique." Massively documented, but fundamentally
wrong, this article seems designed to demonstrate that there is no difference
between Eckhart and Thomas Aquinas, especially on the issue of mystical
union. By far the best article in the collection is that of Georg Steer, demonstrating how the German sermons ascribed to Eckhart and excerpted by
the inquisitors are far more the product of his authentic "authorship" (with
all the medieval complexity of the term) than much previous scholarship has
been willing to admit.

The other essays in the volume deal with aspects of the Dominican's rep-

utation and therefore have sometimes marginal connection to the condemnation itself. Among these we can single out those of Loris Sturlese which
provides important information on how Eckhart's writings continued to provide a resource for theology in German-speaking rearms in the fourteenth
century, as well as the lengthy and provocative piece of Alois M. Haas, "Aktualität und Normativität Meister Eckharts." Haas's essay raises issues of how
Eckhart's theology relates to the wider normative theological tradition that
go beyond the scope of the historical essays found in this volume and makes

it obvious that theological and dogmatic evaluations of Eckhart's thought can
still provide food for contemporary thought.

Bernard McGinn

Divinity School
University of Chicago

The Bianchi of 1399: Popular Devotion in Late Medieval Italy. By Daniel E.
Bornstein. (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. 1993. Pp. xii, 232.
S32.50.)
If this book had nothing else to commend it, it would serve to inform the
Anglophone student about a religious movement of some interest which has
hitherto been treated principally in Italian. In fact, the merits of Bornstein's
book are much more considerable. Some recent writing on the background
to the English Reformation, though more polemical in tone, belongs to a

related historiographical trend. The thrust is to remind, or convince, us that
late medieval men and women accepted, to all appearances willingly, the
sacraments and devotional practices offered them by the Church. Religion

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may have functioned as social control, but it did so with the complicity of its

subjects; and as Bornstein emphasizes in an enlightening first chapter on "The

Religious Culture of Late Medieval Italy," clerical regulation even of the sacraments was, in this pre-Tridentine world, less complete than we may suppose.
Readers may add their own illustrative examples to Bornstein's. Jean de Joinville, in his life of St. Louis, relates how a companion of arms on crusade,
anticipating slaughter at the hands of the infidel, knelt and confessed his sins

to him; in the thirteenth century, he clearly believed that "a dying penitent
could confess to and receive absolution from a layman" (pp. 13—14).
Miri Rubin's study of Corpus Christi has increased our knowledge of popular
devotional uses of the eucharist. If the clerical monopoly over the consecration
of the eucharist was unquestioned (except by outright heretics), it was oth-

erwise with baptism. Bornstein quotes the Exultatio Dei ofEugenius IV ( 1439)
which affirmed both the indispensability of baptism and the permissibility of
its performance by anyone, man or woman, in case of necessity. It might have
been helpful to stress that this permission was no novelty. The first canon of
the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215, which enunciated the doctrine of tran-

substantiation and simultaneously restricted the power of consecration to the
ordained priest also, in explicit contrast, reminded the faithful that baptism

could be performed "by anyone whatsoever" in accordance with the formula
specified by the Church.
The Bianchi processing behind their crucifixes were accompanied by their
priests; they dutifully heard Mass and listened to sermons. Yet the apparent

seamlessness of the web of devotion and practice which enveloped both clergy

and laity can raise problems of interpretation. Bornstein distinguishes a secondary phase in the movement, in which members of die clergy deliberately
promoted and manipulated devotions, and in which local elites, lay and ecclesiastical, were accorded greater prominence. This he contrasts with the
social inclusiveness and cohesiveness of the original demonstrations, and adduces evidence that observers sensed a different, and diminished, value in
what was now happening. Conceding that "distinct groups formed on the

basis of social ties" did in fact play a part in the original devotions, Bornstein

nonetheless stresses (p. 115) that they were described by observers "as undifferentiated wholes, in which all social distinctions were subsumed in a
fundamental unity," which "could not last." In fact, we are not told how the
first processions originated; the initiatives behind them, lay or ecclesiastical,
are invisible. To conclude from the manner in which the chroniclers chose

to describe them that they were not orchestrated by higher authority is, in
part at least, an argument ex silentio; it may be true, but is not entirely
demonstrable.

Bornstein argues that the undifferentiated inclusiveness of the original
processions gave them their (temporary) value as agencies of peacemaking.
Here it should be observed, if only for the sake of clarification, that the concern
with peacemaking evinced by the Bianchi and their spectators was not in any

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265

sense a new one which had somehow overtaken a preoccupation with social

justice and ill-gotten wealth in the popular mind (cf. pp. 203-205). Augustine
Thompson has written of the Great Devotion of 1233: "The preaching of the

Alleluia was itself, above all, the preaching of peace." The mendicant peacemaking activity of 1233—preaching, the sponsoring of formal acts of pacification, and legislation—was clearly of a different character from what

happened in 1 399; it is a comparison that might with advantage be pursued
further and integrated into a fuller picture of the endless, hopeless quest for

peace in the Italian city and of its religious dimension. The Virgin, who played
a prominent part in 1 399, was a peacemaker of long standing; the statutes of
Siena ca. 1300 specifically permitted notaries to redact not only wills but

peace agreements on the Feast of the Assumption, although the making of
other types of contract was forbidden.

It is a virtue in any book that it suggests further projects. For this, and for
much else, Bornstein is to be congratulated.
Diana M. Webb

University ofLondon
King's College

Early Modern European
Konrad Braun (ca. 1495—1563): ein katholischer Jurist, Politiker, Kontro-

verstheologe und Kirchenreformer im konfessionellen Zeitalter. By

Maria Barbara Rössner. [Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte,

Band 130.] (Münster: AschendorffVerlagsbuchhandlung. 1991. Pp. xxxix,
435. DM 98,—.)

Konrad Braun, author of influential treatises on heresy law and sedition,
was also active in imperial church politics and the conservative side of the

Catholic Reform. He is now almost completely unknown, partly because his

major works are too long and partly because in his active life he worked
behind the scenes. Any study of Braun's work is thus a contribution to our
knowledge. Maria Rössner's book, originally a dissertation directed by Konrad
Repgen, gives much more than an ordinary biography: it makes a substantial

contribution to our knowledge of German Catholicism in the mid-sixteenth
century.

Rössner's study is organized into biographical categories which are defined
broadly enough to allow room for some analysis of Braun's thought. She has

made thorough use of manuscript sources, as well as of early printed works,

and presents Braun's career with a degree of detail not usually found in
biographies. For example, her reconstruction of the inventory of Braun's library provides a valuable glimpse of the intellectual world of a German cleric.

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Likewise, her presentation of Braun's services for court, church, and university
helps us both to appreciate his work and to understand those complex institutions more deeply. Braun's importance unfolds in the fascinating discussions
of his work at imperial commissions and Diets, but Rössner is not pleading
the case of neglected importance. Rather, she presents a figure whose versatility made him useful in die highest circles. Such a thesis courts the danger
that any unifying definition of his work will be lost in the multiplicity of
activities. The unity here rests on the fact that Braun's assignments were in
die service of the Church. Whether that is a sufficient unifying principle for
a biography is a reader's decision. Usefulness without a strong sense ofpurpose
tends to make an historical figure more passive than active and thus to undermine a claim to our interest.

Braun the theologian complements Braun the diplomat and jurist. This is
a new side of Braun, for most of his dogmatic works, like his copious Catechism, remain in manuscript. The reporting of Braun's unpublished work
shows Rössner's usual care, but one questions the necessity of the detail, for
Braun was not an original thinker, nor an influential one outside of ecclesiology. He was a voice of die inherited tradition, and the unity of his thought
is the coherence of the tradition. Moreover, the theologian and the diplomat
remain unconnected. The subtitle of the book announces its major weakness,
for we do not see die four roles blending into one career. Braun's activities
as controversialist and reformer turn out to be minor alongside his juristic
work. This book would have been more unified had it identified Braun as a

canon jurist and ecclesiastical diplomat and presented his several roles as
aspects of that career. Even in his dogmatic works Braun describes himself as
a "jurisconsult," and that is how he was known among his contemporaries.
To wish for a more closely focused presentation is not to show ingratitude

for the wealth of material in this book. As a result of Rössner's work we have

a full picture of a complex, influential, but still somewhat enigmatic figure.
The thoroughness of this biography places it among die most valuable contributions to scholarship in an important but still largely neglected area of
Catíiolic history.
One omission needs noting: the classic article on Braun by Nikolaus Paulus
is cited by author's last name in die notes but is missing in the bibliography.

It is "Dr. Konrad Braun, ein katholischer Rechtsgelehrter des 16. Jahrhun-

derts," Historisches Jahrbuch, 14 (1893), 517-548.

Ralph Keen

University of Iowa

The Irish Dominicans, 1536—1641. By Thomas S. Flynn, O.P. (Blackrock, Co.
Dublin: Four Courts Press. Order from International Specialized Book
Services, Inc., 5804 N.E. Hassalo Street, Portland, Oregon 97213-3644.
1993. Pp. xxiii, 379. Î55.00.)

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267

Well written and impressively researched, Father Flynn's book joins that
growing body of good, modern material, now being made available, about the

Counter-Reformation in Ireland. Having suffered from comparative neglect by

historians, the history of Ireland in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
benefits today from much research and from regular publication of the results
of such scholarly effort. Attention is paid to civil history, but that cannot be
written without discussing the religious life of the country. This book is a
valuable contribution to the latter.

In 1536, when Henry VIII's breach with Rome was extended to his lordship

of Ireland, the Irish Dominicans were not the most spiritually healthy group

in the Irish Church, because many had become accustomed to a restful and

untroubled existence. The Observant movement within the Orders in Ireland

had already begun to make its mark and was one of the reasons why the

government was hostile to all friars as it attempted to sever the Irish link with
Rome. Some Dominican communities managed to survive for decades, but all
were dispersed under Elizabeth I, and religious formation at home became
impossible; so it became accepted policy to send young Dominicans abroad
for study.
The European link thus established, as it was for other Orders, became an
essential element in the Irish Counter-Reformation and was fundamental in

its success. This European-based revival of the Irish Dominicans began about
1 580, was part of die intellectual renaissance of the whole Order, and resulted
in Irish foundations in Lisbon (1615) and Louvain (1625), with the foundation

of a house for Irish Dominican nuns in Portugal in 1639.

The Dominicans were spared the severe ethnic tensions between Old English and Gaelic Irish which troubled the Franciscans, and they flourished so
much when the Catholic revival became established in the early years ofJames

I that an Irish Province was formally established in 1622. There were nineteen
houses in 1632, and Irish Dominican life, when war returned to Ireland in

1641, was healthier than it had been two hundred years previously.

One of the strengths of this book is the portrayal of many individual Do-

minicans, whose careers have been traced through many European archives.
Prominent among them are Eugene O'Hart, Bishop of Achonry from 1 562 to

1603 (one of the five Dominicans who held Irish dioceses at the time), Ross

MacGeoghan, provincial for ten years from 1617 and Bishop of Kildare from

1629 to 1644, and, most fascinating of all, Dominic O'Daly, who developed
the house at Lisbon into a college in the l630's, identified himself completely
with the cause of Portuguese independence, and died in 1662 as bishop-elect
of Coimbra and president of the State Council of Portugal.

Survival and revival of the Irish Dominicans, and of other Orders in Ireland,
was based on the Irish reception of renewed Catholicism, but there were

negative aspects to the story. The mendicants presumed, wrongly, that they
could return to their medieval foundations, with all their former rights. There

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was tension between the Franciscans, who were by far the largest Order in
Ireland, and other friars. Feuding and bickering between the Orders was to
the detriment of their spiritual mission in Ireland. During the 1630's there
was serious discord between diocesan and regular clergy, particularly in Mun-

ster. All these quarrels hampered the catechizing of the Gaelic Irish, who were
the vast majority of the population.

Continental education broke down barriers at home, leading to a modus
Vivendi between the Gaelic Irish and Old English, who constituted the Irish

Catholic population. It was the international organization of the Orders which
caused the greatest opposition amongst generations of Protestant administra-

tors in Ireland, but this organization was the basis of the vigorous revival of
the Dominicans in most areas which had a medieval foundation, with the

exception of heavily-planted Ulster. The courage and faith of the Irish Dominicans was shown in die period of civil war and Cromwellian conquest

which began as this book ends, because, between 1641 and 1657 at least
thirty-five of the province were put to death.

The footnotes and appendices enhance this excellent book and the only

mistake which meets the eye is on page 151, where Nicholas Skerret, Archbishop of Tuam from 1 580 to 1 583, is erroneously described as a Jesuit.

Fergus O'Donoghue, SJ.
Milltown Institute
Dublin Ireland

Rekatholisierung, Konfessionalisierung und Ratsregiment: Der Prozess des
politischen und religiösen Wandels in der österreichischen Stadt Kon-

stanz, 1548-1637. By Wolfgang Zimmermann. [Konstanzer Geschichts)
und Rechtsquellen, Neue Folge der Konstanzer Stadtrechtsquellen,
XXXIV.] (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag. 1994. Fp. 328. DM 78,—.)

The past thirty years have seen a steady stream of monographs on the theme

of Reformation and the city in Central Europe, but only recently has the topic
"Catholic Reform in the Cities" stirred an interest among early modern German

historians. True, there has not been a lack of interest in Catholicism in the

Holy Roman Empire, but the historiography on the Catholic reform hitherto
has focused on church history, with emphasis on biographies of reform bish-

ops, histories of new religious orders, and explorations of diocesan visitation

records. The study of Wolfgang Zimmermann represents a new trend, one in

which the methods and questions associated with social and cultural history
are applied to elicit the relationship between society and religion during the
Catholic renewal.

BOOK REVIEWS

269

The imperial city of Constance on the Swiss border lost its political auton-

omy when it capitulated to imperial forces during the 1 547 Schmalkaldic War.
As part of the restructuring of political forces, the victorious Emperor Charles

V placed Constance directly under Habsburg rule, hoping thereby to break
the nexus between civic autonomy and Protestant dissent that seemed to have
characterized the majority of the imperial cities in the empire. Zimmermann's
study begins with this politico-confessional restructuring in Constance and

ends with the Thirty Years' War (the year 1637 being the end of the Swedish
siege). Divided into four chapters, Zimmermann offers both a thematic struc-

tural analysis and a chronological narrative of the history of the urban community. Chapter 1 analyzes the crucial years 1548 to 1551 when a new

Catholic oligarchic regime was put in place by the Habsburg. The constellation
of power between a Catholic ruling minority, a Protestant citizenry in opposition, a Habsburg regime, and the interest of the Catholic bishop are laid
out for the following chapters. The next chapter pursues the theme of civic

autonomy and territorial politics. The ruling Catholic elite continued to pursue

a policy of restoring Constance to its former status as an imperial city, in spite
of its professed loyalty to the Habsburg dynasty and the Catholic Church.
Zimmermann's analysis suggests that civic autonomy in sixteenth-century Germany was not necessarily identified with Protestantism, contrary to the influ-

ential thesis advanced by Bernd Möller in his 1962 essay, "Reichsstadt und

Reformation." The strong presence of Protestants in Constance also strengthened the hand of the Catholic ruling elite in that the arguments for civic
peace and unity outweighed the considerations of confessional uniformity.

It was precisely the considerations of civic peace that allowed the Constance
burghers to resist recatholicization. Desirable as the goal of Catholic uniformity might be to the Habsburg rulers, they were not prepared to provoke civic
unrest that would jeopardize their rule. As Zimmermann demonstrates in
Chapter 3, the attempts at introducing Catholic reforms to Constance met
with persistent and strong opposition from the civic community. The bishops
of Constance found ambivalent support in Innsbruck for their effort to restore
ecclesiastical jurisdiction; city fathers and Habsburg princes formed a common
front in this matter to defend lay interest against clerical pretensions. In the
last third of die sixteenth century, civic opposition significantly hindered the
settlement of the Jesuits and Capuchins, although the new religious orders
eventually succeeded in establishing their presence. The Catholic resurgence,
therefore, was not a development imposed politically from above. Rather, it
represented a gradual process of change in the religious beliefs and behavior
of die citizens. The last chapter of the book analyzes diese longterm trends.
The loss ofpolitical power by the Protestants condemned them to a permanent
disadvantage in the peaceful confessional competition during the early modern
period. In spite ofpersistent opposition to the Counter-Reformation, the norms
and behavior of a resurgent Catholicism gained die upper hand in Constance,
as reflected in testamentary bequests and pious donations. The political and
confessional restructuring created an environment in which die steady effort

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of the Jesuits and Capuchins eventually yielded fruit. During the Thirty Years'
War Constance remained loyal to the imperial dynasty and withstood a long
siege by the Protestant Swedish army.
The story of this development is reconstructed from rich archival material
in Constance and Innsbruck. A prosopography of Protestants in Constance,
graphs and tables of pious donations, and selected documents from the archives all add to the solidity of this work. This is a thorough, well-conceived,
and reliable monograph, a tribute to its author and the tradition on religion
and urban society at the University of Tübingen.
R. Po-CHIA Hsia

New York University

Aloisius Lippomano (1555—1557). Edited by Henricus Damianus Wojtyska,
CP. [Acta Nuntiaturae Polonae, Tomus III/I.] (Rome: Institutum Historicum Polonicum Romae. 1993. Pp. xliii, 500.)

I reviewed for Ulis journal (LXXVII [July, 1991], 516) die first volume of

Ulis series, which presented an overview of die whole series, projected for
sixty tomes: fifty-six for die old Polish Commonwealth from 1519 to 1797
and four for the restored Republic, 1919 to 1939. The current volume covers
only the short nunciature of Aloyse Lippomano, Bishop of Verona, to Poland
during die pontificate of the archconservative Paul IV (1555—1559). The main
part of die volume prints 1 30 documents, basically the correspondence of
Lippomano pertinent to his mission, plus several papal letters of credence to
Polish dignitaries and three letters of the Jesuit Alonso Salmerón, Lippomano's
theological advisor, to Ignatius of Loyola. Sixty-six documents are in Italian,
three in Spanish (Salmerón's letters), and the rest are in Latin. A long appendix
prints thirty-four more documents, all but two in Latin, which shed light on
Lippomano's mission. Both sets of documents are arranged chronologically;
all are prefaced by a Latin summary, and there are copious explanatory footnotes in Latin. The long introduction (in Latin) summarizes Lippomano's
career previous to his appointment as nuncio to Poland; his healdi declined
while in Poland, and he died two years after his return to Italy. The introduction then discusses the archival sources of the documents and concludes

widi a bibliography. The volume has fifty-one pages of indices.
What can these documents tell historians? Many of them deal widi routine
ecclesiastical administration. Several discuss the deep-seated problems of the
Polish Catholic Church and the advance of Polish Protestantism (mainly Lufheranism) bodi as a theological movement and as an institutional church.

King Sigismund II (1548-1572) tended to rebut Cadiolic demands mat he
uproot heresy by pointing to the rights which the Diet had granted the nobility
on their estates. Several documents suggest remedies to die situation. Many

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Catholics argued for married clergy, vernacular liturgy, and communion sub
utraque, but Paul IV was adamant against such concessions. The most interesting documents deal with Bishop John Drohojowski of Wroclaw, who was

repeatedly accused of fostering heresy—charges he denied. Similar charges

were made against Bishop Andrew Zebrzydowski of Krakow. Another series

of documents deal with Dorothy Lazecka, who received the eucharist and was
accused of selling it to several Jews; King Sigismund ordered her to be burnt.

The accused Jews were also punished. My own research has involved reading

the nuncios' reports from the 1 580's, in which relations with the Orthodox
figured prominently—a subject about which the Lippomano documents are
almost silent.

Wojtyska is the leading authority in this area. This is his fourth volume in
the series; in 1977 he published a volume in Polish on diplomatic relations
between Poland_and the papacy from 1548 to 1563. The present volume is

a work of excellent scholarship which libraries with strong collections in

Polish or church history should purchase.
Marquette University

John Patrick Donnelly, S.J.

Réforme protestante, Réforme catholique dans la province d'Avignon au
XVIe siècle. By Marc Venard. [Histoire Religieuse de la France, Vol. 1.]

(Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf. 1993. Pp. 1280. 340 F.)

The appearance of this book is an event to be hailed. France's Société
d'Histoire Religieuse, which from 1912 to 1977 produced the worthy "Bib-

liothèque d'histoire ecclésiastique de la France," has resumed sponsoring a

publication series. As the inaugural volume of its new series, it has presented

us with one of the finest studies ever written about the religious history of
sixteenth-century Europe.

Marc Venard's thèse de doctorat d'état was originally entitled "L'église d'Avignon au XVIe"* siècle" when it was completed in 1977. It was then, and

remains today, the richest, most thorough, and most accomplished local study
of religious life in late medieval and early modern France yet undertaken.
Standing within the important French tradition of studies of the implementation of the reforms of the Council of Trent in individual dioceses that has

produced so many exemplary monographs over the past three decades, it at
die same time transcends that tradition, for it complements a sympathetic

study of the visions of reform advanced by different religious elites and die
degree to which they were implemented at the parish level with a sensitive

ethnographic approach that explores what religion meant in the lives of individuals of different social backgrounds. Those who have had the good fortune

to read one of the copies of the thesis that specialists have passed from hand

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to hand since it was duplicated in 1980 by the Service de Reproduction des
Thèses at Lille have long recognized its many merits, but its 2,466 typed pages

understandably discouraged publishers. One can only applaud the decision

of the Société d'Histoire Religieuse to subsidize its unrevised and virtually

uncondensed publication.

The study is a total religious history of the erstwhile Papal seat and its

hinterland: five small bishoprics (Avignon, Carpentras, Cavaillon, Orange, and
Vaison), encompassing and sprawling slightly beyond the borders of the Com-

tat Venaissin and the principality of Orange. Because of Avignon's subordination to Rome, the region was recognized long ago by such historians as
Henri Brémond and Paul Broutin as the initial bridgehead in France of Tridentine reform and of the "mystical invasion" that shaped the spirituality of

the early part of the "century of the saints." But the region was also the home
of Luther's first important French disciple, François Lambert, of numerous

Waldensians, and of such a powerful Reformed movement around 1560—
particularly in the principality of Orange, where a "revolutionary Reformation"

temporarily drove out Catholic worship in 1561 —that a Protestant triumph
was averted only by more than a year's fighting in 1562-1563. The region
was thus far more than a bastion of Catholicism. It represents a fascinating lab)
oratory in which to view the religious changes of the sixteenth century, at
once sui generis because of the distinctive political status of both Avignon and
Orange, yet partaking of many of the same trends and events that affected the

kingdom that surrounded it. It is also blessed with exceptionally rich archives.

No brief review can do justice to the book that Venard produced after

nearly twenty years of research in those archives. Its scope is vast, and every
topic that it treats is examined in considerable and consistently illuminating
detail. Highlights include a rich and nuanced depiction of the character of the
local religious life in the years 1500-1525—Venard finds not the "Christen-

dom living in anguish, intensely focussed on the mysteries of suffering and

the threat of judgment" perhaps characteristic of other parts of Europe, but
"a far more moderate, balanced, and even pacified religion" (p. 237)—an
exemplary dissection of the uneasy mixture of co-operation and hostility that
marked Catholic-Protestant relations in the region in the last part of the
century, and a long concluding "sociography" that explores the religious

functions of local communities, guilds, youth groups, and confraternities, then
sketches the religious practices first of the regional elites and then of the
"popular classes." But every chapter commands the reader's interest and attention. All display the book's many merits: its massive evidentiary base, deft
use of visual as well as written sources, equally deft employment of the

methods of serial religious history, sympathy for all of the competing visions
of Christianity that it explores, and careful avoidance of reductive interpretive
schema and of analytical categories that obscure more than they reveal.

A schematic outline of the book will indicate its full scope. The first two
chapters introduce readers to the city and its hinterland. Next are explored
the character of local religious life in the years 1500-1525; Christian hu-

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manism in the region; the Waldensian proselytization from 1 526 onward and

the violent persecution that this called forth; the first weak steps of Catholic
reform attempted around mid-century; the foundation of Reformed churches
and the showdown of 1562—1563; the subsequent course of the Wars of
Religion; and the introduction and advance of the Tridentine reforms, die
new religious orders, and the novel practices that they championed. Then
comes the "sociography." Finally, an extended conclusion evaluates the significance of the century's changes for the broader history of Western Christendom. In the final balance sheet, Venard, rather like John Bossy, discerns
the century's deepest trends to have involved a clericalization of religion and
a partial detachment of lay religious practice from the organizing structures
of community life. For men in particular, these changes represented a loss of
religious autonomy. This helped to prepare the way for their detachment from
the faith in later centuries.

More than fifteen years after its original completion, Venard's study remains
a masterpiece. Now that it has finally been published, it should obtain the
audience that it deserves.
Philip Benedict

Brown University

The King's Bedpost: Reformation andIconography in a Tudor Group Portrait.

By Margaret Aston. (New York: Cambridge University Press. 1994. Pp.

xii, 267. S59.95.)

One of the advantages of living in the late twentieth century is that we have
no difficulty in understanding the impact of visual images. At a time when
Rwandans, Bosnians, and others of the world's afflicted process daily across
our television screens, the instinct of the iconoclast is easily aroused. Our
parents, whose information system was dominated by the "wireless," may
have been better equipped to understand the effect of a two-hour sermon.
Our grandparents, for whom newspapers still consisted mainly of printed
words, were certainly more attuned to tracts and broadsheets. But never since
the Reformation has a generation been better adjusted to visual propaganda
than ours. It is appropriate, therefore, that this eccentric and sometimes brilliant book should appear in 1994.
Its subject is a single intriguing but totally undistinguished picture now
hanging in the Tudor gallery of the National Portrait Gallery in London.
It depicts the dying Henry VIII passing on the legacy of his antipapal struggle to his son, Edward VI. Edward is attended by his councillors, headed by
the Lord Protector, the Duke of Somerset, and under the king's feet, in
postures of varying subjection and subversive action, are the pope and two
regular religious who appear to be friars. Above the heads of the councillors

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is an inset picture of a crowd destroying images, and scattered about the
canvas are four other spaces which seem to have been designed to hold texts.
Although classed as a group portrait, it is in fact a rather crudely executed
piece of didactic propaganda. The picture has attracted a fair amount of
attention in the past, and is frequently reproduced, but it has never before
been subject to the kind of critical analysis which Dr. Aston exercises in
this book.

The main thrust of her argument is simple and convincing. The picture

does not belong to Edward VI's reign, where it has usually been assigned to
the years 1548—9, but to the early part of Elizabeth's reign, probably about

1563. It does not belong to the period of active official iconoclasm, but rather
to the controversial sequel, when a restored Protestant hierarchy was battling
to impose its priorities upon a reluctant queen. The iconographie evidence
for this dating is assembled in great detail, particularly from the Netherlands,
with reference to dated works by Maarten van Heemskerk. As there is no

convincing iconographie argument supporting the earlier dating, there is an

element of overkill about this. The justification for the inclusion of so much
of it, and in such detail, is not that it is necessary to make the case, but it
makes an interesting and worthwhile story in itself. The same could be said
of other parts of the book, notably the chapter on the iconography of the
1570 edition of Foxe's Acts and Monuments. It is not irrelevant to the main

theme, although it has only marginal connections with the group portrait. In
fact, "Edward VI and the Pope" is a convenient peg upon which to hang a
study of the Elizabethan iconoclastic controversy, and its ramifications into
the worlds of visual propaganda and book production, both in England and
in the Netherlands. Every image used in the group portrait was a cliché, or
was directly borrowed from other identifiable works, and Dr. Aston analyzes
all these connections with great assiduity and perception. No doubt some of
her arguments will be challenged by other iconographers equally learned and
diligent, but that will make little différence to the value of this book. In the
process of dating a particular picture, Dr. Aston has opened up a whole aspect
of the English Reformation, the existence ofwhich has always been appreciated
by historians, but which has tended to be bypassed with a few conventional
observations. There will no longer be any excuse for doing that, and in the
process of deepening our perceptions, Dr. Aston has also drawn attention to
another aspect of Reformation propaganda, the necessity to fight like with
like. A religion of the word naturally denounced images as alternative means
of communication, but sixteenth-century Protestants were not at all reluctant
to depict biblical heroes like Josiah and Hezekiah in the act of destroying the
images which were so much hated. Paradoxically the image of the iconoclast
was persuasive in Protestant culture.
This is a book which every student of the Reformation should read, and
absorb the lessons of the illustrations. Dr. Aston is not unique in presenting
the period in this way, but she is highly original in an English context, and
however little we may think of the group portrait as art, we can certainly not

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275

ignore it as a document appropriate to scholars who are having to readjust
to visual persuasion.
David M. Loades

University College ofNorth Wales
Bangor, Givynedd

The Contemporary Printed Literature of the English Counter-Reformation

between 1558 and 1640. Volume II: Works in English with Addenda and
Corrigenda to Volume I. By A. F. Allison and D. M. Rogers. (Brookfield,

Vermont: Scolar Press. 1994. Pp. xxxv, 250. S121.95)

In 1956 Antony Allison and David Rogers published their Catalogue of

Catholic Books in English printed abroad or secretly in England 1558—

1640. It soon became familiar to scholars of the period as "A&R" and had an

enormous influence on historians and literary students of die Elizabethan and
early Stuart periods of English history. In the years since, besides numerous
other scholarly activities, they have been engaged in a revision of their masterpiece. The first volume devoted to books in languages other than English
appeared in 1989 (see the review in this journal, ante, LXXVI [January, 1990],

134—135). Now this second volume of works in English, as well as a few in

Welsh, Gaelic, and Scots, completes the revision.

We have already seen the fruits of their researches in the second edition
of the Short Title Catalogue of English Books 1475-1640 (STC) published
in three volumes by the Bibliographical Society of London from 1986 to 1991.
The editors of the volume in hand acknowledge the co-operation they received
from the late Professor W. A. Jackson and Miss Katherine Panzer, who did the

STC revision. Indeed, the notices of Catholic books in STC are vastly improved.

But there is still a need for the fuller entries we have in this volume together
with the very useful indices of titles, dates of publication, publishersbooksellers, and proper names. They give up to fifteen locations for each item,
and the notes accompanying each entry give authorities for authorship and
reference to scholarly works. All bibliographies are imperfect, but it is difficult
to imagine one closer to perfection than this one. It will be a standard work
for decades to come.

As one would expect in the age of the Counter-Reformation, a little under
half of the items deal with theological controversy. But spirituality and works

of religious devotion and popular piety are the next biggest block. There are
twenty-nine editions of the Manual of Prayers and sixteen editions of the

Primer or Office of the Virgin Mary. There are also spiritual treatises on prayer
and asceticism by Alonso of Madrid, St. Augustine, St. Albert the Great, John
of Avila, St. Robert Bellarmine, St. Bernard, St. Bonaventure, as well as two

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editions of the Douay Old Testament and five editions of the Rheims New

Testament to limit ourselves to the first two letters of the alphabet. In all I
count about a hundred treatises of high spirituality, almost two hundred and
fifty treatises of religious devotion, thirty-three catechisms, and seventy lives
of saints or accounts of Catholic history, notably accounts of Catholic martyrs.
That is almost half of the total corpus of 932 items. Some of these books were

among the first imported by English-speaking Catholics of North America.

Here we are at the headstream of American Catholic piety.

Some readers will regret that the old "A&R" numbers have been changed,
but there is a concordance for easy reference. I was disappointed that the
authors/translators/editors were not identified as lay or clerical or religious.
It is important to know such details in studying the Franciscan or Benedictine

English spiritual tradition. There are some hints in the entries and the index
of proper names, but often one has to go to another source to know the
background of the author or translator.
But these are small imperfections in a jewel of scholarship.
Thomas H. Clancy, SJ.

Jesuit Archives, New Orleans

Later Calvinism: International Perspectives. Edited by W. Fred Graham. [Sixteenth Century Essays & Studies, Volume XXII.] (Kirksville, Missouri:
Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, Inc. 1994. Pp. xii, 564. 845.00.)
The twenty-six essays in this volume, though disparate in the subjects
treated, do form a unity; all deal with some aspect of Calvinism during the

years following Calvin's death. The essays are grouped according to an inter-

national perspective, i.e., six deal with the Swiss Confederacy, three with
France, four touch on Scotland, five have reference to the Rhinelands, three

with the Netherlands, and the final five with England. Before each of these
geographical areas, the editor has a brief introduction, which further helps
unify the essays.

Since the contributions in the volume are many and the themes discussed
so varied, this notice can describe only a limited number and this will be

done under three general headings: faith statements, church discipline and
polity, and theology. Four deal specifically with faith statements. Edward
Dowey reflects on the Second Helvetic Confession ( 1 566) and demonstrates
the high place it gives to the preaching of the Word. I. John Hesselink narrates
the origin and history of the Heidelberg Catechism (1563), and while admitting that Zacharias Ursinus (1534-1583) and Caspar Olevianus (1536—
1 587) had some share in its composition, he sees Frederick III, Elector of the

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277

Palatinate, as its real hero. Frederick not only commissioned the catechism,

but according to Hesselink, was involved in its composition from beginning

to end. LyIe Bierma likewise treats the Heidelberg Catechism but limits his
investigation to Olevianus' role as an author. By studying Olevianus' later work
Vester Grundt, Bierma concludes that the former's involvement with the
catechism may have been greater than recent critics would like to grant him.
Finally, Fred Klooster's essay suggests that Calvin did approve the Heidelberg
Catechism. Klooster draws this conclusion from the fact that Calvin dedicated

his Jeremiah commentary to Frederick III, and in his preface to the commentary Calvin supports positions found in the catechism, especially with regard
to the mode of Christ's presence in the Supper.
Several contributors' essays touch on church polity and discipline. After

studying the National Synods of the French Reformed Church up to the pub-

lication (1620) of the Canons of Dort, Brian Armstrong concludes that the
French Church remained faithful to its principle of semper reformando, but
with the publication of the Canons it became a static ecclesia reformata. The
political activism of the Reformed ministers in the Rhaetian republic is described by Randolph Head, and David Mullan treats the Scottish Covenanters'

attempt to impose presbyterian polity on the Church of England. While Jeffrey
Watt describes the modifications that marriage legislation underwent in Neuchâtel and Geneva during the years 1550-1800, Michael Graham studies the
imposition of behavioral codes on the Scottish kirk, and Mary Black Verschuur
investigates the enforcement of discipline in Perth by its minister, Patrick
Galloway (1551?-1626?).

The third heading is that of theology. Catherine Randall Coats' essay suggests
that Beza's Icones had evangelism as its primary goal and was not a mere
edifying collection of reformers' portraits. Stephen Spencer and Martin Klauber

investigate Geneva's two famous scholastic professors; the former examines

Francis Turretin's ( 1623-1687) understanding of the covenant of nature, i.e.,
whether God entered into a covenant of works with Adam before the latter's

fall, and the latter studies Benedict Pictet's (1655-1724) thought during the

period when Reformed Orthodoxy began to yield to Enlightened Orthodoxy.

Antoine de Chandieu's (1534-1591) call for the use of Aristotelian meth-

odology (scholasticism) in Reformed theology—it has the advantage of
quickly laying bare the truth and exposing error—is probed in Donald Sinnema's offering. John Farthing's study of Jerome Zanchi's (1516—1590) eschatology reveals die latter's faithfulness to Calvin's teaching on the "last
things," but not in any slavish manner. Robert Letham considers the differences
in understanding the nature of saving faith and its relation to salvation in the
early seventeenth century; this diversity, however, will not become controversial until a later date. Dan Danner writes on the introduction and spread
of the Geneva Bible in England and attributes its popularity to its annotations
and notes. Finally, Richard Greaves sees Calvin's resistance theory as the basis

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for the Calvinist ministers' participation in the Rye House Plot (1683), a plan
to assassinate Charles II and his brother James and, thus, keep the English
throne from falling into the hands of Catholics.
The volume well demonstrates Calvinism's influence in those countries

where the Genevan reformer's theological thinking had taken root.
Woodstock Theological Center Library
Georgetown University

Joseph N. Tylenda, SJ.

Stampa, libri, e letture a Milano nell'età di Carlo Borromeo. Edited by Nicola
Raponi and Angelo Turchini. [Biblioteca di storia moderna e contemporánea, Vol. 3.] (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, Pubblicazioni dell'Universita

Cattolica del Sacro Cuore. 1992. Pp. xxxiii, 302. Lire 44.000 paperback.)

In his two decades as Archbishop of Milan, Carlo Borromeo (died 1584)
recognized and exploited the power of the printing press as an instrument
for control and for his great work of reform. The five essays contained in this
book study key aspects of the "editorial" policy of Borromeo, which ranged
from the censorship of heretical works to the foundation of a printing press
directly attached to the seminary of Milan. They present interesting summaries
ofprevious research and fresh inquiries into Milanese archives and collections.
Pride ofplace is given to an article by the recently deceased Enrico Cattaneo,
one of the most prolific historians of the Milanese church. Although based on
secondary studies and largely unedited at the time of Cattaneo's death, "La
cultura di San Carlo. San Carlo e la cultura" (pp. 5—37) provides a useful

overview of the education of Borromeo and his projects for the clergy, reli-

gious, and laity of the archdiocese. Cattaneo describes Borromeo, trained in
the humanities and the law rather than in theology, as a man of action who
assembled a team of collaborators and set in place the legal and institutional
framework for implementing the decrees of the Council of Trent (1545—
1563).
In "Libri e letture nella Milano de San Carlo Borromeo" (pp. 39-96), Claudia
di Filippo Bareggi notes that Borromeo's reforms, despite the employment of
censorship, stimulated the Milanese printing industry, which had been stagnant
in the first half of the sixteenth century. Drawing on a variety of sources,
including an unpublished thesis (1987—88) by P. De Luca on the Ponte family
of printers, Filippo Bareggi divides the output of the Milanese printing industry

into the categories of official publications (synodal decrees, episcopal edicts,
and instructions to clergy), and liturgical and devotional works. She also

examines Borromeo's strategy for using the press as a means of developing
lay spirituality.

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279

In "Printing and Politics: Carlo Borromeo and the Seminary Press of Milan"
(pp. 97—133), Kevin Stevens examines the brief history of the printing press
which Borromeo established at the seminary of Milan in 1576 under the
direction of Michel Tini. The project was designed to meet the increasing

demand for educational, devotional, and liturgical material, and to gain independence from secular control. In March, 1580, the Spanish governor of

Milan raided the premises and imprisoned Tini for publishing bans of excommunication without the approval of the Senate. Borromeo's contract with Tini
was terminated later in 1 580, falling victim not so much to the jurisdictional
struggle between Borromeo and the governor as to economic factors.
In "Mercato Iibrario e letture devote nella svolta del Cinquecento triden-

tino" (pp. 135-246) Danilo Zardin analyzes the inventory of books possessed

by the nuns of convent of Santa Caterina alia Chiusa in 1581. Zardin assesses
the cultural level of the nuns and the role of the printed word in the convent,
and provides abundant notes on the 1 39 entries listed in the inventory.

The final essay (pp. 247-277), by Riccardo Bottoni, examines Borromeo's
policy on the use of the printed word in lay confraternities. While Borromeo
encouraged spiritual reading and specifically recommended the works of Luis
of Granada, Gaspar Loarte, and Ludovico Pittorio, he discouraged discussions
of church dogma and of the scriptures by the lay membership.
In sum, this collection is a valuable addition to the study of Borromean

reform and a mine of information on the educational and devotional works

printed at Milan and used by its clergy, nuns, and laity. The essays are thorough,
the documentation meticulous, and, as the editors note, there is promise of
more to come.

Thomas Deutscher

St. Thomas More College
University of Saskatchewan

Index de l'Inquisition Espagnole, 1583, 1584. Edited by J. M. De Bujanda,
with the assistance of René Davignon, EIa Stanek, and Marcella Richter.
[Index des Livres Interdits, Volume VL] (Sherbrooke: Centre d'études de

la Renaissance, Éditions de l'Université de Sherbrooke. 1993. Pp. 1246.)

In this especially large volume the established pattern of the series is essentially maintained. Despite its length, however, the volume is unable to

reproduce in its entirety the 1 584 list of passages to be expurgated in works

not totally prohibited. The introduction discusses the genesis of the 1583
Spanish Index associated with Quiroga's tenure of the office of Inquisitor
General. The intention of the Spanish Inquisition to maintain the distinction
of the Spanish Index from any Roman document was clear from the start. Yet

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in expanding on previous Spanish lists considerably, the commission of pen-

insular scholars apparently involved in preparing a new Index was not working
in absolute isolation. Awareness of die foundations for a new Index laid by
die Council of Trent was natural, tiiough diis edition makes clear where
Tridentine or Roman principles were not followed, as for example over die

category of immoral as opposed to heretical works. The long period of ges-

tation, however, seems to have permitted a crucial, late intervention by the
Jesuit Mariana, influential in Quiroga's circles. While Mariana's intervention,
based on his acute knowledge of recent European publications in a variety of

languages, expanded die evolving Index, as is persuasively argued here, it also

brought the emerging document into greater, though not absolute or uncritical, conformity widi Roman prohibitions. Anodier fascinating effect of die

events in which Quiroga was involved as die 1 580's began, widi die Spanish
succession to die Portuguese dirone, was apparently an effort to achieve some
convergence between die new Spanish and existing Portuguese lists. Here

die editors are clear that diey cannot prove dieir case in detail, but rightly
suggest that diis probability deserves further research. In some respects the
apparent interventions of Mariana, approved by Quiroga, softened die attitude
to specific works or even categories, when compared widi earlier lists, not
least Spanish. But peculiarities of die Spanish Index, nevertheless, survived,
such as die utter condemnation of vernacular Books of Hours. The variety of

sources used by die Spanish commission in revising the Spanish Index em-

braced die Louvain Index, not least for works in Flemish and German. Reorganization of die list allowed a clearer identification of works in Italian,
diough Mariana surprisingly seemed to think die circulation of some of the
most deplorable French works in die Iberian peninsula unlikely. The Jesuit

also influenced die decision to categorize clearly, by appending a list of names,

die heresiarchs whose works were to be absolutely condemned in bodi Roman
and Spanish views. The editorial suggestion diat by diis period die royal
council in Castile was relaxing its own attempt to control by prior review
and license die publication of die decrees of diocesan synods, among odier
purely ecclesiastical publications, is open to doubt. Quiroga might have made
some ironic comment on diis, indeed, in die light of his own experiences
widi provincial conciliar decrees. The work of the preparatory commission,

similarly, at first concentrated at Salamanca, was disrupted and in diat sense
delayed by Inquisitorial intervention, notoriously, against some of die aca-

demics involved, because of die bitter rivalries and disputes over biblical
scholarship and die use in particular of Hebrew studies. Yet in die finished
Index the initial rules, as tiiey related to die linguistic foundations of theo-

logical expertise, were not totally restrictive. What understandably did distinguish diis Spanish Index, on die odier hand, was a care to prevent Christian

polemics against Islam having die contrary effect of increasing knowledge of
Islamic beliefs and arguments.
A. D. Wright

University ofLeeds

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281

Antwerpen, Internationaal Uitgeverscentrum van Devotieprenten 17de-18de
Eeuw. By Alfons K. L. Thijs. [Miscellanea Neerlandica, VIL] (Leuven: Peeters. 1993. Pp. xvii, 163- 12 color & 81 b/w illustrations. 1650 B.Fr.

paperback.)

The author, professor of history at the University Faculties of St. Ignatius
in Antwerp, has previously distinguished himself with a pioneering study of
the Catholic renewal in Antwerp (Van Geuzenstad tot katholiek bolwerk:
maatschappelijke betekenis van de kerk in contrareformatorisch Antwerpen,
1990). The present work is in many ways a continuation of his explorations
into the cultural, economic, and religious history of the Southern Low Countries during the early modern period.
Divided by the violent history of the Dutch uprising, the Low Countries
evolved during the seventeendi century into a Calvinist-dominated, independent political entity in the north, the United Provinces, and a Catholic

south loyal to the Habsburg. Whereas the story of the Calvinist north has been
the subject of close historical investigation, the development of a distinct

identity in the southern provinces, especially the way it was shaped by postTridentine Catholicism, has been relatively neglected since the monumental
Histoire de Belgique by Henri Pirenne. Yet the Habsburg Netherlands occupied a central role in the Catholic renewal of northern Europe: the Jesuits
were strongly represented in the two Belgian provinces, distinguished not in
the least by their part in the English seminary in Douai and in their participation
in the China mission; the Bollandists embodied a heroic vision of Catholic
scholarship that furnished a counterpoint to Protestant church history; in
Flemish artists such as Rubens the Baroque found its unique representation
of the Catholic renewal; and the printing presses supplied a large part of the
devotional literature consumed by Catholic northern Europe.
This last theme is the subject of the present study. In a thorough investi-

gation of the Antwerp archives and the print collection of the Ruusbroecgenootschap at his university, Thijs has given us an interesting preliminary

introduction to this important subject. The book is divided into two parts;
the first five chapters describe die history of the print industry between the
late fifteenth and the eighteenth centuries, while the last four focus on the
men behind the devotional prints: the engravers, printers, clerics, and printsellers. The height of print production was in the seventeenth century, when
Antwerp produced for a huge internal and external market. Most of the prints
(usually with a devotional picture accompanied by prayers or descriptions)
were consumed by the Jesuit Marian sodalities and guild confraternities. Export to Germany and to the Spanish Americas also played a significant role in

the expansion of production. Antwerp prints were in high demand for their
artistic quality; the art of engraving developed into an industry of pious consumption. During the eighteenth century, however, the print industry went

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into gradual decline, faced with secularization and competition from French
prints.

Thanks to his initial training as an economic historian, Thijs is at his best

analyzing the economic aspects of print production: the capital investment,
the respective roles of illustrators, engravers, and printers, and the economics
of consumption. His is less satisfactory with respect to the iconography of
these prints. The success of the print industry is explained more in the context
of the general history of the Catholic renewal rather than the intrinsic iconographie content of the prints. Nevertheless, the copious reproduction of
devotional prints points to the richness of this source material; and scholars
will be in his debt for his effort in pointing to the importance of these popular
visual representations in the making of post-Tridentine Catholicism.
R. Po-CHiA Hsia

New York University

Jeanne-Françoise Frémyot de Chantal. Correspondance. Tome V: 1635—40.

Edited by Marie-Patricia Burns, V.S.M. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, Centre
d'Études Franco-Italien des Universités de Turin et de Savoie. 1993. Pp.
970. 360 FF paperback.)

This is the fifth of a projected six-volume critical edition, containing about

2600 letters of Saint Jeanne-Françoise-Frémyot de Chantal (1572—1641), co-

founder with Francis de Sales of the Visitation Order (1610). Edited and
annotated by the present archivist of the Annecy monastery, the collection

enlarges and corrects a nineteenth-century compilation (1874—1879) by the

Annecy Visitandines, taken from their archival documents. When completed,

the present work will include almost 600 heretofore unpublished letters that
originate from a variety of sources and reveal the broad extent of this remarkable woman's socio-religious network.
Overall, Burns's editing has already been hailed as a major achievement in
Salesian scholarship. Her rigorous methodology and commitment to authen-

ticity are evident throughout. Each volume contains a biographical chronology

of that period of the saint's life; introductory notes for each year's correspondence in addition to careful endnotes for every letter; detailed tables
related to Visitation foundations; glossaries, illustrations, and indices. Concise
introductory essays for each text situate the foundress as writer and mystic
within church, society, and mentalités of seventeenth-century French Catholicism. They also describe the context of women's spirituality in the classical era.

The present volume is the longest in the collection thus far, covering the

correspondence from 1635 to 1640. There are 494 letters, of which one-

fourth (122) have not been previously published. They were written in the

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283

final period ofJeanne de Chantal's life, a period of consolidation and expansion
for the Visitation foundations, which by 1640 numbered eighty-two. It was
likewise a time of sorrow, with the deaths of her last three founding com-

panions. Most of the letters are directed to superiors and sisters of the Visitation communities. They deal with admissions and formation of new
members, community problems, relationships with authorities, and temporal
affairs. There is also a subtantial correspondence with major ecclesiastical and

secular figures of the period, among whom are Vincent de Paul, Princess

Christine of France ("Mme. Royale"), the Jesuits Etienne Binet and Jean-

Baptiste St-Jure, Charles de Condren, and Marie de Combalet, sister of Cardinal
Richelieu. Perhaps the most intimate correspondent of this period is "Mère

Angélique" Arnauld (1591-1661) of Port-Royal, who in 1619 had been refused ecclesiastical permission to transfer to the Visitation order. The saint

confides to the abbess her inner pain and prolonged spiritual desolation,
because she no longer has "any creature in the world that I can trust, except
you" (p. 447). The ten letters presented here bear witness to Jeanne's heroic
struggle in the midst of severe temptations against the faith. She admits that

while she speaks to others of God, she feels only disgust for spiritual things.

Nonetheless, she chooses to pray by means ofwordless surrender and a "simple
gaze of the heart." What emerges from these letters is a strong personality,
an ideal yet realistic woman of God who brings her own distinctive, mature
interpretation to Salesian mystical teaching.
Until recently, Jeanne de Chantal has remained largely unknown to scholars,
overshadowed by Francis de Sales as his spiritual daughter and collaborator.

This superb edition of her correspondence balances out the picture by revealing a spiritual leader moving in her own light, endowed with originality,

initiative, and administrative genius. It will be an indispensable tool for historians and researchers in the French spiritual tradition. One earnestly hopes
that an English translation has been foreseen.
Weston Jesuit School of Theology
Cambridge, Massachusetts

Janice Farnham, RJ.M.

Ulster 1641: Aspects of the Rising. Edited by Brian Mac Cuarta, SJ. (Belfast:

The Institute of Irish Studies; the Queen's University of Belfast. 1993. Pp.

xi, 238. £15.)

For a couple of generations the Irish historical scene has been fascinated
by what has come to be called "revisionism," "scientific history," the belief

that the past "as it really was" can be sought, and found, in a kind of aseptic

mental laboratory. What have been euphemistically dubbed "the troubles" of
the last twenty-five years have generated two opposing stances: on the one

hand an insistence on the need for this aseptic revisionism; and on the other

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a growing realization that the historian just cannot live in an ivory tower,
above the pains of mankind.

It is not surprising, then, that very recently there have been two studies of
the Ulster rising of 1641, for this still casts a long shadow over our present

discontents. This volume is a collection of essays edited by Brian Mac Cuarta,
who is both a highly competent historian and associated with theJesuit mission
in Portadown, County Armagh, which had been at the very storm-center of

the events of 1641 and still bears the scars. It hangs together better than many
such collections. Four master-themes are addressed: the place of the rising in
the general political evolution of what became the United Kingdom; the motives of the insurgents; die massacres; and the legacy left to the future.

The first point receives illuminating treatment from John McCavitt and
Michael Percivall-Maxwell. The conclusion which emerges is diat had it not
been for the Ulster rising the odds were in favor of Charles I getting his
problems under control and being able to prorogue what became the Long
Parliament, with unforeseeable but undoubtedly immense consequences. As
for the motives of the insurgents, die picture emerging from the essays by
Michelle O'Riordan and Raymond Gillespie would seem to be of two cultures
blending, the "only difference" being that one went to Mass, the other to
service, the native learned class completely fossilized in a vanished past, and
die rising coming as a total surprise to the settler community. But serious
doubts of this picture must remain, as underlined by Gráinne Henry's study
of the Irish Catholic exiles in Flanders and Phil Kilroy's exploration of die
Calvinist doctrine of election in Irish Protestantism.

Hilary Simms attempts a count of diose massacred in County Armagh, relying, as she must, on the evidence of the "Depositions." When all allowance
is made for the fact that Armagh was at the storm-center, and that in the
nature of the evidence the lowest figure given for any single incident is likely
to be closest to the truth, it is clear that diere were many murders. As has
long been accepted, it is overwhelmingly clear that diere was no planned
massacre, and that even the worst of them were local incidents. Yet there are

still unanswered questions. It seems beyond doubt that the first reaction of
the insurgents was to despoil the settlers; the murders came later. And while
despoliation was often accompanied by physical humiliation, commonly the
humiliation of being stripped naked, rape is never mentioned. Clearly furdier
investigation is needed of what precisely are die dark recesses of the mind
to be unveiled here.

Finally, Aidan Clarke, Jacqueline Hill, and Toby Barnard trace the rapid
growtii of the legend of a popish plot to massacre all Protestants, assiduously
fostered to exclude Catholics from the political nation. It is curious to find
the name of Lecky missing from its historiography.
Patrick J. Corish

St. Patrick's College, Maynooth

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285

First among Friends: George Fox and the Creation ofQuakerism. By H. Larry
Ingle. (New York: Oxford University Press. 1994. Pp. xi, 407. «45.00.)
Although concentrating almost entirely on the early years of Quakerism (to

ca. 1661 ), this book admirably fills a longstanding need for a critical biography

of George Fox (1624—1691). Ingle adroitly places Fox in historical context
and relates him to the broader themes of the period. Thus we are informed
that during the civil war the royalist army came within thirteen miles of his

village of Fenny Drayton, how in 1659—60 he tried unsuccessfully to influence

Parliament as events led toward the restoration of the monarchy, and even
how his father would have weaved on his loom and later used barnyard urine
to leech the cloth. At times the author also employs a folksy style in which
metaphors and colloquialisms convey a rusticity not inappropriate to some
of the subject matter.
An admirer of Christopher Hill's work, Ingle stresses the two themes in
Fox's message that most challenged the established hierarchical authority in
society: ( 1 ) the proclamation that God had come to teach his people himself,
and (2) the denunciation of tithes. Catholics as well as Protestants were the
objects of Quaker criticism, of course, but at the same time the Friends'
Arminianism and the threat they were seen to pose occasionally led to their
being denounced as papists themselves. Most of Fox's religious thought, how-

ever, is treated perfunctorily (e.g., pp. 1 1 1—1 14) so that for an analysis of die

theology of early Quakerism readers will need to consult Douglas Gwyn's
Apocalypse of the Word and books by Hugh Barbour and Geoffrey Nuttall. In
the end, Ingle identifies Fox's major achievement not as die successful proclamation of the doctrine of die universal Inner Light (die divine dwelling
within all persons), but rather the circumscription of the movement's
early radical individualism by die development of an institutional structure
tíiat provided die discipline and unity needed for survival in Restoration
England.

Not unexpectedly in a work of Ulis nature, diere are (1) blurred lines
between speculation and fact: Fox is described as musing in 1651 over who

among his followers might be qualified to become chief administrator of die
movement (pp. 85-86); (2) overdramatizations-. Ingle states (p. 87) diat in
Ulverston, "Fox entered the church, jumped up on a seat, and lashed out at
minister and congregation," whereas Margaret Fell, an eyewitness, reported,
"He came in; and when they had done singing, he stood up on a Seat or Form,
and desired, That he might have liberty to speak, " and after permission was

granted he began; and (3) conclusions stretching beyond the evidence: surely
Fox's brief visit to Newport Pagnal in 1644, departing before the Baptist

preacher Paul Hobson even arrived, and a correspondent's assumption years
later diat Fox knew where Hobson lived provide insufficient evidence to
conclude (p. 31): "For more dian diirty years, Fox followed the career of die
Baptist." However, such matters can be attended to in a second edition, for

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this surely will be the standard account well into the future, and we are all
in Professor Ingle's debt for providing it.
T. L. Underwood

University ofMinnesota, Morris

Papal Art and Cultural Politics: Rome in the Age of Clement XI. By Christopher M. S. Johns. (New York: Cambridge University Press. 1993· Pp.
xiv, 269. Î75.00.)
Christopher M. S.Johns's volume on the reign of Clement XI (1700—1721)
fills an important gap in the literature on eighteenth-century Roman art and
culture. In the past the Albani pope was not considered an important patron,
because he directed his energies primarily to restoring and embellishing Early
Christian monuments. Johns presents a compelling argument that during the
reign of Clement XI the Papacy emerged again as a major presence in patronage

following the decline experienced after the death of Alexander VII in 1667
principally on the basis of these same projects. He maintains correctly that

Clement's achievements must be assessed in the context of the realities of his

own times, not by the standards of the High Baroque period. Even if financially
feasible, conspicuous consumption and familial aggrandizement, to use his
words, would have been inappropriate for several reasons. He begins with an
overview of the political climate at the turn of the century and follows with
a detailed discussion of intellectual developments, both ofwhich inform Clement's art patronage. The remainder of the book is devoted to Clement's projects, both major and minor, executed and unexecuted.
The War of the Spanish Succession, as expected, was a disaster for the
Church. Prior to the outbreak of hostilities, the Catholic monarchs had re-

vealed their intent to secularize religious authority in their realms. Exposed
as a weak secular power, the Papacy was now more vulnerable on this front.
With papal prestige and influence at a nadir, he turned to the past to support
his claims in both the political and spiritual arenas. The Papacy was older
than any secular dynasty and its authority was sanctioned by Christ himself
through St. Peter, facts that Clement wanted to impress on a European audience. From the beginning of his reign Clement had used culture to advance
his political goals. Now it was virtually the only effective weapon he had left.
In his formative years Gianfrancesco Albani was an active member of the
progressive intellectual circles in Rome. As a result he was fully committed
to the reform movement, to scholarship based on reason, and to the spirit of
freedom of inquiry. For example, he made major contributions to the bull of
1692 which abolished nepotism. Later as pope, he had the opportunity to put
all his beliefs into practice. He assiduously avoided premature promotions of

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287

members of his family in the ecclesiastical ranks, and he avidly supported
scholarship in all fields, founding museums and expanding libraries in order
to promote Rome as the center of European intellectual life. In particular, the

study of sacred history was vital to his political agenda. The resulting Paleochristian revival differed from its antecedents in one important respect: his-

torical accuracy was paramount. Traditions and literary sources were carefully
scrutinized for authenticity, using empirical methods. As a result, the Faith
was purified by the elimination of spurious practices, an outcome which

Clement, an ardent reformer, welcomed. Moreover, the separation offact from
fiction lent greater credibility to the former, most particularly the antiquity

and the legitimacy of papal authority. The emphasis placed on material evidence as the primary source of truth led to the study of art, architecture, and
artifacts of the Early Christian and medieval periods as historical "documents."

St. Peter's and St. John Lateran embodied the antiquity and legitimacy of
papal authority in both the spiritual and secular realms. Clement built upon
and enhanced the iconography of these churches without altering the structures themselves. These projects have to a greater or lesser extent a political
component. For example, the Founders series, initiated by Clement, in the
nave of St. Peter's complements the seventeenth-century sculpture in the

crossing and visually documents the historical continuity of papal authority
in spiritual matters. The equestrian statue of Charlemagne in the narthex,
which balances Bernini's Constantine, is both a reminder that secular powers

owe total obedience and allegiance to the Papacy and an appeal for military
support from France. The Lateran Apostles are the crowning achievement of

Clement's reign and without doubt constitute the most ambitious sculptural

program of the century. Clement deliberately involved foreign ecclesiastical

and secular figures in the financing of this expensive project, and engaged

non-Roman artists to execute four of the statues. The message here is more
subtle. The origins of common culture are in Rome, whose monuments are
under papal protection.
The most characteristic projects, however, involved the restoration and

embellishment of less prestigious monuments of Early Christian origin, which

had fallen into disrepair from neglect. Johns argues that these were also Clement's most ambitious undertakings not because of their scope, which was often

limited, but rather because of the intent. Restoration was a metaphor for
reform, one which aimed at re-establishing the entire institution of the Early
Church including the traditional rights enjoyed by the Papacy. S. Clemente,

S. Maria in Cosmedin, and S. Maria in Monticelli were major repositories of

relics of Early Christian martyrs and thus they served as reliquaries. By extension, these churches were relics of the golden age of Christianity. Therefore,
Clement stressed preservation. Structural changes to were kept to a minimum,
existing frescoes and mosaics were repaired and restored; and new ornament

was subordinated to the old. Although radical by modern standards, Clement's
contemporaries considered the restorations to be sensitive interpretations of
the existing fabrics. Unfortunately, later archaeologists were not so apprécia-

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tive of Clement's efforts and only S. Clemente has survived intact. The less

comprehensive projects at S. Teodoro, the Pantheon, S. Maria Egiziaca, S. Maria
in Trastevere, S. Maria Maggiore, and S. Crisogono exhibit the same preservationist approach.

Around 1705-1706 Clement turned his attention to the dilapidated chapel

of Pope Saint Fabian at S. Sebastiano fuori le mura. Begun as a pietistic res-

toration, it later became die Albani family sepulchral chapel. Typically such

chapels were located in the heart of Rome in churches of high visibility.
Throughout his reign Clement de-emphasized familial associations in his projects. Although the Albani coats-of-arms are present, they are often located in
an inconspicuous position. Moreover, as a pilgrimage church, S. Sebastiano
had the proper pedigree. St. Fabian also appealed to Clement, because his
history embodied the theme of papal absolutism and the predecence of popes

over secular rulers. This theme was later taken up in more obvious form in
die equestrian statue of Charlemagne in die narthex of St. Peter's.

Johns ends with a discussion of the urban projects in which Clement stressed
continuity from ancient to modern times, beautified the city, and provided
for the public good. With the exception of the Porta di Ripetta, a project in
which Clement took little personal interest, he did not create new urban

spaces. He eidier reclaimed or regularized existing squares, in two cases adding
fountains. However, he did prepare the way for the construction of the Spanish
Stairs as a papal initiative. Johns also discusses the triumphal arch portico in
the courtyard of the Conservators' Palace on the Capitoline Hill, which commemorates victories over the Turks by the Holy League in this chapter, although it is not strictly speaking an urban project.
In conclusion, changed political circumstances forced Clement XI to reas-

sess the position of Rome vis-à-vis Europe. The city itself became his most

powerful ally in his attempt to re-establish papal hegemony in die political,
spiritual, and cultural spheres. By preserving precious remains of the past and
sponsoring rigorous scholarship, among other activities, he refocused papal
patronage on the glorification of die institution itself. This was perhaps his
most important and enduring reform, one which had important ramifications
not only for the art and scholarship of his times, but also for developments
of the second half of the century.
Cathie C. Kelly

University ofNevada, Las Vegas

Storia delta Congregazione del Santissimo Redentore. Vol. I: Le Origini
(1732—1793)· Edited by Francesco Chiovaro, C.SS.R. [Studia et Monumenta Congregationis SS. Redemptoris, series prima: Historia Congregationis, Vol. I.] (Rome: Edizioni Rogate. 1993. Pp. 627. Lire 80,000.)

The Redemptorist order founded by St. Alfonso de' Liguori in the Kingdom

of Naples in die early eighteenth century has long lacked a history corre-

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289

sponding to the standards of modern scholarship. This first volume, covering

the origins to 1793, of a projected comprehensive and collectively authored
official account edited by Francesco Chiovaro avoids many of the expected
pitfalls of a work of this kind. It is not written entirely from within the order
nor entirely for the order's benefit, even though the latter may have been the
original intent. It relies not only on die chronicle tradition discussed by
Chiovaro in his introduction, but also on an impressive number of letter
collections and archival sources, including the numerous complex versions
of rule and constitution discussed in separate chapters by Sabatino Majorano
and Frabriciano Ferrero. Furthermore, this book directly confronts some of
the most controversial issues about the order's founding. For instance, it
attempts to explain the role of the Neapolitan Chinese missionary college and

founder Mateo Ripa in influencing Alfonso's ideas. It attempts to define the

precise role of Sister Maria Celeste Crostarosa, the Neapolitan mystic whose
visions led to the founding of the female order and later became highly
controversial reference points for the male one. It attempts to explain the
roles of Tommaso Falcoia and Vincenzo Mannarini, whose plans, respectively,
for big convents and urban missions collided with Liguori's desire to live in
the midst of a rural flock. Indeed, in discussing these issues, the authors have
deliberately steered clear of hagiography. They refuse to read back into the

rustic origins in Scala in 1732 and the primitive rule of 1749 the subsequent

success of the order in sprinkling missionary houses throughout rural Southern
Italy, dedicated to the spiritual development and renewal of the most underprivileged groups, in Villa, Ciorani, Nocera dei Pagani, and so forth. And in

doing so, they pay due attention to the Neapolitan branch's serious disputes

with the local government and subsequent compromise on some of the main
points of its program, to die dismay of the branches in Sicily and die Papal
States. They refuse to overplay the organizing role of Liguori himself, who
was apparently less concerned with the day-to-day-details of practical leadership than with providing inspiration. What is more, Giuseppe Orlandi's

sections on the role of the order within eighteenth-century Neapolitan polit-

ical, social, and religious life, aspects of which, from quietism to freemasonry,
the author has covered in voluminous other publications, are lucid and bibliographically up-to-date. However, the collective plan leads to some contradictions. Orlandi points out the necessity ofregalism to save Neapolitan society
from an ecclesiastical organization gone completely out of control; Théodule

Rey-Mermet sees it as die great disaster of die time and Bernardo Tanucci,
the minister responsible for Enlightenment reforms in Naples, as an evil genius.

However, Liguori's efforts to combat clerical ignorance and superfluousness

are incomprehensible without the background of this debate. What is more,
modern scholarly methods are not uniformly applied in the volume. John
O'Malley, in his recent pathbreaking history of the first Jesuits, asks how die
routinization of charisma can be achieved by an institution after its first founding as a charismatic organization loosely grouped around a powerful spiritual
leader. For answering such a question, the present volume provides no statistics of recruitment, no prosopography of die original members, and no

explanation of what they might have seen in this leader and this message at

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this moment. Mario Rosa, David Gentilcore, and others have recently examined the impact of missionary work on target populations in the South in

terms of a clash between cultures. Instead of taking this clash seriously, the

present volume uncritically adopts the perspective of contemporary episcopal
visitation reports on the ignorance and vice of the population and reduces
the opposition of the local barons to nothing but a legal dispute about land
inheritance—reproposing, in an admittedly more sophisticated fashion, the
apologetical approach of the hagiographers, which the authors declared it to
be their very purpose to revise.
Brendan Dooley

Harvard University

Anti-Catholicism in Eighteenth-Century England: A Political and Social

Study. By Colin Haydon. (Manchester University Press. Distributed in the

United States and Canada by St. Martin's Press, New York. 1994. Pp. xii,

276. S69.95.)

Dr. Haydon demonstrates the continuity of anti-Catholic feeling throughout
the eighteenth century. He examines extensively the means by which antiCatholic propaganda was disseminated, and argues that while the elite became
increasingly tolerant and pragmatic, the old hatreds and obsessions persisted
among the general public. Anti-Catholic riots culiminating in the Gordon Riots
of 1 780 gave expression to popular perceptions of popery as dangerous to
the religious and national order. Dr. Haydon makes effective use of the techniques of modern social history to bring fresh understanding to his subject,

and seeks to penetrate the mentality and social dynamics of this manifestation
of collective prejudice.

He examines the various interests which benefited from the active en-

couragement of fear of popery. He shows that despite changing political cir-

cumstances the state continued to need and to use this method of reinforcing

national unity and shows that local reactions could be the result of the active
intervention of agents of the state manipulating the cultural obsessions of the
lower orders. The Church of England and Protestant dissenters also institutionalized anti-Catholicism, and many and varied political and social associations were formed to combat popery. In the local community ritualized
rioting against deviance reaffirmed the sense of order and the self-importance
of local leaders. Dr. Haydon raises the question of how far Catholics brought

odium upon themselves. He considers the importance of their engagement
in public polemical debate, and the extent of their proselytizing, but he believes that most provocative to the general public was their continued allegiance to the Stuarts, and this in turn leads to a subtle and complex
investigation examining how far the official stance of Catholic leaders reflected

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291

real allegiance among Catholics of differing social degrees and the manner in
which Catholic loyalties shifted through the century.
There follows a thoughtful consideration of the impact of the Relief Act

and other measures of toleration in 1 778 and 1 780, and the popular opposition

to toleration expressed, not only in the Gordon Riots in London, but all over
the country, emphasizing the continuing importance and centrality ofreligious
issues in both central and local politics.

Dr. Haydon offers insights from a wide range of forms of historical inquiry—
social, political, religious, ecclesiastical, literary, and local history. He draws

together people and events which have hitherto been studied as discrete
entities—from John Locke to Walter Wyatt, a farmer of Brailes, from bonfires
in Brecon to the policies of Lord Rockingham and Edmund Bruce—with the
result that we approach more closely to the complex elements of social and
political change.

The text is well produced and has the luxury of footnotes as opposed to

endnotes. The illustrations are an important part of the argument, but their
impact is reduced by being placed all together in the center pages, and having
poor definition.

This is a coherent, readable and thoroughly researched work. Fresh material,

especially that relating to local affairs, makes an important contribution to

our understanding of the period. It will be regrettable if it is marginalized by

being deemed to relate only to a small minority of the population. Dr. Haydon
more than justifies his claim that anti-Catholicism was an integral part of the
whole culture of eighteenth-century England.
Marie B. Rowlands

University of Wolverhampton, Dudley Campus

"Pedlar in Divinity": George Whitefleld and the Transatlantic Revivals,

1737—1770. By Frank Lambert. (Princeton: Princeton University Press.
1994. Pp. xii, 238.)

This is a masterful study of the evangelist George Whitefleld, one of the
most popular and influential religious figures of the eighteenth century. Preaching to thousands of converts in his native land of England as well as in Scotland
and America, Whitefleld became one of the best known religious celebrities
of his era. According to Lambert, his meteoric rise to fame was the result of
his success at "peddling" his beliefs from the pulpit and press. Ironically,

Whitefleld condemned the excesses of consumer society, but he also embraced the strategies of mass marketing in order to communicate his beliefs
to a transatlantic audience.

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Lambert argues that Whitefield was profoundly shaped by eighteenth-

century consumer culture. He often used commercial language and imagery
in his sermons, portraying salvation as a "bargain" or "investment" that sinners

could not afford to ignore (p. 48). Taking advantage of advances in print
technology, he also used newspapers and magazines to publicize his beliefs
to as large an audience as possible. In one of the most important insights of
this book, Lambert stresses the role of the press in creating an intercolonial

evangelical identity. Scholars have tended to focus on Whitefield's power as

an orator, but Lambert points out that he used the printed page as well as the
spoken word to foster a "Great Awakening" that linked diverse men and
women together in a common culture. Through the press, Whitefield advertised his meetings and transformed his life into a "commodity" for sale.

Lambert carefully charts Whitefield's use of commercial strategies, but he
is careful to stress his religious rather than secular motivations. Because Whitefield gave away most of the money he earned to charities and educational

institutions, he never became wealthy through his success at "selling" God.
Even though he used the "language of goods" to appeal to his audience, he

never stopped identifying the luxury and wealth of an expanding economy
as one of the greatest dangers to Christianity.

In a fascinating epilogue, Lambert argues that Whitefield—rather than
Charles Finney—deserves recognition as the father of modern mass evangelism. Men such as Finney and Dwight Moody were Whitefield's heirs; just as

Whitefield had exploited the press, they manipulated nineteenth-century tech-

nological advances in order to popularize the doctrines of evangelical
Christianity.
In its central line of interpretation, this book echoes Harry Stout's recent
study, The Divine Dramatist: George Whitefield and the Rise of Modern

Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991). Influenced by the works of
scholars such as Neil McKendrick and T. H. Breen, both Lambert and Stout
situate Whitefield's life in the larger context of the eighteenth-century "consumer revolution." The two books are similar, which may tempt some readers

to read only one. However, scholars who are interested in eighteenth-century
religion and culture will benefit from a close reading of both studies. Stout
offers greater insight into Whitefield's personality and character, but Lambert's
detailed discussion of the connections between evangelicalism and the rise
of consumer society makes fascinating reading.

Catherine A. Brekus

The University of Chicago Divinity School

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293

TheDublin Paper War of 1786-1 788: A Bibliographical and Critical Inquiry.
Including an Account of the Origins ofProtestant Ascendancy and Its

"Baptism" in 1792. By W. J. McCormack. (Blackrock, Co. Dublin: Irish
Academic Press. 1993· Pp. 165.)

This work, the author tells us, "is published to mark the bicentenary of the

passing in the Irish Parliament of die Catholic Relief Act (1793) . · ·" (p. 7).

His focus, however, is primarily on the pre-history of the act to which he

brings a close linguistic analysis. He contrasts his methodology with "the
essentially narrative account of the subject" (p. 8) such as is set forth in

Thomas Bartlett's 1992 work The Fall and Rise of the Irish Nation: The
Catholic Question 1690—1830. A major purpose of McCormack's approach
is to challenge the view that "a coherent 'protestant ascendancy' ideology"
predated the Relief Act itself. Indeed, he tells us in his preface, "Catholic

Relief, in die early 1 790's, was possible partly because no such ideology had
seized the commanding heights of debate . . ." (p. 8). In his dissection of the

emergence and exact meaning of the term "protestant ascendancy," the author
is confident that he has belatedly brought to eighteenth-century Irish history
the modernization of attitude and procedure which first began to characterize
Irish historiography in the 1930's.
Crucial to McCormack's analysis of the concept of the "protestant ascen-

dancy" is an agonizingly detailed linguistic and bibliographical analysis of
Richard Woodward's 1786 pamphlet The Present State of the Church ofIreland; he attempts to convince the reader that Woodward's use of the term
"protestant ascendancy" has been seriously and widely misunderstood, even
by such respected contemporary scholars of eighteenth-century Ireland as
Thomas Bartlett and James Kelly. The author concludes his chapter entitled

"The Debate Surrounding Woodward's Present State" with die assertion that
"those who endorsed protestant ascendancy in 1786—88" (p. 85) were few

in number and tíierefore tiiat the concept did not play an important role in
Irish politics until several years later.
A significant portion of this volume is a recapitulation of McCormack's views
on the protestant ascendancy set forth more than a decade ago and further
elaborated in the 1987 volume of Eighteenth Century Ireland. In the present
volume, he has marshaled more evidence, especially that drawn from linguistic
analysis, to support the position at which he had arrived at least as early as
1981. An important body of die evidence analyzed is the actual Irish parliamentary debates which preceded the passage of the 1792 Catholic Relief Act.
In what this reviewer found as one of the clearest statements of his central

thesis, he concludes his analysis of the debates as follows: "all of die features
of the parliamentary debates point unambiguously to the inauguration as
concept [protestant ascendancy] of what had been an unfamiliar phrase" (pp.
125-126).

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In his "Afterword—a Reply to Some Colleagues" McCormack again chal-

lenges Thomas Bartlett and James Kelly and reiterates the importance of
linguistic analysis in his own (presumably) more correct approach. He is
hopeful that his methodology might lead to a closer analysis of "other familiar
terms of debate in Irish history," such as "emancipation, union, repeal, home

rule, parnellism, free state, etc." (p. 150). If McCormack or others undertake

this endeavor, let us hope that their work will be less cluttered by the jargon

which mars this work and more characterized by the clarity which is often
the hallmark of those traditional narrative historians whose approach McCormack finds so inadequate.

Thomas F. Moriarty

College of Our Lady of the Elms

Late Modern European

Sacrificed for Honor Italian Infant Abandonment and the Politics of Re-

productive Control. By David I. Kertzer. (Boston: Beacon Press. 1993.
Pp. xvi, 272. 825.00.)

Filled with dead babies, heartless parents, imprisoned women, syphilitic
wetnurses, and caesarian operations on cadavers of possibly pregnant women
so as to assure baptism of the unborn, this book is not for the squeamish, but

it certainly deserves a wide audience because it focuses on a variety of important topics dealing with gender, religion, and power, and brings to light a
story that is at once informative and frightening. Using extensive archival and
bibliographic sources, the author melds the detail and color of a local case
study in Bologna with an excellent comparative analysis of infant abandonment

in the rest of Italy. Although undaunted by temporal boundaries, he is primarily
interested in the great numbers of infants abandoned during the nineteenth
century. Part of this had to do with demographic expansion and economic

disruption, especially in the countryside, but Kertzer feels that cultural factors
were more at fault. Specifically, he contends that Counter-Reformation attempts to control sexuality led to an overwhelming stigmatization of illegit-

imacy, which in turn forced women to protect their honor—and their future
chances of marriage—by keeping illicit pregnancies secret and turning the
resulting babies over to public institutions. Charities for the protection of
unwanted children from exposure or infanticide had already been established

in die Middle Ages, and eventually were symbolized by "die wheel," a rotating

box which allowed a woman (or her midwife) to transfer her baby into an
institution without revealing her identity. Under the pressure of post-Tridentine concepts of honor, such wheels proliferated throughout Cadiolic Europe,

and by the early nineteenth century the pre-unitary states of Italy had over

BOOK REVIEWS

295

1200 of them, many of which acted as rural collecting points for babies that
were sent on to foundling homes in die cities. Widi diese mechanisms in
place, abandonment flourished, widi die rate fluctuating from between 1% to

6% of total birdis depending on region, although in certain cities by mid-

century a staggering one-third of all newborns were abandoned. Unfortunately,
die desire to protect these infants and die economic wherewithal to do so
were sadly at odds, and as a result most of the babies died witiiin dieir first
year. Thus in 1819, of die 1,835 infants placed permanently in die Annunziata

foundling home of Naples only 76 were alive after a year.

Kertzer blames diis massacre of the innocents on "a society diat forced

unwed mothers to abandon dieir babies" (p. 70). Such pressure came from

a general onus attached to illegitimacy which forced women out of dieir
homes until diey could secretly give birdi, dump the evidence of dieir
"shame," and return to take up life anew. In some areas diey were allowed
the anonymity of a maternity hospital but only in exchange for their services

as wetnurses (a position fraught widi medical risks) for a set period of time

to children in the attached foundling homes. In other areas, such as the Papal
States, the pressures were more draconian. Using a network of midwives,

priests, and police, papal autiiorities actively sought out unmarried pregnant

women who remained in dieir communities, forcing them into prison until
diey delivered their babies. Such a woman then owed a year's servitude
trapped in die foundling home as a wetnurse, but only for children not her
own. Worst of all, these women were categorically not allowed to keep dieir

own children (even if they so desired) because of die scandal it would create

at home, because diey were deemed unfit to raise diem, and because diey
had to be punished for dieir wanton ways. Men, of course, bore little or no
responsibility for their sexual activity. Some pressure could be brought to
bear to try to arrange a marriage, especially if a rape or a promise of betrodial
were involved, but overwhelmingly women paid the price of illicit love.
Kertzer also deals effectively with the abandonment of legitimate children,

which was by far highest in die cities of Milan and Florence. Indeed, by mid-

century in Milan, over half the children abandoned were legitímate. He examines various theories accounting for such behavior on the part of married
couples, concluding diat a variety of forces were involved although changing
economic patterns which led women to want more control over their family

size probably predominated. Certainly the much greater tendency of married
parents to seek dieir abandoned offspring later, suggests diat economic considerations were often in play.

Despite its obvious merits, a second edition of Kertzer's book would be
well served by two changes. First, die extremes ofcoercion used against unwed

mothers in die case study of Bologna were undoubtedly die norm for die

Papal States, but as presented diey might be construed as die norm for all of
Italy. If this is true, more clear-cut evidence from odier areas needs to be
offered. Secondly, it would be nice to have more information on illegitimacy

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BOOK REVIEWS

and honor from Protestant countries, where unmarried mothers were ex-

pected to keep their children and no wheels of abandonment existed. One
wonders if attitudes toward such women and their offspring with regard to
honor were all that less strong than in Italy. Kertzer gives a hint of this in his
epilogue, which examines the contemporary implications of his research, and
where he asserts that in the 1920's thousands of young women in the United

States were "driven out of their homes, forced to seek anonymous refuge in
institutions set up for this purpose," although in contrast to Italy they were
encouraged to keep their babies (pp. 183-184). This emphasis on honor was
hardly the Counter-Reformation at work, and a more careful analysis of honor

in Protestant Europe could only enhance Kertzer's presentation of conditions
in Catholic Italy. Such suggestions are, however, ancillary. Overall, this is a
dramatic work of real importance that will set the terms of debate in this field

for a long time to come.

Steven C. Hughes

Loyola College in Maryland

Souvenirs d'un ultra-royaliste (1815-1832). By Ferdinand de Bertier. Edited

and introduced by Guillaume de Bertier de Sauvigny. (Paris: Librairie
Jules Tallandier. 1993. Pp. 691. 198 FF.)

With the publication of the memoirs of Comte Ferdinand de Bertier ( 1 782-

1864), the scholarly labors of Père Guillaume de Bertier de Sauvigny, the

distinguished French historian and authority on the French Restoration, have
come full circle. In manuscript Bertier's memoirs were the main source for

his published dissertation: Le Comte Ferdinand de Bertier et l'énigme de la
Congrégation (1948). In the intervening years he published over fifteen historical works, of which La Restauration 1815—1830 (1977), later translated
into English, is particularly noteworthy.

The work under review is a sequel to Souvenirs Inédits d'un conspirateur

( 1 990 ), which covered the period from 1 789 to 1 8 1 4. Like the earlier volume,
it includes only those parts of the original manuscript deemed of historical
interest.

Ferdinand de Bertier belonged to the robe nobility, holding administrative

rather than judicial offices. His father, the intendant of the Paris generality in
1789, was lynched by the mob, and his head was mounted on a pike. This
atrocity aroused in Ferdinand an intense hatred of the French Revolution that
fired his militancy for the royalist cause. A devout ultramontane Catholic, he
ardently desired the union of throne and altar.
To further these aims he established in 1810 a secret society, the Chevalerie
de la Foi, incorporating into it features of religious and military knighthoods
and even of the masonic order, which he briefly joined to learn its system of

BOOK REVIEWS

297

secrecy. (This is described in chapter 8 of the first volume.) It rapidly gained
adherents among influential members of the nobility. It incited resistance to

Napoleon, prepared the return of Louis XVIII, and influenced events during
the ministries of Villèle and Polignac. After 1830, against his better judgment,
Bertier joined remnants of the now-disbanded secret knighthood in a disas-

trous attempt to overthrow Louis Philippe and restore the Bourbon dynasty.

Bertier held various posts including prefect in two departments, counselor
of state, deputy, and minister of state, but never a top-level one. A good
administrator, skilled at operating behind the scenes, he lacked confidence in
himself as a leader. More royalist than the king, he had difficulty in compromising.
As memoirist, Bertier has an engaging style, a good narrative sense, and a

historian's concern for accuracy. But his opinions of adversaries are hardly
dispassionate.

Bertier de Sauvigny, a direct descendant of Bertier, has done a superb job
of editing Bertier's memoirs. The notes constitute a veritable who's who of
the period. The editor mentions their "superabundance," for which historians

will be generally grateful. A minor defect is a sprinkling of typographic errors.

What is the value of Souvenirs d'un ultra-royaliste to scholars? Besides an

insider's view of Restoration politics, it provides a unique insight into the
workings of the secret knighthood, which some historians have either ignored

or lumped together with the Congrégation. Bertier de Sauvigny's dissertation

argues persuasively for the autonomy of the Chevalerie de la Foi. Souvenirs
sheds light also on the religious history of the period, for example, on the
origins of the Society for the Propagation of the Faith, which Bertier headed
in the Paris region. In short, this work, which is indexed, will be useful to
anyone studying the political or religious history of the Restoration period
and the beginning of the July monarchy.
Martin J. Bergin, Jr.

Washington, D.C.

The Great Dissent: John Henry Newman and the Liberal Heresy. By Robert
Pattison. (New York: Oxford University Press. 1991. Pp. xiv, 231. $29.95.)
Not every valuable book is a good one, and this book is both valuable and
irritating. Its merits include wide reading in both ancient and modern sources

and a lively sense of the unity of Christian thought, as it treats John Henry

Newman as the great scourge of modern liberalism, which it discerns as he
did in the heresies of the fourth-century Christian heresiarch Arius. For New-

man, Arius had his liberal descendants in the Socinians of the sixteenth century
and in the Unitarians of the eighteenth, who had led in Newman's day to the

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BOOK REVIEWS

downfall of Christian orthodoxy and of religious conformity, and to the victory
of "the anti-dogmatic principle." Professor Pattison gives an excellent account
of Newman's conflict with his 'liberal' Oriel common room colleague Renn
Dickson Hampden, who declared the facts of Scripture revealed but the doctrines built upon them mere verbal constructions; and no one who knows,
say, of the Anglican Liberal Professor Maurice Wiles's triple enthusiasm for
Arius, the English Arian William Whiston, and Dr. Hampden himself, can doubt
that here is a "liberal descent," against which Newman and his hero Athanasius
stand as the great apologists for orthodox believing.
Unfortunately, Professor Pattison's work lacks the scholarly reservations
which would turn a good book into a better one. He sees Arius's insistence
on the ineffability of God as one step away from atheism, because Arius
distinguished God, who is beyond intelligibility, from both Jesus Christ, who
is not of the substance of God, and a Godless and intelligible world. But like
Newman himself, Professor Pattison is too ready to read the nineteenth-century into the fourth, and the context in which the strict Arians "maintained
that the only true statements about God are statements about what we cannot
know" is not that of the modern liberal who uses it to assert that Christ is

only a man. The views of Arius are admittedly obscure, as they survive only
in the fragments cited by his enemies; but his world was a good deal more
than a step away from modern atheism, even though he did think that the
Son did not know the Father. Nor did he strictly speaking reject the "dogmatic

principle," his point being a dogmatic one, that Christ, although our Savior
and a perfect angelic creature, was only a creature and not consubstantial

with God.

This species of Christology is not the view of any modern liberal. Again,
Professor Pattison overstresses Hampden's heterodoxy as Newman overstressed it, because Newman also saw the profounder radical implications of
Hampden's theology. It is, however, doubtful if Hampden himself saw them,

as he was arguably personally orthodox, and his proto-fundamentalist view of
the New Testament as the record of divinely guaranteed facts attested by

miracles made him peculiarly vulnerable to Biblical Criticism, as Newman
was not. Owen Chadwick remarks of Hampden, who for Professor Pattison is
a miracle of modernity, that as a bishop, he "surprised everyone by a strong

orthodoxy. Not a single liberal divine of the Victorian age derived even one
idea from Dr. Hampden."

Because Hampden forged his theory of doctrine in opposition to the medieval scholastics, Professor Pattison makes Newman too much a scholastic;
but Newman, although anxious as a Roman Catholic to find affinities with
scholasticism, really knew little about it, as he himself declared. As Professor
Pattison notes, Newman's epistemology was rooted in British empiricism—
one of his claims to modernity. And it was precisely because, as Professor
Pattison also notes, "Newman conceded everything his liberal opponents
could demand except the major premise," that he engaged with liberalism

BOOK REVIEWS

299

and modernity in ways that mere conservatism does not, absorbing whatever
he thought that liberalism might have of truth into his system, and even seizing
upon it (as in the matter of biblical criticism) to his own polemical advantage.
He was no liberal, but nor was he a conservative (hence his later criticism of
the papacy). His ultimate commitment was to an orthodoxy transcending both
the liberal and conservative points of view.
But that makes him complicated, and Professor Pattison makes him too

simple. In an essay on Newman'sAnVaws oftheFourth Century in die collection
edited by Ian Ker and Alan Hill, Neivman after a Hundred Years (Clarendon
Press, 1990), Rowan Williams unsays his previous harsher judgments on New-

man's work in arguing that it contains some of the elements of Newman's
later rejection of a static Anglicanism for a developing Catholicism; moreover,

Newman does this in a way which anticipates what is of value in Hampden's
theory of religious language; Newman also had a partly non-propositional view
of revelation. There is a wider context to the theme of heresy in Stephen

Thomas's Newman and Heresy: the Anglican Years (Cambridge University

Press, 1991), which shows the importance to Newman's anti-liberalism of his

Evangelical background and of ancient heresies apart from Arianism, which

was only at the beginning of his quest, before he went on to study Sabellianism,
Apollinarianism, Nestorianism, and Monophysitism. Dr. Thomas demonstrates
the ambiguities of Newman's changing position from the surviving manuscript

as well as Xhe printed evidence, and the differences between his published
and unpublished utterances. Newman was not singlemindedly obsessed with

the Arians, but was concerned with all ancient heresy, and as he struggled
toward his understanding of doctrinal development, he declared that a heresy
like Eutychianism could be conservative, not liberal. He did contradict himself
and change and develop, though Professor Pattison asserts the contrary, as he

glosses over both Newman's inner struggle to reach a coherent view of heresy
and the shifts of intellectual position which attended it.

The work is also marred by some very obvious errors and some terrible
proof-reading regrettable in one so merciless with the errors of others, and
so uncharitable and unfair in some of his judgments on movements and individuals. Its own perspective is difficult to discern; its extraordinary conclu-

sion hardly suggests much sympathy for Newman, who is described as "among
the first to demonstrate how terrorism might subvert liberal society." Yet the

author shows a distinct unease about the decline of liberalism into relativism

and subjectivity, and his very sharpness, clarity of tone, and lack of subtlety
help to make this a stimulating book which, despite its faults, poses a fundamental intellectual problem with vigor and scholarship, and offers its readers
the kiss of intellectual life.
Sheridan Gilley

University of Durham

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BOOK REVIEWS

Newman and Heresy: The Anglican Years. By Stephen Thomas. (New York:
Cambridge University Press. 1992. Pp. xiv, 335. «54.95.)
Newman and Heresy is a daunting study of Newman's Anglican writings on

the early Christological heresies (Arianism, Sabellianism, etc.). Readers will
be grateful for the definition of these many heresies in a glossary with which
Thomas begins the book. Also, he has studied various Newman manuscripts

on individual heresies, and brings to our attention some of Newman's writings
that I had not known existed.

Thomas focuses on Newman's changing attitude toward the origins of heresy, and seems to ignore Newman's geographical locating of heresy. When
Newman in 1839 described himself as a Monophysite, he was, I believe,

describing his situation as a place rather than accepting a heresy, namely,
professing to be a Catholic while resisting the claims of the pope to sovereignty. Whatever be the merits of Newman's Arians, Thomas' description of
it as Newman's first novel will surely raise eyebrows. But such a description
is, perhaps, the working principle of Newman and Heresy. Newman's gift is

that of a "writer of genius, a brilliant storyteller, a biting polemicist" (p. 3).
The author is certainly correct when he argues that Newman viewed the
heresies of the past as intensely relevant to disputes that were then current.

Newman made such a point endless times throughout his Anglican and Catholic correspondence.

The phrase "story-teller" was not an artistic slip. Thomas, I believe, views
Newman primarily as a rhetorician, and uses the word rhetoric hundreds of
times to describe his writings on heresy. Newman's ultimate story, however,

may have been the one he invented about himself, after his conversion. Thomas
argues for a serious discrepancy between the Anglican and Catholic Newman.

The volume ends with a series of citations from earlier Newman critics who

were even more severe with their subject than Thomas, which is saying a
good deal. Newman was/is the great Victorian sophist.
Thomas is not alone in his perception of Newman's weakness. In the many

books that followed upon the centennial of Newman's death, the Anglican
community was far from silent; and the line was often like that of Thomas.

Newman was ever the rhetorician. One might ask, then, why bother? If Newman were dishonest, his work would surely have died by now. For myself,
Newman is the most literal of all writers. Certainly, he made a number of
errors in his evaluation of the crisis of 1833 and beyond. It was, he said in

the Apologia, inconsistent for a Protestant to be anti-liberal.
University ofSouthern Colorado

John R. Griffin

NOTES AND COMMENTS

Association News

At its meeting held on January 5, 1995, the Executive Council of the Amer-

ican Catholic Historical Association decided to increase the fees for mem-

bership as follows: for ordinary members $35.00; for retired members (after
twenty consecutive years of ordinary membership) and for student members
»25.00; and for life members «600.00.

The president of the Association, Jay P. Dolan of the University of Notre

Dame, has appointed Mary J. Oates, C.S.J., of Regis College (Weston, Massa-

chusetts), to the Committee on the John Gilmary Shea Prize for a three-year

term. She will represent American history. The Committee for this year, there-

fore, consists of the chairman, Donald J. Dietrich of Boston College (for mod-

ern European history), John Howe of Texas Tech University, Lubbock (for
medieval history), and Sister Mary.

Professor Dolan has also appointed Robert C. Figueira of Lander University

and Kenneth Gouwens of the University of South Carolina to the Committee

on Program for the seventy-sixth annual meeting, which will be held in Atlanta,
Georgia, on January 7—9, 1996.

Meetings, Conferences, Congresses, and Colloquia
The only session dealing with religious history among the approximately
1 50 sessions of the annual meeting of the Organization ofAmerican Historians
and the National Council on Public History, which will be held in Washington,
D.C., from March 30 to April 2, 1995, is entitled "Evangelism, Mysticism, and

Minority Status: American Protestantism, 1790-1960." Emma J. Lapsansky of

Haverford College will speak on "The Utopian Impulse in Twentieth-Century
America: A Quaker Experience"; Donald Mathews of the University of North
Carolina at Chapel Hill, "From Evangelicalism to Liberalism, 1880-1920"; and
Dickson D. Bruce of the University of California, Irvine, "African Americans
and American Theological Discourse, 1790-1830."
301

302

NOTES AND COMMENTS

Under the title "Re-enchanting the World: Christian Education and the
Imagination," AlbertJ. Raboteau ofPrinceton University will deliver the annual
Catholic Daughters of the Americas Lecture at the Catholic University of
America on April 2, 1995.
The American Society of Church History will hold its spring meeting on
April 20—23, 1995, in Coral Gables, Florida. Further information may be obtained from Daniel L. Pals in care of the Department of Religious Studies, University of Miami, Post Office Box 248264, Coral Gables, Florida 33124-4672.
The theme of the forty-third study week of the Centro Italiano di Studi
sull'Alto Medioevo, which will take place at Spoleto on April 20-26, 1995, is
"Il Caucaso: Cerniera fra culture dal Mediterráneo alla Persia (secoli IV-XI)."
Among the thirty papers that will be presented are "La cristianizzazione del
Caucaso" by Bernard Outtier of the Bibliothèque du Caucase, Saulieu, France,
and "Generic and Methodological Developments in East Christian Theology"
by Peter Cowe of Columbia University.
The American Cusanus Society will sponsor three sessions at the thirtieth
International Congress on Medieval Studies, which will be held at Western

Michigan University, Kalamazoo, on May 4-7, 1995. In die first, entitled "Ni-

cholas of Cusa's Place in Intellectual History," papers will be read by Dennis
D. Martin of Loyola University Chicago ("Hugh of Balma and the Tegernsee
Controversy over Affective Mysticism"), by F. Edward Cranz of Connecticut

College ("Cusanus' Place in Western Thought"), and by Eric Crump of Gettysburg Lutheran Seminary ("Conjecture and Representation in Nicholas of
Cusa and Kant"). "Preaching and Reform in the Age of Cusanus" is the theme
of the second session, in which the following papers will be read: "A Call for
Reform: Nicholas de Clamange's Use of Medieval Apocalypticism," by Christopher Bellitto of Fordham University; "The Art of Preaching in Ten Sermons
of Nicholas of Cusa," by Lawrence Hundersmarck of Pace University; and

"Word as Bread: Recent Research in Nicholas of Cusa's Theology of Preaching,"

by Peter Casarella of the Catholic University of America. The third session
will be devoted to a discussion of Brian Tierney's book Foundations of Conciliar Theory "forty years after." Francis Oakley of Williams College will present the book's "Significance for Ecclesiology and Political Thought," and
Professor Tierney, emeritus of Cornell University, will give a response. Heiko
A. Oberman of the University of Arizona will preside and comment. After the
dinner and business meeting on May 5 Donald Duclow of Gwynedd-Mercy

College will speak on "Nicholas of Cusa's Dialogue on World Religions: A
Student Response Approach."

A colloquium on "Gender in the Tongue of the Fathers: Ideology and the
Subject in Medieval Latin Discourse," will be held at the University of Toronto
on May 8—9, 1995. All desirable information may be obtained from David
Townsend in care of the Centre for Medieval Studies, 39 Queen's Park Crescent
East, Toronto, Ontario M5S 2C3, Canada.

NOTES AND COMMENTS

303

The program of the "Colloque universitaire international" that will be held
at Clermont on June 23-25, 1995, and will be devoted to the theme "Le
Concile de Clermont et l'Appel à la Croisade" (see ante, LXXIX [April, 1993],
389) has now been completed "under the high scholarly authority" of Georges
Duby of the Académie Française. Among the sixteen medievalists presenting
papers will be H. E. J. Cowdrey of the University of Oxford, "The Reform

Papacy and the Origin of the Crusades"; James A. Brundage of the University

of Kansas, "Crusaders and the Jurists: The Legal Consequences of Crusader
States"; Jonathan Riley-Smith of the University of Cambridge, "The Idea of
Crusading in the Charters of Early Crusaders"; Giles Constable of the Institute
for Advanced Study, Princeton, "Cluny et la première croisade"; and Marcus
Bull of the University of Bristol, "Overlapping and Competing Identities in
the Frankish First Crusade." Requests for copies of the program and for practical information should be addressed to the dean René Chiroux, Vice-President of the Conseil Régional d'Auvergne, Hôtel de la Région, 13/15 Avenue

de Fontmaure, Boite postale 60, 63402 Chamalières Cedex, France; telephone:
73 31 85 85; fax: 73 36 73 45.

Robert M. Kingdon of the University of Wisconsin-Madison, a vice-president
of the International Commission for Comparative Ecclesiastical History, has
organized the first section of a session for the eighteenth International Congress of Historical Sciences, which will be held at Montreal from August 27

to September 3, 1995 (see ante, LXXIX [July, 1993], 592; LXXX [July, 1994],
663, and [October, 1994], 819-820). The theme of the session is "The Re-

ligious Cultures of the Americas: European Roots and Transformations." The

principal paper in the first section (September 1 ), which will deal with the
United States and Canada, will be presented by Mark Noll of Wheaton College.
Communications will be presented by Dominique Deslandres of the Univer-

sity of Montreal ("La séduction de Dieu: Éléments d'histoire comparée des

missions chrétiennes en Amérique du nord-est"); by Michael Gauvreau of
McMaster University on Scottish and English influences on Protestant Evan-

gelicals in North America; by Jerzy Kloczowski of the Catholic University of

Lublin ("L'Émigration de l'Europe du Centre-Est et ses racines religieuses");

by Hugh McLeod of the University of Birmingham on "Immigrant Religion in
New York City in the Late Nineteenth and the Twentieth Centuries"; by Susan

Hardman Moore of King's College, University of London on "Rhetoric and

Circumstance in the Formation of New England's Idea of Church"; by A. G.
Roeber of the University of Illinois-Chicago on German Lutheranism in North
America; by Hermann Wellenreuther of the University of Göttingen on German
Christian missions to North America in the eighteenth century; and by John

Wolffe of the Open University (England) on anti-Catholicism in the midnineteenth century. In the second section (September 2), which will deal

with Latin America, the principal paper will be read by Antón Pazos of the

University of Navarre ("Las influencias religiosas entre América del Norte y

Latino-América"). Preregistration for the International Congress should be
done by April 30. The fees are $200 before April 30 and Î225 thereafter for

304

NOTES AND COMMENTS

all countries except Canada; for students and registered guests the fees are
$100 before April 30 and Sl 15 thereafter for non-Canadians. A registration
circular may be obtained from the XVIIIe Congrès International des Sciences
Historiques, CP. 8888, Succursale Centre-Ville, Montréal, Québec H3C 3P8,
Canada; fax: 514-987-0259; e-mail: cish95@uqam.ca.
Sponsored by the Centre d'Histoire des Réformes et du Protestantisme, the
ninth "Colloque Jean Boisset" will take place at Montpellier on October 3—

6, 1995, and will deal with the topic "Protestantisme et politique, XVP-XX"

siècle." Anyone interested in participating should write to M. Peronnet in care
of Arts, Lettres, Langues et Sciences Humaines, Université Paul Valéry, Route
de Mende, Boite postale 5043, 34032 Montpellier Cedex, France; telephone:
67.14.20.00; fax: 67.14.20.52.
The twenty-second Saint Louis Conference on Manuscript Studies will be

held on October 6—7, 1995, at Saint Louis University. Scholars are invited to

present papers in such areas of manuscript and textual research as codicology,
paleography, papyrology, illuminations, textual criticism, epigraphy, cataloguing formats, and computer applications. Abstracts of proposed papers, not
exceeding 200 words in length, should be submitted by August 1, and complete texts (not exceeding nine double-spaced pages) must be sent by September 1. Inquiries concerning proposals and accommodations should be
addressed to the Conference Committee, Manuscripta, Pius XII Memorial

Library, Saint Louis University, 3650 Lindell Boulevard, Saint Louis, Missouri
63108.

Siena College is continuing its sponsorship of annual, international, multidisciplinary conferences on the fiftieth anniversary of World War II. The title

of the conference to be held on May 30-31, 1996, is "World War II—a Dual
Perspective," which will embrace "1946, World War II—The Aftermath," and

"1936, World War II—The Preliminary Period." Proposals for papers should
include a brief outline or abstract and should be submitted by December 1,
1995. All inquiries should be addressed to the co-director of the World War
II Conference, Thomas O. Kelly, II, in care of the Department of History, Siena

College, 515 Loudon Road, Loudonville, New York 12211-1462; telephone:
518-783-2595; fax·. 518-783-4293.

The second International Tyndale Conference is being planned for Septem-

ber 2—7, 1996. It will take place at Hertford and Magdalen Colleges, Oxford.

Those who wish to participate should communicate with the secretary of the
Tyndale Society, Priscilla Frost, at 10B Littlegate Street, Oxford OXl IQT,

England; telephone: (011-44) 865-794-727; fax: 865-794-695.
Publications

Persons interested in the history of Christian art and architecture in Late
Antiquity and the Middle Ages may wish to read the following articles pub-

NOTES AND COMMENTS

305

lished in Volume 42 ( 1994) of CahiersArchéologiques: Hetty J. Van Ginhoven,
"Le miniaturiste du Pentateuque de Tours ou Pentateuque d'Ashburnham et

sa méthode de travail" (pp. 65—74); Paul Mylonas, "Le Catholicon de Kutlumus

(Athos). La dernière étape de la formation du catholicon athonite: l'apparition

des typicaria" (pp. 75—86); Thomas Steppan, "Die Mosaiken des Athosklosters

Vatopaidi: Stilkritische und ikonographische Überlegungen" (pp. 87-122);

Tania Velmans, "Observations sur quelques peintures murales en Syrie et
Palestine et leur composante byzantine orientale" (pp. 123—138); Sophia
Kalopissi-Verti, "Painters in Late Byzantine Society. The Evidence of Church

Inscriptions" (pp. 139-158); Athanassios Semoglou, "Le Christ-Vengeur. Remarques sur un sujet iconographique rare" (pp. 159-166); and Eva HausteinBartsch, "Zur Rekonstruktion der Festtagsreihe einer Novgoroder Ikonostase

des 1 5. Jahrhunderts" (pp. 167-184).

"Frontier Catholicism" is the theme of the issue of the U.S. Catholic His-

torian for fall, 1994 (Volume 12, Number 4). One will find here the following
articles: "The Catholic Frontiers," by Thomas W. Spalding, C.F.X. (pp. 1-15);
" 'How I would save them all': Priests on the Michigan Frontier," by Leslie

Woodcock Tentler (pp. 17-35); "Sacred Encounters in the Northwest: A

Persistent Dialogue," by Jacqueline Peterson (pp. 37—48); "The Art of Con-

versation: Jesuits and Flatheads in Nineteenth-Century Montana," by Gerald

McKevitt, SJ. (pp. 49-64); "Frontier Catholics in the Pacific Northwest," by
Wilfred P. Schoenberg, SJ. (pp. 65-84); "From Frontera Faith to Roman
Rubrics: Altering Hispanic Religious Customs in Los Angeles, 1855—1880," by

Michael E. Engh, SJ. (pp. 85—105); "Lay Initiatives in Worship on the Texas
Frontera, 1830-1860," by Timothy M. Matovina (pp. 107-120); and "Catholic
Female Academies on the Frontier," by Mary J. Oates, CSJ. (pp. 121-136).
The Asbury TheologicalJournal has published a "Special Issue Commem-

orating the 200th Anniversary of Bethel Academy" in Kentucky (Volume 49,
Number 2 [Fall, 1994], pages 5-115). The history is written by G. Herbert
Livingston.
Resistance in the Third Reich is the theme of five articles published in the
issue oí Internationale katholische Zeitschrift "Communio" for November-

December, 1994 (Volume 23, Number 6). The authors and their titles are

Victor Conzemius, "Zwischen Anpassung und Widerstand. Die Christen und

der Nationalsozialismus" (pp. 483—502); Heinz Hurten, "Wo stand die Kirche

am 20. Juli?" (pp. 503-517); Curt Hohoff, "Literarischer Widerstand durch
innere Emigration" (pp. 518-527); Rudolf Lili and Heinrich Oberreuter, "Widerstand: Resonanz, Rechtfertigung, Ziele" (pp. 528—536); and Eberhard

Straub, "Die Deutschen und der Widerstand" (pp. 537-542).

The latest issue of the Revue des Ordinations Episcopales (Volume I, Num-

ber 3 [January, 1995]; see ante, LXXX [October, 1994], 822) contains not

only the episcopal ordinations performed in 1993 but also an index of places
for 1991, 1992, and 1993 as well as the geographical distribution of such
ordinations and an index of consecrators for the same three years. A new

306

NOTES AND COMMENTS

component gives the episcopal genealogies ofthe twenty-seven cardinals (who

are bishops) created in the consistory of November 26, 1994.
Personal Notices

Gerald P. Fogarty, S.J., has been named William R. Kenan, Jr., Professor of

Religious Studies in the University ofVirginia. The appointment was approved
by the Board of Visitors on February 4, 1995, and was made retroactive to
September 1, 1994.

William P. Schoenberg, SJ., has been named University Archivist Emeritus

of Gonzaga University by die Board of Trustees, who wished thereby "to

express special appreciation for the many exceptional contributions that [he]
has made to preserving the history of the Northwest, to the enrichment of
the Spokane and University communities, and for his exemplary record of
scholarship and service."
Obituaries

John L. Ciani, SJ., died at the Jesuit Community of Georgetown University

of non-Hodgkins lymphoma on December 22, 1994. Born in the Bronx in
1951, he graduated from the Fordham Preparatory School and Brown University. He then obtained a master's degree in journalism from Northwestern
University and worked in the field of religious journalism before entering the
Society of Jesus at Wernersville, Pennsylvania, in 1977. Ordained in 1986, he
then pursued graduate work in religious studies at the University of Virginia,
from which he received his Ph.D. degree in 1992. His dissertation was entitled
"Across a Wide Ocean: Salvatore Brandi, SJ., and the Civiltà Cattolica, from

Americanism to Modernism 1891—1914"; it has been accepted for publication
by the Catholic University of America Press. From 1992 to 1994, he was
assistant professor of theology at Georgetown University, and in September,

1994, he assumed the position of director of Catholic campus ministry. He is

survived by his parents, Mr. and Mrs. John Ciani of the Bronx, and a sister,
Valerie, of Manhattan.
University of Virginia

Gerald P. Fogarty, SJ.

Edward T. Gargan, professor emeritus of history in the University of Wisconsin—Madison, who had been president of the American Catholic Historical
Association in 1970, died on January 10, 1995, in Madison. Two days after
returning from Chicago, where he had attended the meetings of the historical

societies, he was stricken by a heart attack while working on an article in his

NOTES AND COMMENTS

307

study. He was born in New York on February 25, 1922, and received his BA.

degree from Brooklyn College in 1945. He earned the doctorate in European

history at the Catholic University of America in 1955 with a published dissertation on Alexis de Tocqueville. Subsequently he taught at Wesleyan Uni-

versity, Loyola University of Chicago, and Boston College. In 1967 he was

appointed professor of French history in the University of Wisconsin, where
he remained until he retired in 1992. He authored two books, co-authored
one, and edited four, and wrote more than thirty articles and more than 200
book reviews. He received numerous grants from the American Council of
Learned Societies, die National Science Foundation, die American Philosophical Society, and other institutions as well as a Guggenheim Fellowship. He
was a national finalist in the E. Harris Harrison Teaching Award of the Danforth
Foundation. The French Ministry of National Education named him a Chevalier

des Palmes Académiques in 1963, and he was president of the Society for

French Historical Studies in 1974. He was a much-loved teacher whose students now carry on his legacy in prestigious universities and colleges; twenty
of diem wrote their doctoral dissertations under his supervision. Besides his
historical pursuits, he had recently returned to an early interest in die visual
arts; as an adolescent he had studied at the Arts Students League in New York,
and last August he exhibited two pastel paintings in a group show in Madison.
He is survived by his wife, Bernadette Praetz Gargan, and by two sons. He
was preceded in death by his first wife, Louise Quesnel Gargan, and by two
infant children. He had been a member of the American Catholic Historical

Association since 1950.

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS

New Trends in the Study of Church History. Guy Beduelle, O.P. Philippiniana
Sacra, XXIX (May-Aug., 1994), 227-236.

La storia come luogo teológico. Giuseppe Ruggieri. Laurentianum, 35 (2—3,
1994), 319-337.
Christian Ethos and Monastic Book Culture: The History of the MeIk Abbey
Library as a Guidepost to a Lifestyle in Conformity with the Horizon of
Christian Values. Gottfried Glassner, OS.B. American Benedictine Review,

45 (Dec, 1994), 368-398.
Die Niederlassungen der franziskanischen Ordensfamilie in der Erzdiözese
Mainz. Thomas Berger. Wissenschaft und Weisheit, 57 (1, 1994), 139—
153.

Minderbrüder der Kölnischen Franziskanerprovinz aus Mönchengladbach.
Robert Jauch, O.f.M., and Siegfried Koß. Wissenschaft und Weisheit, 57
(2, 1994), 201-220.
Stellung und Bedeutung des Kulmbacher Augustinerklosters dargestellt an-

hand seines Bücherverzeichnisses. Eugenie Lecheler. Augustiniana, 44
(3-4, 1994), 303-379.

Le couvent des Carmes de Bergerac des origines à 1 790. Jean-Claude Ignace.

Carmelus, 41 (1, 1994), 165-178.

Il monastero carmelitano délia Ss.ma Annunziata, detto "Delia Nunziatina" [in

Florence]. Stefano Possanzini, O.Carm. Carmelus, 41 (1, 1994), 179-214.

Pittori cappuccini nelle Marche nei secoli XV e XVII. Giuseppe Santarelli,

O.F.M.Cap. Collectanea Franciscana, 64 (1-4, 1994), 287-304.

Sturzo, Bremond e san Francesco di Sales. Gabriele de Rosa. Ricerche di Storia

Sociale e Religiosa, XXIII (Jan.-June, 1994), 157-176.

Dar y hacer los Ejercicios. Concepciones de la práctica de los Ejercicios

espirituales de Ignacio de Loyola en las áreas lingüísticas francesa e inglesa
de Europa y América del Norte entre 1954 y 1992. Pascual Cebollada,
SJ. Estudios Eclesiásticos, 69(70) (Oct.-Dec, 1994), 471-501.
La utopía ecuménica (II). El proceso doctrinal e "Fe y Constitución" desde
Montreal (1963) a Santiago (1993). Héctor Valí. Estudios Eclesiásticos,
69 (July-Sept, 1994), 289-341.
308

PERIODICAL UTERATURE

309

ANCIENT

"Pagan" and "Christian" Marriage: The State of the Question. Judith Evans

Grubbs.Journal ofEarly Christian Studies, 2 (Winter, 1994), 361-412.

Eating People: Accusations of Cannibalism against Christians in the Second
Century. Andrew McGowan./owrwe/ ofEarly Christian Studies, 2 (Winter, 1994), 413-442.

Edward Gibbon (1737-1794) and Early Christianity. W. H. C. Frend.Journal
of Ecclesiastical History, 45 (Oct., 1994), 661-672.
A Christian Business and Christian Self-Identity in Third/Fourth Century Phry-

gia. Gary J. Johnson. Vigiliae Christianae, 48 (Dec, 1994), 341-366.

Catechesi patrística e iconografía fra III e IV secólo. Antonio Quacquarelli.
Vetera Christianorum, 31 (1, 1994), 5-22.
Element! di corredo nei sepolcri delle catacombe romane: I'esempio della
regione di Leone e della gallería Bb nella catacomba di Commodilla. Paola
De Santis. Vetera Christianorum, 31 (1, 1994), 23-51.
Libanios und Zosimos über den Rom-Besuch Konstantins I. im Jahre 326.

Hans-Ulrich Wiemer. Historia, XUII (4, 1994), 469-494.

The Legend of S. Zotikos according to Constantine Akropolites. Timothy S.

Miller. Analecta Bollandiana, 112 (3-4, 1994), 339-376.

Die Kreuzesvision von 351 —Fakten und Probleme. Heinrich Chantraine. By-

zantinische Zeitschrift, 86/87 (2, 1993/1994), 430-441.
L'éloge funèbre de Basile par Grégoire de Nazianze. Pierre Nautin. Vigiliae
Christianae, 48 (Dec, 1994), 332-340.

Egeriana IV. Paul Devos. Analecta Bollandiana, 112 (3-4, 1994), 241-254.
Ampolle devozionali ed itinerari di pellegrinaggio tra IV e VII secólo. Chiara

Lambert, Paola Pedemonte Demeglio. Antiquité Tardive, 2 (1994), 205231.

Les ateliers de sarcophages paléochrétiens en Gaule: la Provence et les Pyrénées. Mat Immerzeel. Antiquité Tardive, 2 (1994), 233—249.

Caelestius, Discipulus Pelagii. Guido Honnay. Augustiniana, 44 (3—4, 1994),
271-302.

Hagiographie antique et démonologie. Notes sur quelques Passions grecques
(BHG 962z, 964 et 1165-1166). P. Boulhol. Analecta Bollandiana, 112
(3-4, 1994), 255-303.
St Columba and His Lay Contemporaries in Scotland and Ireland. Alan D.

MacQuarrie. Scottish Church History Society Records, XXV (2, 1994),
188-203.

Ambasciate bizantine presso la Santa Sede in età giustinianea (527-565).
Filippo Carcione. Antonianum, LXLX (Apr.-Sept., 1994), 261-272.
Gregorio Magno e Maometto. Giorgio Cracco. Rivista di Storia e Letteratura

Religiosa, XXX (2, 1994), 247-261.

310

PERIODICAL UTERATURE

MEDIEVAL

Bishops in the Isles before 1203: Bibliography and Biographical Lists. D. E. R.
Watt. Innes Review, XLV (Autumn, 1994), 99-119.

One Will, One Voice, and Equal Love: Papal Elections and the LiberPontificalis

in the Early Middle Ages. Philip Daileader. Archivum Historiae Pontiflciae, 31 (1993), 11-31.

The Origin of the Laterals Paschal Cycle of the Insular Celtic Churches. Daniel
McCarthy. Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies, No. 28 (Winter, 1994),
25-49.

I santi antenati carolingi fra mito e storia: agiografie e généalogie come strumento di potere dinástico. Maria Teresa Fattori. Studi Medievali, XXXIV

(Dec, 1993), 487-561.

Charlemagne, l'Église franque et l'État. Elisabeth Magnou-Nortier. Mélanges
de Science Religieuse, 51 (Oct.-Dec, 1994), 359-373-

Le dogme trinitaire et l'essor de son iconographie en Occident de l'époque
carolingienne au IVe Concile du Latran (1215). François Boespflug and
Yolanta Zatuska. Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale, XXXVII (July—Sept.,

1994), 181-240.

The Historia Croylandensis: A Plea for Reassessment. David Roffe. English
Historical Review, CX (Feb., 1995), 93-108.

Die Briefsammlung des Bischofs Herfrid von Auxerre (887—909). Martina
Stratmann. Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 50 (1,
1994), 127-144.

Les origines d'Odon de Cluny. Christian Lauranson-Rosaz. Cahiers de Civili-

sation Médiévale, XXXVII (July-Sept., 1994), 255-270.
The Foundation of Ramsey Abbey. Cyril Hart. Revue Bénédictine, 104 (3-4,
1994), 295-327.

The Church of the Holy Cross and the Iconography of Kingship. Lynn Jones.

Gesta, XXXIII (2, 1994), 104-117.
Les juifs et l'écrit dans la mentalité eschatologique du Moyen age chrétien
occidental (France 1000-1200). Brigitte Miriam Bedos-Rezak. Annales,

49 (Sept.-Oct., 1994), 1049-1063.
Möglichkeiten und Grenzen religiöser Toleranz im normannisch-staufischen
Süditalien. Hubert Houben. Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 50 (1, 1994), 159-198.

Robert d'Arbrissel: Aristocratie Patronage and the Question of Heresy. W. Scott

Jessee. Journal ofMedieval History, 20 (Sept., 1994), 221-235.
Some New Perspectives on the Letters of Ivo of Chartres. Bruce C. Brasington.
Manuscripta, 37 OuIy, 1993), 168-178.

II vecchio e il nuovo nei secoli XI-XII. Lettura di una coscienza di Chiesa.

Salvatore Vacca. Laurentianum, 35 (2-3, 1994), 365-425.

PERIODICAL UTERATURE

311

De Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle à Notre-Dame-du-Folgoët: les voies de l'acculturation. Gaël Milin. Annales de Bretagne et des Pays de l'Ouest, 101

(3, 1994), 7-47.

Die Beziehungen des Bischöfe Petrus von Pamplona zum französischen Mönch-

tum. Axel Müssigbrod. Revue Bénédictine, 104 (3-4, 1994), 346-378.
The Episcopal and Royal Views at Cefalù. Mark J. Johnson. Gesta, XXXIII (2,
1994), 118-131.

La Sibila del Rhin. Misión profética de santa Hildegarda de Bingen. José Oroz

Reta. Latomus, 53 (Julv-Sept., 1994), 608-634.

Caput autem mulieris vir (I Kor 11,3): Praxis und Begründung des Doppelklosters im Briefkorpus Abaelard-Heloise. Georg Jenal. Archiv für Kul-

turgeschichte, 76 (2, 1994), 285-304.

Wilhelms von Saint-Thierry Goldener Brief und seine Bedeutung für die Zisterzienser (I). Michaela Pfeifer. Analecta Cisterciensia, L (Jan.—Dec,
1994), 3-250.
Le tre ultime lettere dell'epistolario di san Bernardo. Ferruccio Gastadelli.
Analecta Cisterciensia, L (Jan.—Dec, 1994), 251—292.
The Deposition of Abbot Ernis of Saint-Victor: A New Letter. Anne J. Duggan.

Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 45 (Oct., 1994), 642-660.

San Ranieri of Pisa: The Power and Limitations of Sanctity in Twelfth-Century
Italy. Colin Morris. Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 45 (Oct., 1994),
588-599.

Et Partu Fontis Exceptunt: The Typology of Birth and Baptism in an Unusual

Spanish Image ofJesus Baptized in a Font. Pamela A. Patton. Gesta, XXXIII
(2, 1994), 79-92.

Children and the Church in Medieval England. Nicholas Orme. Journal of
Ecclesiastical History, 45 (Oct., 1994), 563-587.
La Vita del Monaco etiope Iyasus-Mo'a (sec. XIH): agiografia e storiografia.
Salvatore Tedeschi. Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 60 (2, 1994), 503518.

Wucher in Deutschland, 1200—1350. Überlegungen zur Normdidaxe und
Normrezeption. Gerhard Rösch. H istorischeZeitschrift, 259 (Dec, 1994),
593-636.

The Vita S. Birini of Henry of Avranches (BHL 1364). David Townsend.
Analecta Bollandiana, 112 (3-4, 1994), 309-338.
Elisabeth von Thüringen in ihrem kirchengeschichtlichen Kontext. Martin

Ohst. Zeitschriftfür Theologie und Kirche, 91 (Dec, 1994), 424-444.
Nichtsdestoweniger. Über den dritten Brief der heiligen Klara an die heilige

Agnes von Prag. Theo Zweermann, O.F.M. Wissenschaft und Weisheit,
57(1, 1994), 7-20.

312

PERIODICAL UTERATURE

Chiara d'Assisi neU'Umbria del Quattrocento. Mario Sensi. Collectanea Franciscana, 64 (1-4, 1994), 215-239.
Klerus- und Kirchenkritik in der spätmittelalterlichen deutschen Stadtchro-

nistik. Winfried Eberhard. Historisches Jahrbuch, 114 (2, 1994), 349380.

Zur Kontroverse um das Mendikantenprivileg. Ein ältester Bericht über das
Pariser Nationalkonzil von 1290. Henryk Anzulewicz. Archives d'Histoire

Doctrinale et Littéraire du Moyen Age, 60 (1993), 281-291.

Normierung und Pragmatik des Schriftgebrauchs im cisterziensischen Visitationsverfahren bis zum beginnenden 14. Jahrhundert. Jörg Oberste. HistorischesJahrbuch, 114 (2, 1994), 312-348.
Zelatores Maximi. Pope John XXII, Archbishop Frederick of Riga, and the

Baltic Mission 1305—1340. Rasa J. Mazeika and Stephen C. Rowell. Archivum Historiae Pontiflciae, 31 (1993), 33-68.

Fra Giovanni da Montecorvino in Cina: conoscere il suo tempo per conoscere

la sua persona e la sua opera. Matteo Ajassa. Euntes Docete, XLVII (May—

Aug., 1994), 177-185.
Santa Maria del Sasso presso Bibbiena e altri santuari mariani in Toscana.

Razionalizzazione ufficiale e cultura folkloristica. Marina Montesano. Ar-

chivio Storico Italiano, CLH (Apr.-June, 1994), 299-316.
Bishop Gynwell of Lincoln, Two Avignonese Statutes, and Archbishop FitzRalph of Armagh's Suit at the Roman Curia against the Friars. Michael J.
Haren. Archivum Historiae Pontiflciae, 31 (1993), 275-292.
Civis peregrinus. Soziale und rechtliche Aspekte der bürgerlichen Wallfahrt
im späten Mittelalter. Marie-Luise Favreau-Lilie. Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 76 (2, 1994), 321-350.

Sexual Morality and Canon Law. The Evidence of the Rochester Consistory
Court. AndrewJohn Vinch.Journal ofMedievalHistory, 20 (Sept., 1994),
261-275.

Implicaciones políticas de la eclesiología de Wyclif. Francisco Bertelloni. Patrística et Mediaevalia, XV (1994), 45-58.
The Pope in the Palace: The Alexander Cycle, Siena. Andrew Martindale.

History Today, 45 (Feb., 1995), 40-45.
Andrea Biglia (c. 1394-1435): The Preservation and Dispersion of the Biglia
Manuscripts. Joseph C. Schnaubelt. Augustiniana, 44 (3-4, 1994), 381461.

Politics in the Convent: The Election of a Fifteenth-Century Abbess. Laura

Mellinger. Church History, 63 (Dec, 1994), 529-540.

Jean XI, 89ème Patriarche Copte: Commentaire de sa Lettre au Pape Eugène
IV, suivi d'une esquisse historique sur son patriarcat. Philippe Luisier, SJ.
Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 60 (2, 1994), 519-562.

PERIODICAL UTERATURE

313

La nave di sant'Orsola. Gabriella Zarri. Annali dell'Istituto storico italo-

germanico in Trento, XIX (1993), 277-303.
SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Le corti cardinalizie nella Roma del Cinquecento. Gigliola Fragnito. Rivista

Storica Italiana, CVI (Jan., 1994), 5-41.

Franco-Scottish Efforts at Monastic Reform, 1500—1560. Mark Dilworth. Scot-

tish Church History Society Records, XXV (2, 1994), 204-221.

Le "Istruzioni al discepolo" della B. Battista da Varano. Adriano Gattucci, O.F.M.
Collectanea Franciscana, 64 (1-4, 1994), 241-282.
La figura del curato nella prima meta del XVI secólo: la diócesi di Feltre ( 1 500—
1 563 ). Lorella Lazzaretti. Ricerche di Storia Sociale e Religiosa, XXIII

(Jan.-June, 1994), 99-126.

Gemalte Theologie in der Sixtinischen Kapelle. Teil II: Die Fresken des Michelangelo Buonarotti ausgeführt unter Julius II. Heinrich W. Pfeiffer, S.I.

Archivum Historiae Pontiflciae, 31 (1993), 69—107.

Practical Utopias: Pre-Modern Communism and the Reformation. Bob Scribner.
Comparative Studies in Society and History, 36 (Oct., 1994), 743—774.

The Bull Religionis Zelus and the Tradition of Francis' Companions. Felice
Accrocca. Collectanea Franciscana, 64 (1-4, 1994), 181-193·
In Widow's Habit: Women between Convent and Family in Sixteenth-Century
Milan. P. Renée Baernstein. Sixteenth Century Journal, XXV (Winter,
1994), 787-807.
Was John Foxe a Millenarian? PaIIeJ. Olsen.Journal ofEcclesiastical History,

45 (Oct., 1994), 600-624.
Securing the Reformation through Education: The Duke's Scholarship System
of Sixteenth-Century Württemberg. Charlotte Methuen. Sixteenth CenturyJournal, XXV (Winter, 1994), 841-851.

The Politics of Conversion: John Calvin and the Bishop of Troyes. Loretta T.

Johnson Burns. Sixteenth Century Journal, XXV (Winter, 1994), 809822.

A Key to Counter Reformation Women's Activism: The Confessor-Spiritual
Director. Patricia Runft.Joumal ofFeminist Studies in Religion, 10 (Fall,
1994), 7-26.
Les registres du cardinal Flavio Orsini, légat a latere en France en 1 572— 1 573.

Bernard Barbiche. Archivum Historiae Pontiflciae, 31 (1993), 265—273.

Provincial Governors and Their Regimes during the French Wars of Religion:
The Duc de Guise and the City Council of Châlons-sur-Marne. Mark

Konnert. Sixteenth Century Journal, XXV (Winter, 1994), 823-840.

314

PERIODICAL UTERATURE

William Allen: The Sixteenth Century Spanish Connection. Michael E. Williams.

Recusant History, 22 (Oct., 1994), 123-140.

English Catholicism and the Jesuit Mission of 1580-1581. Michael L. Carrafiello. HistoricalJournal, 37 (Dec, 1994), 761-774.
The Subscription Crisis and Church-State Relations, 1584-1586. Alan R.

MacDonald. Scottish Church History Society Records, XXV (2, 1994),
222-255.

Courtiers and Christians: The First Japanese Emissaries to Europe. Judith C.
Brown. Renaissance Quarterly, XLVII (Winter, 1994), 872-906.

English Counter-Reformation Book Culture. T. A. Birrell. Recusant History,
22 (Oct., 1994), 113-122.

Juan de Arfe en Burgos. Aurelio Barron Garcia. Burgense, 35 (1, 1994), 249278.

Sorcellerie et possession en Touraine et Berry aux XVr-XVir siècles. Robert
Sauzet. Annales de Bretagne et des Pays de l'Ouest, 101 (3, 1994), 69—
83.

IV Centennial of the Evangelization of the Cagayan Valley. Pedro G. Tejero,
O.P. Philippiniana Sacra, XXLX (May-Aug., 1994), 299-307.
Noticias bio-bibliográficas sobre el Padre Jerónimo Gracián de la Madre de

Dios. Pablo María Garrido, O.Carm. Carmelus, 41 (1, 1994), 88-125.
SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES

Marranen, Krone, Inquisition und Gesellschaft im Kastilien des 1 7. Jahrhun-

derts. Markus Schreiber. Saeculum, 45 (2, 1994), 265-305.

Two Winchester Trials: The Prosecution of Henry, Lord Cobham, and Thomas,
Lord Grey of Wilton, 1603. Mark NichoUs. Historical Research, LXVIII
(Feb., 1995), 26-48.

The Fabrication of the Myth of Father Parsons. Victor Houliston. Recusant
History, 22 (Oct., 1994), 141-151.
The Yates of Harvington, 1631-1696. Michael Hodgetts. Recusant History,
22 (Oct., 1994),152-181.

Saint Vincent de Paul and the Internment of Minors in Seventeenth-Century
France. Gérard D. Guyon. Vincentian Heritage, XV (2, 1994), 77-96.
Last Will and Testament of Saint Louise de Marillac. Betty Ann McNeil, D.C.
Vincentian Heritage, XV (2, 1994), 97-112.
Catholicism and die Irish Confederate Armies. For God or King? Pádraig Lenihan. Recusant History, 22 (Oct., 1994), 182-198.

Das breve ZeIo domus Dei vom 26. November 1648. Edition. Michael F.

Feldkamp. Archivum Historiae Pontiflciae, 31 (1993), 293-305.

PERIODICAL UTERATURE

315

Louis XIV et les Papes aux prises avec le Jansénisme. Pierre Blet, S.I. Archivum
Historiae Pontiflciae, 31 (1993), 109-192.
Gregorio Barbarigo e gli "spirituali." Pierantonio Gios. Ricerche di Storia

Sociale e Religiosa, XXIII (Jan.-June, 1994), 7-35.

Aux origines de la Paix de l'Église: de la crise de 1665 à l'intervention du
comte de Brienne. Ph. Dieudonné. Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique,

LXXXIX (Apr.-June, 1994), 345-389.

Un antagonista turco di Marco d'Aviano: Mehmet Vani Efendi o Islam Ahmet
Bey? Vincenzo Criscuolo, O.F.M.Cap. Collectanea Franciscana, 64 (1—4,
1994), 327-345.

La révocation de l'Édit de Nantes à Béziers (suite et fin). Jean Salvang. Bulletin
de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français, 140 (Oct.—Dec,
1994), 541-580.

"Complaints and Clamours": The Ministry of Adam Fergusson, 1700—1754.
Jane B. Fagg. Scottish Church History Society Records, XXV (2, 1994),
288-308.

Genesis of the Real Colegio Seminario de San Clemente, 1702—1712. Ruperto

C. Santos. Philippiniana Sacra, XXIX (May-Aug., 1994), 309-319.
Le protestantisme français au 18e siècle. Jules-Marcel Nicole. Baptist Review
of Theology, 4 (Spring, 1994), 56-72.
Du bon usage de l'anticléricalisme, Jacques Fontaine, réfugié en Angleterre et
en Irlande ( 1658-1728). Bernard Cottret. Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français, 140 (Oct.-Dec, 1994), 515-540.
Notes sur le second Désert dans l'Uzège. Jacques Perrier. Bulletin de la Société

de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français, 140 (Oct.-Dec, 1994), 603622.

Campomanes, un católico ilustrado. Alfredo Martinez Albiach. Burgense, 35

(1, 1994), 219-248.
NeI secondo centenario della guerra délia Vandea (1793—1794). Giuseppe

de Rosa. La Civiltà Cattolica, 145, HI (Sept. 17, 1994), 482-493.
NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH CENTURIES

The Preacher, the Press-gang and the Landlord: The Impressment and Vindication of the Rev. Donald McArthur. Donald E. Meek. Scottish Church

History Society Records, XXV (2, 1994), 256-287.
Deux discours de Napoléon au clergé belge (mai 1810). Albert Milet. Revue
d'Histoire Ecclésiastique, LXXXIX (Apr.-June, 1994), 419-427.
La Congregación de Obispos y Regulares: Instrucciones y decretos sobre

religiosos italianos, españoles y latinoamericanos (1821— 1874). Fernando
de Lasala, S.I. Archivum Historiae Pontiflciae, 31 (1993), 193-224.

316

PERIODICAL UTERATURE

The Solitude of Saint Catherine Labouré. Frances Ryan, D.C. Vincentian Heritage, XV (2, 1994), 113-118.
The Tractarian Moment: The Incidental Origins of the Oxford Movement.

Josef L. Altholz. Albion, 26 (Summer, 1994), 273-288.

The Evangelical Revival in Scotland and the Nineteenth-Century "Réveil" in

the Netherlands. Johannes van den Berg. Scottish Church History Society

Records, XXV (2, 1994), 309-337.

Whiggery, Religion and Social Reform: The Case of Lord Morpeth. Boyd Hilton.
HistoricalJournal, 37 (Dec, 1994), 829-859.
St. Mary's Seminary 1838-1852: Educating the Sons of Respectable Catholic
Families. Christopher Mooney. Australasian Catholic Record, LXXI (Oct.,

1994), 475-484.

Nazione e Stato nei federalisti cattolici del Risorgimento: Balbo, Taparelli,
d'Ondes Reggio. Giovanni Aliberti. Ricerche di Storia Sociale e Religiosa,
XXIII (Jan.-June, 1994), 127-145.
"In the Thickest of the Fight": The Reverend James Scholefield (1790-1855)

and the Bible Christians of Manchester and Salford. Paul A. Pickering and
Alex Tyrrell. Albion, 26 (Fall, 1994), 461-482.

Scottish Catholic Teacher Education: The Wider Context. T. A. Fitzpatrick.
Innes Review, XLV (Autumn, 1994), 147-170.
The First Hull Mercy Nuns: A Nineteenth Century Case Study. Maria G.

McClelland. Recusant History, 22 (Oct., 1994), 199-221.
The Church of England and the Law of Divorce, since 1857: Marriage Disci-

pline, Ecclesiastical Law and the Establishment. Bruce S. Bennett.Journal

of Ecclesiastical History, 45 (Oct., 1994), 625-641.

Le congregazioni religiose femminili nel Véneto: 1'Istituto di suore terziarie

francescane per Ie missioni apostoliche di Gemona nella fase delle origini
(1860-1866). Filiberto Agostini. Ricerche di Storia Sociale e Religiosa,
XXIII (Jan.-June, 1994), 37-74.

Le Saint-Siège et Ia vie internationale contemporaine. La difficile ratification
de la Convention de 1864 sur l'amélioration des conditions des soldats

blessés dans les armées en campagne. Joseph Joblin S.I. Archivum Historiae Pontiflciae, 31 (1993), 225-253.

Le concile Vatican I dans la presse nantaise (1867-1870). Dominique Beloeil.
Annales de Bretagne et des Pays de l'Ouest, 101 (3, 1994), 111-124.
Monsignor Vincenzo Tizzani ed il Concilio Vaticano I. A proposito di una
recente pubblicazione. Giuseppe M. Croce. Archivum Historiae Ponti-

flciae, 31 (1993), 307-348.
Martyrs, Progress and Political Ambition: Re-examining Rotuma's "Religious
Wars." Alan Howard and Eric Kjellgren.Journal ofPacific History, XXIX
(Dec, 1994), 131-152.

PERIODICAL UTERATURF.

317

Russia and the Arab Orthodox Community in Palestine 1882-1917. Derek
Hopwood. Sobornost, 16 (2, 1994), 24-32.

The Roman Letter of 1884 and Its Aftermath. Michael Ribotta. Journal of
Salesian Studies, V (Fall, 1994), 1-21.

Don Bosco's Last Years, His Last Illness and Saintly Death from Eyewitness

Accounts. Arthur Leati. Journal of Salesian Studies, V (Fall, 1994), 23—
97.

Paolo Albera's Visits during Don Bosco's Last Illness. Joseph Boenzi. Journal
of Salesian Studies, V (Fall, 1994), 99-113Lavigerie et les Capucins italiens en Tunisie de 1875 à 1891. Pierre Soumille.
Bulletin de Littérature Ecclésiastique, XCV (July-Sept., 1994), 197-231.

Le cardinal Lavigerie: l'archevêque d'Alger. Fernand Hennecart. Chronique,

Supplément au Bulletin de Littérature Ecclésiastique, No. 2 (1994), 27—
50.

The Impact of Christianity upon Korea, 1884-1910: Six Key American and
Korean Figures. Daniel M. Davies. Journal of Church and State, 36 (Autumn, 1994), 795-820.
El P. Fita y la celebración en Madrid del tercer centenario de la muerte de
San Luis Gonzaga. Luis García Iglesias. Miscelánea Comillas, 52 (Juty—
Dec, 1994), 353-364.

"Like Locusts in Pharaoh's Palace": The Origins and Politics of African Methodism in the Orange Free State, 1895-1914. James Campbell. African
Studies, 53 (1, 1994), 39-70.

Catholic Attitudes towards War and Peace from the "fin-de-siècle" to World

War I: The French Case. Vincent Viaene. Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique,
LXXXIX (Apr.-June, 1994), 390-411.

Modernismo e antimodernismo a Perugia: il caso Fracassini. Fortunato Iozzelli.
Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa, XXX (2, 1994), 299-345.
Le dossier du Père Vincent Lebbe à la Curie generalice (Rome) de la Congrégation de la Mission (Lazaristes). Gerard van Winsen. Neue Zeitschrift

für Missionswissenschaft, 50 (4, 1994), 275—306.

Benedetto XV e la Svizzera negli anni délia Grande Guerra. Fabrizio Panzera.

Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Geschichte, 43 (3, 1993), 321-340.
Diócesi e fascismo. Una questione storiografica aperta. Giorgio Rumi. Ricerche
di Storia Sociale e Religiosa, XXIII (Jan.-June, 1994), 147-155.

La Jeunesse Ouvrière Chrétienne dans le Finistère de 1928 à 1939. Jacques
Huard. Annales de Bretagne et des Pays de l'Ouest, 101 (3, 1994), 125140.

Los católicos y la lucha política ante la Guerra Civil. Josep M. Margenat. Razón
y Fe, 231 (Feb, 1995), 177-192.

318

PERIODICAL UTERATURE

Pedro Poveda: Prophet, Educator and Priest. Lourdes J. Custodio. Philippi-

niana Sacra, XXIX (May-Aug., 1994), 283-297.

Il giornalismo cattolico secondo Titus Brandsma. Christianus Bonetto. Car-

melas, 41 (1, 1994), 126-164.

Believers' Responses to the 1937 and 1939 Soviet Censuses. Felix Corley.
Religion, State, and Society, 22 (4, 1994), 403-417.

Nazifying Christian Theology: Walter Grundmann and the Institute for the
Study and Eradication of Jewish Influence on German Church Life. Susannah Heschel. Church History, 63 (Dec, 1994), 587-605.
"L'Art Du Possible," the Board of Education, the Catholic Church and Negotiations over the White Paper and the Education Bill, 1943-1944. John

Davies. Recusant History, 22 (Oct., 1994), 231-250.
Kai Munk, Danish Martyr. Christian Eisenberg. Lutheran Quarterly, VIII (Winter, 1994), 349-372.

The "Stasi" and the Churches: Between Coercion and Compromise in East
German Protestantism, 1949—89. John S. Conway.Journal ofChurch and
State, 36 (Autumn, 1994), 725-745.

Die Gründung der Ständigen Konferenz der Kultusminister der Bundesrepub-

lik Deutschland. Winfried Müller. HistorischesJahrbuch, 114 (1, 1994),
76-106.

AMERICAN AND CANADIAN

Index to Clerical Biographies in William Buell Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit. Marie E. Lamoureux. Proceedings of the American Anti-

quarian Society, 104(1, 1994), 157-182.

Huguenot Merchants and the Protestant International in the Seventeenth Century. J. F. Bosher. William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., LII (Jan., 1995),
77-103.

L'administration de Jérôme Le Royer de la Dauversière. Frauduleuse ou hon-

nête. Guy-Marie Oury. Église et Théologie, 25 (May, 1994), 239-261.

La disparition des fêtes d'obligation au Québec, XVIF-XIX= siècles. Ollivier

Hubert. Studies in Religion, 23 (4, 1994), 387-412.

Baptist Women in Ministry and a Preliminary Check List of Baptist Women

in Ministry through 1920. James R. Lynch. American Baptist Quarterly,
XIII (Dec, 1994), 304-371.

Diversity, Religion, and the North Carolina Regulators. Andrew C. Denson.

North Carolina Historical Review, LXXII (Jan., 1995), 30-53.

Secte et modernité: réflexions sur l'évolution historique de l'anabaptisme aux

États-Unis. Neal Blough. Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français, 140 (Oct-Dec, 1994), 581-602.

PEWODICAL UTERATURE

319

God's Continent Divided: Politics and Religion in Upper Canada and die North-

ern and Western United States, 1775 to 1841. Christopher Adamson.
Comparative Studies in Society and History, 36 (Juty> 1994), 417—446.

Heating the Meeting: Pro-Stove and Anti-Stove Dynamic in Church Polity,

1783-1830. Robert E. Cray, Jr. Mid-America, 76 (Spring/Summer, 1994),

93-107.

Preachers, Peddlers, and Publishers: Philadelphia's Backcountry Book Trade,
1800-1830. Rosalind Remet.Journal of the Early Republic, 14 (Winter,
1994), 497-522.
Vincentian Seminaries in Louisiana ( 1 ). John E. Rybolt, CM. Vincentian Heritage, XV (2, 1994), 163-190.
Eleazar Lord and the Reformed Tradition: Christian Capitalist in the Age of
Jackson. Robert Whalen. American Presbyterians, 72 (Winter, 1994),
219-228.

The Formation of Evangelical Communities in Middle Georgia: Twiggs County,
1820—1861. Frederick A. Bode. Journal of Southern History, LX (Nov.,
1994), 711-748.

Lydia Finney and Evangelical Womanhood. Catherine M. Rokicky. Ohio His-

tory, 103 (Summer-Autumn, 1994), 170-189.

Hicksite Quakers and the Antebellum Nonresistance Movement. Thomas D.
Hamm. Church History, 63 (Dec, 1994), 557-569.
Applying the Vagueness of Language: Poetic Strategies and Campmeeting Piety
in the Mid-Nineteenth Century. Steven D. Cooley. Church History, 63

(Dec, 1994), 570-586.

Walther as Director of Home and Foreign Missions. Paul M. Heerboth. Con-

cordia Historical Institute Quarterly, 67 (Fall, 1994), 99-112.

Anti-Catholicism, Nativism, and Louisiana Politics in the 1850s. Marius Car-

riere. Louisiana History, XXXV (Fall, 1994), 455-474.

À propos du réveil religieux dans le Québec du XLX' siècle: le recours aux
tribunaux dans les rapports entre le clergé et les fidèles (district de Trois-

Rivières). René Hardy. Revue d'histoire de VAmériquefrançaise, 48 (Autumn, 1994), 187-212.

Set Apart: Alabama Deaconesses, 1864—1915. Barbara Brandon Schnorrenberg.
Anglican and Episcopal History, LXIII (Dec, 1994), 469-490.

"A Delicate and Difficult Duty": Interracial Education at Maryville College,
Tennessee, 1868-1901. Jacqueline Burnside. American Presbyterians,
72 (Winter, 1994), 229-240.

Men and Religion: Aspects of the Church Brotherhood Movement, 1880-

1920. Clifford Putney. Anglican and Episcopal History, LXIII (Dec,

1994), 451-467.

320

PERIODICAL UTERATURE

Academic Professionalism and Protestant Reconstruction, 1890-1902: George
Albert Coe's Psychology ofReligion. Ian Nicholson./owm«/ oftheHistory
of the Behavioral Sciences, XXX (Oct., 1994), 348-368.
The Presbyterian Church and the Social Gospel in California, 1890—1910.

Kenneth McDonald. American Presbyterians, 72 (Winter, 1994), 241252.

St. Anthony Hospital. Leslie R. Tucker. Chronicles of Oklahoma, LXXII (Fall,
1994), 280-291.
"An Active and Energetic Bishop": The Appointment ofJoseph Glass, CM., as

Bishop of Salt Lake City. Stafford Poole, CM. Vincentian Heritage, XV (2,
1994), 119-162.

"The town that Billy Sunday could not shut down": Prohibition and Sunday's
Chicago Crusade of 1 9 1 8. John Fea. Illinois Historicalfoumal, 87 (Win-

ter, 1994), 242-258.
Carl Mclntire: From Fundamentalist Presbyterian to Presbyterian Fundamentalist. John Fea. American Presbyterians, 72 (Winter, 1994), 253-268.

A Catholic New Deal: Religion and Labor in 1930s Pittsburgh. Kenneth J.
Heineman. Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, CXVIII
(Oct., 1994), 363-394.
Surburbanization and the Decline of Catholic Public Ritual in Pittsburgh. Timothy Kelly, foumal of Social History, 28 (Winter, 1994), 311-330.
LATIN AMERICAN

Cartas de los Obispos de Cartagena de Indias: Una importante obra de historia.
Roberto M. Tisnés J., C.M.F. Revista de la Academia Colombiana de
Historia Eclesiástica, No. 45 (1993), 55-70.
Presencia del P. José de Acosta en la evangelización de América. Carlos Baciero.

Miscelánea Comillas, 52 (Juty-Dec, 1994), 331-352.

The Mission and Historical Missions: Film and the Writing of History. James
S. Saeger. The Americas, 51 Qan., 1995), 393-415.
El Obispo Juan de la Cruz Gomez Plata. Nicolas Gaviria Pérez. Revista de la

Academia Colombiana de Historia Eclesiástica, No. 45 (1993), 71—87.
The Sword and the Crucifix: Church-State Relations and Nationality in the

Nineteenth-Century Dominican Republic. Luis Martínez-Fernández. Latin
American Research Review, 30 (1, 1995), 69-93.
Padre Alberto Hurtado apostólo di Gesù Cristo. Paolo Molinari. La Civiltà
Cattolica, 145, IV (Oct. 15, 1994), 134-147.
Liberation Theology and the Socialist Utopia of a Nicaraguan Shoemaker. Ro-

sario Montoya. Social History, 20 (Jan-> 1995), 23-43.

OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED

[Books that were sent out for review but of which no review has been received
are indicated by an asterisk.]

Ashley, Benedict M. Ashley, O.P. (Ed.). Thomas Aquinas—The Gifts of the
Spirit. Selected Spiritual Writings. (Hyde Park, N.Y.: New City Press. 1995.
Pp. 144. S8.95 paperback.)
Autorité (L') et les autorités en régime de civilisation chrétienne: Utopie-

foi-loi. [Séminaire de Bernard Plongeron, cycle des études du doctorat,
Tome XVII: documents de travail, 1993-1994.] (Paris: Institut Catholique

de Paris. 1994. Pp. 164. Paperback.)

Bede. The Ecclesiastical History of the English People. Edd. Judith McClure

and Roger Collins. [The World's Classics.] (New York: Oxford University
Press. 1994. Pp. xxxviii, 445. S8.95 paperback.) The text of The Eccle-

siastical History was first published by Oxford University Press in 1969,
and an improved translation in 1988. The editors have added Cuthbert's

Letter on the Death of Bede, The Greater Chronicle, and Bede's letter to

Egbert, as well as extensive "Explanatory Notes."
*Benevenuti Papi, Anna. "In castropoenitentiae": Santità e societàfemminile
nell'Italia médiévale. [Italia Sacra, Studi e Documenti di Storia Ecclesiastica, 45.] (Rome: Herder Editrice e Liberia, International Book Center.
1991. Pp. xxxii, 713. Lire 90.000.)

Brady, Ciaran (Ed.). Interpreting Irish History: The Debate on Historical
Revisionism, 1938—1994. (Portland, Ore.: Irish Academic Press, c/o In-

ternational Specialized Book Services. 1994. Pp. xii, 348. S45.00.)

•Busch, Jörg W. Der Liber de Honore Ecclesiae des Placidus von Nonantola
Eine kanonistische Problemerörterung aus dem Jahre 1111. Die Arbeitsweise ihres Autors und seine Vorlagen. [Quellen und Forschungen
zum Recht im Mittelalter, Band 5.] (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag.
1990. Pp. xviii. 251. DM 74,—.)
Canavan, Francis. The Political Economy of Edmund Burke: The Role of

Property in His Thought. (New York: Fordham University Press. 1995.
Pp. xiv, 185. «30.00 cloth; ¡517.95 paper.)
321

322

OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED

Carbone, Donatella. // popólo al confino: La persecuzione fascista in Basilicata. [Pubblicazioni degli Archivi di Stato, Archivio Centrale dello Stato,

Strumenti CXIX.] (Rome: Ministero per i beni culturali e ambientali,
Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici. 1994. Pp. xii, 280. Paperback.)

Cheston, Sharon E. (Ed.). Mary the Mother ofAll: Protestant Perspectives and

Experiences ofMedjugorje. (Chicago: Loyola University Press. A Campion
Book. 1994. Pp. viii, 160. $1395 paperback.)

Covato, Carmela, and Anna Maria Sorge (Eds.). L'istruzione normale dalla

legge Casati all'età giolittiana. [ Pubblicazioni degli Archivi di Stato, Fonti

XVII; Fonti per la storia délia scuola, I; Archivio Centrale dello Stato.]
(Rome: Ministero per i beni culturali e ambientali, Ufficio centrale per i
beni archivistici. 1994. Pp. 335.)

'Davis, Moshe, and Yehoshua Ben-Arien (Eds.). With Eyes Toward Zion—III:
Western Societies and the Holy Land. (New York: Praeger Publishers.
1991. Pp. xv, 275. ¡555.00.)

Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Géographie Ecclésiastiques. Fascicules 144—

145: Hubert—Hyacinthe de Saint-Vincent. (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, Editeurs. [1994.] Cols. 1-512. 490 FF. paperback.)

•Dunne, George H., SJ. King's Pawn: The Memoirs of George H. Dunne, SJ.
(Chicago: Loyola University Press. 1990. Pp. xiv, 502. $1995.)
Evans, G. R. The Church and the Churches: Toward an Ecumenical Ecclesi-

ology. (New York: Cambridge University Press. 1994. Pp. xvi, 329.
$59.95.)

Felloni, Giuseppe (Ed.). Inventario dell'Archivio del Banco di San Giorgio
(1407-1805). Vol. IV: Debito pubblico, Tomo 4. [Pubblicazioni degli
Archivi di Stato, Archivio di Stato di Genova.] (Rome: Ministero per i beni
culturali e ambientali, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici. 1994. Pp.

373· Paperback.)
Fiorenza, Elisabeth Schüssler./esws.· Miriam's Child, Sophia's Prophet: Critical
Issues in Feminist Christology. (New York: Continuum. 1994. Pp. x, 262.
822.95.)
'Freeman, Robert N. The Practice of Music at MeIk Abbey Based upon the

Documents, 1681—1826. [Österreichichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Sitzungberichte, 548. Band. Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Musikforschung, 23.] (Vienna:

Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Paperback.)

1989. Pp. 523.