The Catholic Historical Review ROBERT TRISCO Editor JACQUES GRES-GAYER NELSON H. MINNICHGLENN OLSEN Advisory Editors VOLUME LXXXIII 1997 PubUshed Quarterly by The Catholic University of America Press Washington, D.C. 20064 1997 Table of Contents ARTICLES: Penitential Sermons in Renaissance Italy: Girolamo Seripando and the Pater Noster ................ Francesco C. Cesáreo1 Catholic-Marxist Competition in the Working-Class Parishes of Cologne during the Weimar Republic ........ Raymond C. Sun20 A Parish for the Black Catholics of Boston ........ William C. Leonard44 Regalism, Liberalism, and General Franco ........ William J. Callahan201 The Early Development of Pierre d'Ailly's Conciliarism ................... Christopher M. Bellitto217 After Vatican Council II: The American Catholic Bishops and the "Syllabus" from Rome, 1966-1968 ....... SamuelJ Thomas233 Reaction and Reform: Reception of Heresy in Arras and Aquitaine in the Early Eleventh Century ...... Michael Frassetto385 Reconciliation of Cultures in the Third Republic: Emile Mâle (1862-1954) ................ Joseph EByrnes401 Archbishop Joseph Schrembs's Battle to Obtain Public Assistance for the Parochial Schools of Cleveland during the Great Depression ........ Martin Poluse428 Christianity in China Introduction ............................... 569 New Trends in the Historiography of Christianity in China .................... Nicolas Standaert, SJ.573 Confucian and Christian Religiosity in Late Ming China . . Erik Zürcher614 Bringing Christ to the Nations: Shifting Models of Mission among Jesuits in China ................ Jean-Paul Wiest654 Chinese Glossary ............................. 682 San Diego de Alcalá and the Politics of Saint-Making in Counter-Reformation Europe ....................... L.J.Andrew Villalon691 Father Demetrius A. Gallitzin: Son of the Russian Enlightenment ................... Daniel L. Schlafly, Jr.716 MISCELLANY: The Execution ofJohn Fisher Viewed through Italian Eyes: A Letter of Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga ........... Paul VMurphy69 The Seventy-seventh Annual Meeting of the American Catholic Historical Association ........................... 258 REVIEW ARTICLES: The Popes and the Jews: From Gelasius I to Julius III (492-1555) .................. Charles Burns75 Rewiring the Circuit: Campi's Reformation .......... Dermot Fenlon275 The Role of Anticlericalism in the Reformation ....... Nelson Minnich452 BOOKREVIEWS ........................... 86,281,462,726 BRIEF NOTICES ................................ 159 NOTES AND COMMENTS ...................... 173,350,542,819 PERIODICAL UTERATURE ..................... 185,365,553,831 OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED ..................... 194,379,564,843 GENE · - L INDEX Volume LXXXIII (1997) Abbreviations: ACHA—American Catholic Historical Association rev. —reviewb.n. —brief note Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres E. Mâle elected to, 419 Académie Française E. Mâle elected to, 419-420 Accademia di S. Carlo theme of the dies académicas of the, 173 American Catholic Historical Association Committee on Program, 542, 819 Committee on the John Gilmary Shea Prize, 542 deceased members of the, 264-265 Financial Statement, 269-272 new members, 272-274 Report of the Committee on Nominations, 261-262 Report of the Committee on Program, 258-261 Report of the Committee on the Howard R. Marraro Prize, 263-264 Report of the Secretary and Treasurer, 264-270 spring meeting in 1998 to be held in Indi- anapolis, 350-351 Adamsjasper The Relation of Christianity to Civil Government in the United States, 507-508 Ademar of Chabarmes, 386-387 De Eucharistia, 390 Adoptionism CaroUngian contributions to debates on, 764 debates on, 305 Agostino, Marc Le Pape Pie XI et ¡'opinion (1922-1939), rev., 122-126 Aguayojose rev. ofj. E. Chorpenning, O.S.F.S., editor, 160 Ahlgren, Gillian T. W. Teresa ofAvila and the Politics of Sanctity, rev., 338-339 Albany diocese celebrating 150th anniversary of its establishment, 177 Albigensian Crusade history, 312-313 Alcalá de Henares University, 92 Alcalá-Zamora, Niceto approach toward church-state relations, 207 Aleni, Giulio debate on opening phrase of the Doctrine of the Mean, 626-627 Alexander, Thomas G. on later nineteenth-century Mormons, 132 Alfonso the Battler (A.D. 1104-1134) Aragon's Expansion into Islam's Ebro Frontier under, 776-777 Allen, David F. rev. of P Bander van Duren, 738-739 Allen, Leonard Roger Williams's fascination with the New Testament church, 132 Almaráz, Félix D.,Jr. rev. ofJ. P. Dolan and G. M. Hinojosa, editors, 141-143 Alumbrados backlash against, 339 Alvarez, David member of the Committee on Program, 542 Alvarez Bolado, Alfonso Para ganar la guerra, para ganar la paz: Iglesia y guerra civil: 1936-1939, rev., 502-503 Ambrose, Saint, 295-296 in orchestrating the cults of SS. Gervasio and Protasio,279 American Baptists, essays on, 132 "The American Catholic Experience: New Historical Perspectives" lecture series, 351 American Catholicism history, 161-162 American Catholics and Slavery: 1 789-1866.Anthology ofPrimary Documents, 510-512 American Cusanus Society sessions presented at International Congress on Medieval Studies by, 543 American Life Lobby, 533 American Mennonites, essays on, 132 American Methodism Domestication of, 134-135 essays on, 132 GENERAL INDEX Amish, essays on, 132 Andrew and the apostolic origin of the Ukrainian Church, Saint, 734 AngUbert, the symbolic vision of, 305-306 Anglicanism in nineteenth-century England, 115 Angold, Michael Church and Society in Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081-1261, rev, 771-772 Angoulême, Marguerite d' criticized corrupt Catholic clergy in Heptameron, 456 Anthony, rise and fall of the late medieval cult of Saint, 787 anticlericalism directed against Protestant and Tridentine clerics, 459-460 role in the Reformation of, 452-461 Antifratemalism andAnticlericalism in the German Reformationjohann Eberlin von Giinzburg and the Campaign against the Friars, 801-802 Anti-Judaism associated with cannibalism and child murder, 389-390 anti-Semitism of Christian Socialism, 122 Antoniazzi, Margarita Life by P.M. Campi of, 278 Antoninus of Florence, Archbishop. See Pierozzi, Antonino Apologia del Beneficio di Christo e altri scritti inediti, 806-807 Apostolic Tradition, 294-295 Appleby, Scott, on contemporary fundamentalism, 131 Aquitaine and Arras in the Early Eleventh Cen- tury, Heresy in, 385-400 Aragon's Expansion into Islam's Ebro Frontier under Alfonso the Battler (A.D. 110411 34), 776-777 Archaeology ofEarly Christianity:A History, 729-731 Arcilla,JoséS.,S.J. fesuit Missionary Lettersfrom Mindanao. Volume Two: The Zamboanga-Basilanjoló Mission, rev., 816-818 Arian-Nicene Conflicts end and Ambrose of Milan 295-296 Arianism and Other Heresies by St. Augustine, 159 western manifestion of, 295-296 Armenia and Byzantium, Art and Architecture, 756-757 Armstrong, Brother Philip, C.S.C. A More Perfect Legacy:A Portrait ofBrother Ephrem O'Dwyer, C.S.C, 1888-1978, rev, 147-148 Arnstein,Walter L. rev. of D. G. Paz, editor, 1 14-1 15 Arras and Aquitaine, Heresy in the Early Eleventh Century, 385-400 Art andArchitecture in Byzantium and Armenia-Liturgical and Exegetical Approaches, 756-757 art in secondary education, 413 art programs, key role of clergy and theologians in determining, 415 Asceticism, 282-283 Assembly of the French Clergy, 106- 107 "associational Catholicism" in Germany (1848-1914), 117-118 athletae Christi, Saints as, 279 Augustine, Saint, 161 Arianism and Other Heresies, b.n., 159 and the Catechumenate, 166 on relationship between the Jewish Synagogue and the Gentile Church, 81 thought in context, 749-750 on Women, 750-751 Augustine of Canterbury, Saint fourteenth centenary of the arrival in Kent to be commemorated at Medieval Congress, 352 Augustinians in Mecklenburg, 317 Aune, David E. rev. OfW H. Wagner, 741-742 Aurore University. See also Zhendan idea of a Chinese system of Shuyuan with a western curriculum rejected by French, 670-671 Austin Friars in Mecklenburg, 316-317 Austin, Gerard, OP rev. of P. Cramer, 73 1 -732 Aversa, Guitmondo di conference to be held on, 544 Avignon papacy France's withdrawal of spiritual and financial obedience from, 217 Backman, Clifford R. The Decline and Fall ofMedieval Sicily: Politics, Religion, and Economy in the Reign ofFrederick III, 1296-1337, rev, 86-87 Badillo.DavidA. on emerging Mexican-American communities in the Midwest, 143 Ballester, Carmelo Vincentian priest named bishop of León, 210 Bander van Duren, Peter Orders ofKnighthood and ofMerit: The Pontifical, Religious and Secularised Catholicfounded Orders, and their relationship to the Apostolic See, rev., 738-739 baptism reasons given for being worthless by heretics of Aquitaine, 391 and change in the Early Middle Ages, c. 200c. 1150,731-732 first conferred in the New World commemo- ration by Pope John Paul ? of the quincentenary of the, 177 Baptists in nineteenth-century England, 114-115 Barber, Malcolm, 777-778 The New Knighthood:A History of the Order of the Temple, rev, 779-780 GENERAL INDEX Baumgartner, Frederic J. John Howe, and Mary J. Oates.C.S.J. Report of the ACHA Committee on the John Gilmary Shea Prize, 262-263 Baumstein, Pascal pamphlet on "The Art of Michael Mclnerney," 551 Bayor, Ronald H., and Timothy J. Meagher, editors The New York Irish, rev., 506-507 Bays, Daniel H. Christianity in Chinafrom the Eighteenth Century to the Present, rev, 814-816 Beaton, Cardinal David assassination of, 352 Becket, Archbishop Thomas shrine of, 285-286 Bédierjoseph, 406 Bellitto, Christopher M. "The Early Development of Pierre d'Ailly's ConcUiarism," 217-232 Nicholas de Clamange: Reformatio Personalis as the Foundation of Church Reform during the Great Schism, paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 Benedictine-revival monastery at Solesmes, 411 Benedict XIII, Pope of Avignon as Argonese Pedro de Luna, 225 made R d'Ailly bishop of Cambrai, 218 refusal to abdicate of, 226 Benedict XTV, Pope institution of a Chair of Liturgy and a Chair of History by, 280 Benedict XV, Pope had no significant influence on his times, 123 Benko, Stephen rev. of R. Stark, 739-741 Bergen, Doris L. Twisted Cross: The German Christian Move- ment in the Third Reich, rev., 499-500 Berlinghieri, Francesco exhorted the faithful to practice penitential mortification, 3 Bernard, Saint sermons 39 to 86 on the Song ofSongs, 777-778 Bérulle, Pierre de, 104 Bessarion, Cardinal, 95-97 biannian tradition of historical studies, 583 Bilaniuk.PetroB.T. rev. of S. Senyk, 733-735 Bilinkoffjodi rev. of G. T. W Ahlgren, 338-339 Biller, Peter rev. OfA. Friedlander, 791-792 Binski, Paul WestminsterAbbey and the Plantagenets: Kingship and the Representation ofPower, 1200-1400, rev, 311-312 Bireley, Robert, SJ. rev. of H. Zäh and S. Strodel, editors, 345-346 rev. ofJ. Wijnhoven, 107-108 Bitel, Lisa M. rev. of D. Edel, editor, 754-755 rev. OfT. Cahill, 299-300 Black Baptists essay on history in Indiana of, 5 1 3 Black Catholics Boston parish for the, 44-68 Black Death and Pastoral Leadership: The Diocese ofHereford in the Fourteenth Century, 90-91 Black Elk's Religion:The Sun Dance and Lakota Catholicism, 140-141 BlanchardJean university opposition against, 222 Blet, Pierre, SJ. Le clergé du Grand Siècle en ses assemblées (1615-1717), rev, 106-107 Block, David Mission Culture on the UpperAmazon:Native Tradition, fesuit Enterprise, Secular Policy inMoxos, 1660-1880, b.n., 159-160 Bogomilism investigations into, 772 Book of Documents, 628 Book ofSongs, 628 "Book of the Warning Bell," 647-648 Boston Black Churches in, 68 A Parish for the Black Catholics of, 44-68 Bouchard, Constance B. rev. of A. G. Remensnyder, 768-769 rev. of M. G. Newman, 772-773 Boyea, Earl rev. of M. Warner, 146-147 BoyerJohnW Culture and Political Crisis in Vienna: Chris- tian Socialism in Power, 1897-1918, rev., 121-122 Bozeman.T. Dwight on Puritanism, 132 Bozsóky, Paul G., and László Lukács De l'oppression à la liberté, L'Église en Hon- grie, 1945-1992, rev., 130-131 Brading, D. A. Church and State in Bourbon Mexico: The Diocese ofMichoacán 1749-1810, rev., 810-811 Brady, Thomas A. Jr. rev. ofJoel E Harrington, 99-100 BreenJohn, and Mark Williams, editors fapan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses, rev., 813-814 Brent, Alien Hippolytus and the Roman Church in the Third Century: Communities in Tension before the Emergence ofa MonarchBishop, rev, 294-295 Brethren of the Common Life as attempt to create a group half-way be- tween religious and laity, 455 BrickerJohn W , Attorney General legal opinion against parochial school aid, 440-441 Briggs, Charles Augustus The Ecumenical Orthodoxy of, 524-525 GENERAL INDEX BrodmanJames W. rev. ofJ. Edwards, 324-325 Bronescombe,Walter The Register of,317-318 Brown, Mary Elizabeth Churches, Communities and Children:Italian Immigrants in the Archdiocese ofNew York, 1880-1945, rev., 520-521 Brown, Peter The Rise ofWestern Christendom. Triumph and Diversity, AD 200-1000, rev., 745-746 Brown, Thomas Elton rev. ofj. D. White, 522 Brownson, Orestes A. Religion and the Public Schools in 19th Cen- tury America: The Contribution of, 516-517 Brox, Norbert A Concise History of the Early Church, rev, 293-294 Brundage,James A. Medieval Canon Law, rev., 755-756 Buffalo diocese celebrating 1 50th anniversary of its establishment, 177 Bundy, David rev. of H. J. W Drijvers, 746-748 Burkhart, Louise M. Holy Wednesday:A Nahua Dramafrom Early Colonial Mexico, rev., 536-538 Burns, Charles "The Popes and the Jews: From Gelasius I to Julius III (492-1555)" review article, 75-85 rev. ofj. Kirk, editor, 78 1-782 Burns,Jeffrey examination of plight of Mexican immigrants in southern California by, 143 Burns, Robert L, SJ. elected Corresponding Member of Institut d'Estudis Catalans, 828 Burr, David rev. of N. Minorita, 793-794 Burrus,Virginia The Making of a Heretic: Gender, Authority, and the Priscittianist Controversy, rev, 752-753 Bushnell, Amy Turner rev. ofj. E.Worth, 133-134 Byrnesjoseph F. "Reconciliation of Cultures in the Third Re- public: Emile Mâle (1862-1954)," 401-427 Byrnes, Robert E obituary of, 829-830 Byzantium and Armenia Art and Architecture in, 756-757 Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081-1261 Church and Society in, 771 -772 Cahill, Thomas How the Irish Saved Civilization: The Untold Story ofIreland's Heroic rolefrom the Fall ofRome to the Rise ofMedieval Europe, rev., 299-300 Calced Carmelites. See Spanish Carmelites of the Ancient Observance California history memoir of Mexican era, 514-515 Spanish Naval Visit in 1792, 162-163 Callahan, William J. "Regalism, Liberalism, and General Franco," 201-216,260 rev. of S. Haliczer, 340-34 1 Calvinism of the Mediterranean, 330-331 Calvin's attitudes toward Catholic clerics, 459 Cambridge Medieval History, The New, Volume II: c, 700-C.900, rev, 302-305 Campi, Pietro Maria, 276-277 Reformation of, 275-280 Campion, Edmund Early English Jesuits and, 468-471 Canada A Concise History of Christianity in, 534-536 Canada Dry: Temperance Crusades before Confederation, 151-153 Canadian Catholic Historical Association annual conference, 352 Religion and Secularism theme of articles in issue of Historical Studies, 826-827 Candy, Catherine Priestly Fictions: Popular Irish Novelists of the Early 20th Century: Patrick A. Sheehan, Joseph Guiñan, Gerald O'Donovan, rev, 492-494 cannibalism and child murder, 389 canonization costs, 712-713 Cánovas del Castillo, Antonio, Spanish Prime Minister, 205 allowed the virtually unlimited reintroduction of the religious orders into Spain, 206 Canterbury Cathedral history, 285-286 Caponetto, Salvatore La Riforma Protestante nell'Italia del Cinquecento, rev., 330-331 Capuchin nuns of the Divine Shepherdess, 178 Carafa, Gian Pietro. See Paul IV, Pope Carafa, Pier Luigi nunciature in Cologne of, 107-108 Carafa's "Rule," 328-329 Caraman, Philip, SJ. rev. of D. Block, 159-160 Caravale, Mario how Apostolic Camera increased its abiity to collect revenues from the Papal States in the Renaissance, 95 Cárcel Ortí,M. Milagros, and José Vicente Boscá Codina Visitas pastorales de Valencia (Siglos XIVXV), rev., 796-797 Cardinal Gibbons Institute in southern Maryland closing, 526 Carey, Patrick W. rev. of C. F. Crews, 161-162 caritas as a concept at the heart of Augustine's spiritual teaching, 7 Carlisle Register of Bishop of, 89-90 GENERAL INDEX Carlist movement, 205 CDE See Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine Carolingians achievement much of which is in fact myth, 765-766 Cecil, Robert Carmelite Province of Castile history, 735-736 aspects of learning in the Age, 762-766 school survey in the empire, 764 sponsoring of reform by, 763 Carpenterjoel impulses toward uncritically seeing the past as edenic among early fundamentalists, 132 Carrafiello, Michael L. rev. ofT. M. McCoog, SJ, 805-806 Cartiella, Fernando Maria Spanish ambassador to the Holy See who took a tough line on patronage, 215 Cary.NoelD. The Path to Christian Democracy: German Catholics and the Party System from Windthorst to Adenauer, rev., 494-495 catacombs rediscovery, 279 Catalonia Primo de Rivera efforts to exclude Catalans from appointment to the dioceses of, 206 Catechism evolution of the genre, 287-288 of the Council of Trent, 288 cathedrals E. Male promoted privileged place in the French national patrimony of, 423-425 Catholic colleges essay on four "alternative," 533 Catholic Devotion in Victorian England, 488-489 Catholic Health Care in the United States, religious history of, 135-137 Catholic Higher Education in the Twentieth Century, 144-145 Catholic Historical Review contributors to bud- get, 267 Catholic-Marxist Competition in the WorkingClass Parishes of Cologne During the Weimar Republic, 20-43 Catholic orthodoxy early eleventh-century heresy as contribution to evolution of, 400 Catholic Parish Life on Florida's West Coast, 1860-1968, 518-519 Catholic Peacemakers documentary history, 737-738 Catholic school system in the Diocese of Cleveland in 1923,432 Catholics, essay on history in Indiana of, 512-513 "Catholics in a Non-Catholic World" theme of articles in issue of U.S. Catholic His- torian, 826 Catholic Theological Society of America request for copy of bishops' letter by, 252 Catholic theories of conversion required outward acquiescence and practice not persuasion, 325 of the Faith Gunpowder Plot contrived by, 347 Cecilian Reform Movement 1878-1903, 489490 Celestine II, Pope response to the appeal of the minks' of Nor- wich, 302 Celestine V, Pope first to require performance of miracles to prove sainthood, 319 celibate clergy, Ademar and Gerard recognized necessity of a, 394 Centre for the Study of Religion in Canada conference on "Christianizing the Social Order: A Found- ing Vision of the United Church of Canada," 360 Centro Italiano di Studi suU'Alto Medioevo forty-fifth international study week in Spo- lera, 351 Cesáreo, Francesco C "Penitential Sermons in Renaissance Italy: Girolamo Seripando and the Pater Noster," 1-19 Cevasco, G. A. rev. ofj. Jedrzejewski, 49 1 -492 Chadwick, Owen A History of Christianity, rev, 281-282 Chapel Car Collection of the Catholic Church Extension Society processing in the archives of Loyola Univer- sity Chicago of, 547 Charles V, Emperor visit to the shrine ofArchbishop Thomas Becket, 286 Charles V, King of France advice with regard to support of a general council to resolve Great Schism, 218 Charles VI, King of France banning of university discussion of the Great Schism, 218 university community courses of action to resolve the Great Schism suggested in letter to, 219 "Cheng-Zhu School," 616 Chiapas colonial missions, 169-170 Chicago Irish Community and Race Relations, 145-146 China, images of presented to European society by nineteenthcentury French Jesuits, 665 Chine et christianisme aim of book to study Chinese reactions to Christianity, 580 Chinese Cultural Heritage, respect for, 658-659 Chinese culture needs to be primary focus of research, 579 Chinese Rites Controversy, 662-663 symposium on, 570 Chinese Society in the Eighteenth Century, 591 GENERAL INDEX Chiovaro, Francesco, editor The History of the Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer. Volume 1: The Origins (1732-1793), rev., 480-481 Chorpenningjoseph E, O.S.ES. rev. of C. Slade, 102-103 Chorpenningjoseph E., O.S.ES, editor Mexican Devotional Retablosfrom the Peters CoUection, b.n., 160 Chrisman, Miriam Usher Conflicting Visions ofReform: German Lay Propaganda Pamphlets, 1519-1530, rev., 327-328 Christendom and Its Discontents:Exclusion, Persecution, and Rebellion, 1000-1500, 769-771 Christensen, Richard L. The Ecumenical Orthodoxy of Charles Au- gust Briggs, 1841-1913, rev, 524-525 Christian Archaeology, 119-121 Christian art of Gaul, E. Mâle study of, 420-421 Christian Brothers schools, 473-475 Christian Democratic Union relationship of Cardinal Josef Frings and, 494 Christian Film and Television Commission attribute Hollywood's "moral collapse" to the demise of the Legion, 529 Christianity a history of, 281-282 and China as Other, 61 1-613 and zheng, 620-622 as a Civilizing Project, 610-61 1 as a factor in the Modernization of China, 604-607 as a Marginal Religion, 607-609 as a Type of Cultural Contact, 602-604 five challenges in the second century to, 741-742 Christianity in China from the Eighteenth Century to the Present, 814-816 importance after the cultural revolution, 569 New Trends in the Historiography of, 573-613 Christianity in the Second Century, 741-742 "Christianizing the Social Order: A Founding Vision of the United Church of Canada" con- ference at the Centre for the Study of Religion, 360 Christianizing the Urban Empire:A Quantitative approach, 740 Christian Schools conduct, 473-475 Christian Scientists, essay on history in Indiana of, 513 Christian Socialism in Power inVienna, 1897-1918,121-122 Christian social thought history, 292-293 Christian, William A.Jr. Visionaries: The Spanish Republic and the Reign of Christ, rev., 501-502 Chrysostom,John, Saint, 296-298 Church and State in the Modern Age.A Documentary History, 290-291 Churches of Christ in America history, 515-516 Church Missionary Society microfilm publication of archives, 179 Church of God, essays on, 132 Church of God (Anderson), essay on history in Indiana of, 513 "Church of the East: Life and Thought" articles in Bulletin of theJohn Rylands University Library ofManchester on theme, 825826 churchwarden, development of the office of, 321 Cilicia and Isauria early Byzantine churches, 748-749 Cistercian Culture and Ecclesiastical Reform (1098-1180), 772-773 Clairvaux, Bernhard von Sämtliche Werke: lateinisch/deutsch, VI, rev. , 777-778 Clancy, Thomas H., SJ. A Literary History of the Englishfesuits: A Century ofBooks, 1615-1714, rev, 348-349 rev. of L. E Parmelee, 341-343 Clares in Mecklenburg, 316-317 Clark, Mary T, RSCJ. Augustine, b.n., 161 class basis of early Christianity, 740 class mentality G. Seripando denunciation of a, 15-16 Claytonjefford N, with Kenneth J. Harder and Louis D. AmezagaJr. Reading theApostolic Fathers, An Introduction, b.n., 166-167 Clement V, Pope canonization was first requiring miracles to prove sainthood, 319 Clement VII, Pope of Avignon as the Frenchman Robert de Geneva, 225 nomination of P. d'Ailly as Paris chancellor, 218 Clement VIII, Pope problems that encountered concerning the overseas Church, 289 clergy as agents or targets of anticlericalism, ' 458-459 Cleveland accusation of excluding Catholics from Board of Education of, 442 Citizens League campaigned against parochial schools aid, 441-442 diocesan parochial schools request for ten- year loan, 446 diocese celebrating the 150th anniversary of its establishment, 177 parochial schools battle to obtain public assistance, 428-451 Schrembs installation as Bishop of, 429 Clovis articles inspired by the fifteenth centenary of the conversion and baptism of, 357-358 GENERAL INDEX historiography of the conversion theme of issue, 179 Cluny, St. Bernard, and Suger as basis for syntheses of religious art history, 402-403 Codex Theodosianus Jewish sect is not forbidden by law, 81 Cohn, Norman Noah's Flood:The Genesis Story in Western Thought, rev., 726-728 Cole, Penny J. rev. of M. Goodich, editor, 774-775 Colegio de Jalisco, Zapopan donation of research library on the history of colonial Mexico by W Michael Mathes to El, 823 collegiality "effective" and "affective" distinction, 291-292 Collinson, Patrick, Nigel Ramsay, and Margaret Sparks, editors A History of Canterbury Cathedral, rev., 285-286 Cologne nunciature, 107-108 Cologne during the Weimar Republic Catholic-Marxist Competition in the WorkingClass Parishes of, 20-43 commemorative postage stamp on Padre Félix Várela, 822-823 Committee on Doctrine of National Conference of Catholic Bishops, 241 reply endorsed by the "entire" Conference, 251 request for guidelines from Holy See, 250 Conciliarism, The Early Development of Pierre d'Ailly's, 217-232 Concordat between the Vatican and Israel, 78 concordat of 1851 between Spain and the Vatican, 204-205 concordat of 1953 between Spain and the Vatican, 215 refraining from exercising patronage rights under, 201 Concordia Historical Institute Museum special exhibition on the life of Philipp Melanchthon, 824 concubines, prohibition among Christians of, 646 The Conduct of the Christian Schools, 473475 Conference on Latin American History, papers read at, 174 Confession and Conscience in Counter- Reformation Germany, 466-468 confession and self-accusation had a long tradition in China, 637-638 "Confronting the Crusades" articles of History Today, 549 Confucian and Christian Religiosity in Late Ming China," 614-653 Concept of"Orthodoxy,"6l5-620 monotheism, 622 orthodoxy built on interpersonal relationships, 617 relationship with Christianity, 603-604 selfcultivation, 618 Confucius, Buddha, and Christ:A History of the Gospel in Chinese, 589 Congregationalists in nineteenth-century England, 114-115 Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith establishment, 289 of Rites function, 275 of the Most Holy Redeemer history, 480-481 of the Sisters of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 178 Conservative Catholics in America, 531-534 Constantine, Emperor as head of state practicing the cult of Sol Invictus, 293-294 Contosta, David R. Villanova University, 1842-1992, rev., 138-140 convents as convenient holding tanks for the leftovers from the marriage market, 456 conversion and Christian growth, 740 Conversos, Inquisition, and the Expulsion of theJewsfrom Spain, 97-99 ConwayJohn S. rev. ofM. Huttner, 128-130 Conzemius,Victor rev. ofA. Holzem, 1 16-1 17 Coope,Jessica A. The Martyrs of Córdoba: Community and Family Conflict in an Age ofMass Conversion, rev., 306-307 Copenhagen, University of, 92 Coppa,FrankJ. rev. of F. De Giorgi, 486-487 "Cordobán Martyrs' Movement" of the 850's, 306-307 Corrado, Saint "The Aristocratic Hermit," 278 Council of Constance, 217 history and analysis of past century research on, 322-323 Council of Trent Catechism of the, 288 preaching of the gospel as chief task of the bishop according to, 3 Counter-Reformation Confession and Conscience in Germany of the, 466-468 theologians as basis for syntheses of religious art history, 403 Courtenay, William J. rev. of R. W Southern, 307-308 Cousin de Méricourt, Hubert last European Jesuit in China for almost sev- enty years, 662 Coxjeffrey surveys literature on Victorian Protestant missionaries, 115 GENERAL INDEX Cramer, Peter Baptism and Change in the Early Middle Ages, C.200-C. 1150, rev., 731-732 Crews, Clyde E American and Catholic:A Popular History of Catholicism in the United States, b.n., 161-162 rev. ofM. Tardiff, O.P (ed.), 171-172 criticisms of the clergy based upon concern over failure to carry out duties properly, 454 The Cross and the Serpent: Religious Repression and Resurgence in Colonial Peru, 538-539 Cross Cultural Convergence in the Crusader Period, 774-775 crusaders model for Catholic Church, 655-656 cultural convergence in the period of the, 774-775 crusading and the Military Orders papers, 774 CTSA. See Catholic Theological Society of America "Cubberley" thesis, 517 culture as defined by Clifford Geertz, 401-402 Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul (A.D. 481-751), 758-759 Curran, Robert Emmett, SJ. "Michael Corrigan and NewYork Catholicism in the Gilded Age," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 Cusanus-Gesellschaft of Germany to hold annual conference in Padua, 544 Cushing, Richard Cardinal supported idea of Black Catholic parish, 44 Cushwa Center for the Study of American Catholicism sponsoring of three initiatives regarding gender, 357 Cutter, Donald C. California in 1792:A Spanish Naval Visit, b.n., 162-163 Cyprian, Saint petition of "forgive us our trespasses?" as constant reminder that we are sinners, 14 Cyprus, history of the Church of, 283-285 d'Ailly, Pierre The Early Development of Conciliarism of, 217-232 Daly, Kieran Anthony Catholic Church Music in Ireland, 1878-1903:The Cecilian Reform Movement, rev. ,489-490 Dante influence on Italian art E. Mâle thought he might do a study of, 408-409 Darboy, Georges, Archbishop of Paris execution of, 404 "Dark Learning" Buddho-Taoist speculations, 623 Darowska, Marcelina née Kotowicz beatification of, 178 database developed containing Latin manuscripts on philosophy and theology from the Middle Ages, 823 Davies,C. S. L. rev. of S. LJansen, 463-464 Davis, Cyprian, O.S.B. "Portrait of a Foundress: Henriette DeIiIIe," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 rev. of K. J. Zanca, editor, 510-512 DavisJohn R., Senator strong advocate of parochial school aid, 449-450 Deacon, Florence "School Choice is Nothing New: Church-State Educational Partnerships in the NineteenthCentury Midwest," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 261 DeardenJohn, Archbishop of Detroit, 241 Debating Technique and Interpretation of Chinese Classics, 661-662 Decretals of Gregory K Canon law in the thirteenth century Midi used as the main text, 791 De Eucharistia Ademar, 390 calls on priests to preach to their flocks, 396 performance of the sacrament contributes to the "salvation and redemption of the human race," 398 Délicieux, Bernard the trial of, 791-792 Delle cinque piaghe della santa chiesa, 487 Delph, Ronald K. rev. of S. Gensini, 93-95 Delumeaujean History ofParadise: The Garden ofEden in Myth and Tradition, rev, 728-729 DeMolen, Richard L. rev ofW. V Hudon, 328-329 Dennis, George T, SJ rev. of H. Nicholson, 780-781 Dentiere, Marie wrote works attacking both Catholic clerics as immoral idlers and Genevan pastors as too tolerant, 457 Deputies of the French National Assembly and the Emergence of a Revolutionary Culture, 482-484 Desjardins, Ernest, 406 Deutschkatholiken movement, 116-117 Devotio Moderna influence on lay piety, 787 "Devotional Revolution" in Ireland in the nine- teenth century, 479 "dialogic model" of Rivka Feldhay, 472 Dialogue with Trypho, 81 "Diary of Daily Admonitions " 623 Didacus. See Diego de Alcalá, San Didron,Adolphe-Napoléon E. Mâle acknowledged his debt to, 412 GENERAL INDEX "diffuse religion" model ofC. K.Yang, 630 DiGiovanni, Stephen M. rev. of M. E. Brown, 520-521 Di Lella.Alexander ?., O.F.M. rev. of N. Cohn, 726-728 Dilworth, Mark, O.S.B. rev. ofj Kirk, 100-101 Dipple, Geoffrey Antifratemalism andAnticlericalism in the German Reformation:fohann Eberlin von Giinzburg and the Campaign against the Friars, rev, 801-802 Discaiced Carmelite nuns introduction into France, 103-104 Disciples of Christ essay on history in Indiana of, 513 Disciples of Christ, Churches of Christ essays on, 132 "Discovery, New Frontiers, and Expansion in the Iberian World" theme of a conference to be held in Lisbon, 545 Ditchfield's Liturgy as a major contribution and a transforming experience, 280 Divini Redemptoris encyclical against Communism, 124-125 Doctrina Addai, 747 "Doctrine of the Lord of Heaven," 623 Doctrine of the Mean, 626-627,639 Documentos del Japón, 1558-1562, 156-157 Dohar, WiUiam J, C.S.C. The Black Death and Pastoral Leadership: The Diocese ofHereford in the Fourteenth Century, rev., 90-91 rev. ofO. F. Robinson, 317-318 rev. of R. L. Storey, 89-90 DolanJay R rev. of T. W Spalding and K. M. Kuranda, 137-138 Dolanjay R, and GUberto M. Hinojosa, editors Mexican Americans and the Catholic Church, 1900-1965, rev., 141-143 Dominican Fathers in Cleveland (1923), 433 Dominicans in Mecklenburg, 316-317 Donaghy, Thomas J. rev. ofD. R. Contosta, 138-140 Donalson, Malcolm Drew A Translation ofJerome's Chronicon with Historical Commentary, b.n., 163 Don Carlos (eldest son of PhUip ? of Spain) contact with San Diego de Alcalá of, 695704 Donglin Party, 635 Donnejohn and the Ancient Catholic NobUity, 343-344 Donovan, Sister Grace E., S.U.S.C. "Holy Union Sisters: Exile from France or Expansion of Ministry?," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 261 international archivist of the Holy Union Sisters in Rome, 829 Doran, Robert The Lives of Simeon Stylites, rev, 753 Dorn, Georgette appointed co-chairman of ACHA Committee on Program for the 1999 annual meeting, 819 DorseyJ. H. black priest who said Mass in 1902 Boston, 46 "double taxation" of Catholic parents for public schools, 437 Dreisbach, Daniel L., editor Religion and Politics in the Early Republic: JasperAdams and the Church-State Debate, rev., 507-509 Drijvers, Han J. W. History and Religion in LateAntique Syria, rev., 746-748 Duc de Berry commended for support of the beauties of art and architecture on French soU, 415 Duchesne, Louis, 119-121 Dykema,A.,andH.A. Oberman, editors Anticlericalism in Late Medieval and Early Modem Europe, rev., 452-461 Early Byzantine Churches ofCilicia and lsauria, 748-749 Eastern Christian Worlds, IVL-IVS Eastern Orthodox, essay on history in Indiana of, 513 Eberlin von GunzburgJohann Antifratemalism and Anticlericalism in the German Reformation and the Campaign against the Friars, 80 1-802 Eckenstein, Lina Women under Monasticism, 500-1500, 298-299 Economic History, the History of Material Culture, and the historiography of Christianity in China, 598-599 Edel, Doris, editor Cultural identity and Cultural Integration: Ireland and Europe in the Early Middle Ages, rev., 754-755 Eden-Webster Library of St. Louis, Missouri, online catalog, 354 Edgerton, Ronald K. rev. OfJ. S. ArcUla, S.J, 816-818 educational matters Brownson's views on authority and responsibUityin,517 educational revolution in the first half of the twelfth century created new unity of culture, 308 Edwards,John Religion and Society in Spain, c. 1492, rev., 324-325 Edwards, Francis, SJ. rev. ofA. Fraser, 347-348 rev. of T. McCoog, SJ. , editor, 468-471 Edward the Confessor cult, 311-312 GENERAL INDEX Egan,KeithJ. appointed to newly created Joyce McMahon Hank Aquinas Chair of Catholic Theology, 829 rev. of P M. Garrido, O.Carm., 735-736 Eire, Carlos M. N. appointed professor of religious studies and history in Yale University, 181 Elgar, Edward WiUiam composer who set Newman's poem to music, 119 Elizabeth I, Queen of England Robert Persons on condoning an assassination of, 469 Elkins, Sharon K. rev. of B. Golding, 782-784 Ellis, Patrick, F.S.C. rev. ofj. B. de La Salle, 473-475 Englezakis, Benedict Studies on the History of the Church of Cyprus: 4th-20th Centuries, rev., 283-285 English Protestant Thought, Roman and Protestant Churches in, 104-106 Enochs, Ross Alexander TheJesuit Mission to the Lakota Sioux: Pas- toral Theology and Ministry, 1886-1945, rev, 523-524 Eno, Robert B., S.S. rev. of E. Fouilloux, 163-164 rev. ofJ. N. Clayton, K. J. Harder, and L. D. Amezagajr., 166-167 rev. of M. D. Donalson, 163 rev. ofM. T. Clark, 161 rev. of P I. Kaufman, 167 rev. of R. A. Markus, 168 rev. ofT. K. Scott, 749-750 revofR.Teske,SJ.,159 rev. ofW. Harmless, SJ., 166 epidemics, networks and conversion, 740 Epiphanius of Salamis, 284 Episcopalian evangeUcaUsm, essays on, 132 Epístola Diaboli Leviathan, 217,220-222 Erasmus work on sacred oratory, 1 Erfurt evangeUcal party consciously stirred up traditional anticlericalism in, 456 Esch, Arnold Romans profited economically from presence of papal prince, 94-95 Espartero, Baldomero, General attempted extreme administrative reorganization of the Church while being a practicing CathoUc, 203-204 Espejo-Ponce Hunt, Marta rev. OfR. D. Perry, 169-170 "Essence of the Doctrine of the Lord of Heaven," 636 Essman, Charles complained errors could be used to condemn both heresy and imprudent remarks, 246 EstreUa, Diego de turned the teaching of the sermon to a moral purpose, 2 ethical questions advocation of a utilitarian or consensus ap- proach to, 248 ethnic Catholics, essay on history in Indiana of, 513 Ettlinger, Gerard H., SJ. rev. ofj. N. D. KeUy, 296-298 Eucharist as one of the most hotly contested issues in Christendom, 397 demonstration of physical presence of Christ in, 397-398 Eugenius IV, Pope appeal on problems of converso to, 82-83 complaint of Florentine government to, 455 Eutychius, remains of the martyr Saint, 120 "evidential model" of Redondi, 473 "Exertion" and "Merit" of Lay Christianity, 633-635 "Explanation of the Practice of Mercy," 648 Extirpation Campaign in colonial Peru, 538-539 Fagan, Patrick, editor Ireland in the Stuart Papers. Correspondence and Documents ofIrish interest from the Stuart Papers in the Royal Archives, Windsor Castle, rev., 475-477 Falange Cardinal Goma viewed emergence with a mixture of acceptance and suspicion, 211 Farenga, Paola Papal government neither efficient nor well loved by the Romans, 94 fasting, 639-640 Fathers of the Blessed Sacrament in Cleveland (1931), 433 Fathers of the Most Precious Blood in Cleveland (1931), 433 Fathers of the Order of Mercy in Cleveland (1922), 433 Fay, Terence J. , S J. rev. ofT. Murphy and R. Perin, 534-536 FCS. See FeUowship of Catholic Scholars Federal Advisory Committee on Emergency Aid to Education informed that parochial school situation in Ohio was critical, 444-445 Federated Colored Catholics John LaFarge's relationship with, 526 Feldhay, Rivka Galileo and the Church: Political Inquisition or Critical Dialogue?, rev., 472-473 Feldman, Lawrence H. , Dr. compilation of general index by, 269 FeUowship of Catholic Scholars, 532 female reUgiosity during the 19th and 20th cen- turies, 485-487 Fenlon, Dermot "Rewiring The Circuit: Campi's Reformation," review article, 275-280 Ferreiro, Alberto member of the Committee on Program, 542 GENERAL INDEX FerryJules anticlerical reorganization of education further reinforced missionary impetus of the French Jesuits, 664 Fifth Lateran CouncU (1512-1517) faUure to accommodate reformist pressures of, 786 FUippo Neri, Saint as instigator of a new epoch of historical studies, 279 Finke, Heinrich father of modern research on Council of Con- stance, 322 Finney, Paul Corby rev. of W. H. C. Frend, 729-731 Firey, Abigail Anne "Sin and Crime: Distinguishing in the Dark," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 260 First Spanish RepubUc planned to separate church and state on basis of a "free church in a free state," 207 Fisher, Arthur L. as chairman of the Committee on Program for the Association's annual meeting announced eight sessions, 542 Fisherjohn, Saint the Execution of, 69-74 Fitzgerald, Edward, Bishop of Winona hoped that never again publish syUabus of errors, 246 "Five Constant Virtues,"6l6 "Five Human Relations," 616 Flacius, Matthias Gnesio-Lutherans as foUowers of, 465 flagellation Christian use in China of, 640 Flaminio, Marcantonio Apologia del Beneficio di Christo e altri scritti inediti, rev., 806-807 Florida's West Coast (1860-1968) Catholic Parish Life on, 518-519 Flynn, Dennis fohn Donne and the Ancient Catholic Nobil- ity, rev., 343-344 FlynnJames T. obituary of Robert E Byrnes, 829-830 rev. ofJ.J. Santich.O.S.B., 344-345 Fogarty, Gerald P., S.J. The Vatican and the American Hierarchy from 1870 to 1965, 234-235 "Francis Cardinal Spellman as a World Figure: His Wartime Trip to Rome," 1943, paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 Fontaine, MicheUe M. rev. of M. Flaminio, 806-807 Fontcuberta, María Ana Mogas beatification of, 178 FouiUoux, Etienne La collection "Sources chrétiennes": Editer les Pères de l'Eglise au XX' siècle, b.n., 163-164 Fouracre, Paul, and Richard A. Gerberding Late Merovingian France: History and Hagiography, 640-720, rev, 759-761 France early nineteenth-century reUgious revival in, 663-664 pubüc penance in thirteenth century, 309-31 1 Franca, S. "The Well Born Nun," 278 Franciscan among mendicant orders, largest number of seduction cases investigated by the Inquisition concerned, 340 Fathers of the Order of Friars Minor Conven- tual in Cleveland (1923),433 in the New World, pubUcation of the Fifth International Congress on, 827-828 Observants in Mecklenburg, 316-317 theologians as basis for syntheses of reUgious art history, 402 Franco, Francisco apparent commitment to an aconfessional regime, 209 Frank, Isnard Wilhelm A Conche History of the Medieval Church, b.n., 164-165 Franklin, M. J. , and Christopher Harper-BUl, editors Medieval Ecclesiastical Studies in Honour of Dorothy M. Owen, rev, 301-302 Fraser, Antonia The Gunpowder Plot: Terror and Faith in 1605, rev., 347-348 Frassetto, Michael "Reaction and Reform: Reception of Heresy in Arras and Aquitaine in the Early Eleventh Century," 385-400 Frazee, Charles A. rev. of R. van Leeuwen, 481-482 "free church in a free state" as motto of First Spanish Republic, 207 FreedJohn B. rev.ofI.Ulpts,315-317 rev. ofS. Logemann, 315-317 Free Methodist Church, essay on history in Indiana of, 513 Free thought: the ReUgion of Irreligion, 114-115 French, Katherine L. "Where, oh Where, Have the Lay Women Gone,' Gendering Parochial Involvement in Late Medieval England," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 258 French, Roger, and Andrew Cunningham Before Sctence:Tbe Invention of the Friars' Natural Philosophy, rev, 313-315 French Anti-League Propaganda in Late Elizabethan England, 341-343 French Government support to Zhendan, 674-678 French Jesuits images of China presented to European society in the nineteenth century, 665 their understanding of mission and their mis- sionary style at Zhendan, 665-678 GENERAL INDEX French National Assembly and the Emergence of a Revolutionary Culture, 482-484 Frend, William H. C. The Archaeology ofEarly Christianity:A History, rev, 729-731 Frenken, Ansgar Die Erforschung des Konstanzer Konzils (1414-1418) in den letzten 100Jahren, rev, 322-323 Friars and Jews in the Middle Ages and Renaissance conference, 544 Friedlander, Alan Processus Bemardi Delitiosr.The Trial ofFr Bernard Délicieux, 3 September-8 December 1319, rev, 79 1-792 FringsJosef Cardinal relationship of Christian Democratic Union and, 494-495 fuero. See special legal code Gabriel, Astrik L. rev. of E. Van Mingroot, 91-93 GaglianoJoseph A. rev. of N. Griffiths, 538-539 Gajda, Patricia A. rev. of R. G. Musto, 737-738 Galileo and the Church: Political Inquisition or Critical Dialogue?, 472-473 GaUitzin, Demetrius A. son of the Russian EnUghtenment, 716-725 Galveston diocese celebrating the 150 anniversary of its establishment, 177 Ganz, David rev. of S. A. Rabe, 305-306 GappJakob, Blessed beatification of, 355-356 Garden of Eden in Myth and Tradition History of Paradise, 728-729 Garrido, Pablo Maria, O.Carm. El Solar Carmelitano de San Juan de la Cruz: la antigua provincia de Castilla (14161836), rev., 735-736 Gaustad, Edwin S. rev. of M. E. Marty, 530-531 rev. OfR. T. Hughes, 515-516 Gauvreau, Michael rev. ofj. Noel, 151-153 Gender and Heresy: Women and Men in LoUard Communities, 1420- 1 530, 797-798 Authority, and the PrisciUianist Controversy, 752-753 Geneva, Robert de as Clement VII, 225 Geneva, University of, 92 Genevan Academy and Reformed Higher Education, 1560-1620,333-334 Genevan Consistory, 332-333 "Genocide, ReUgion and Modernity" conference held at the United States Holocaust Memor- ial Museum, 543-544 Gensini, Sergio, editor Roma Capitale (1447-1527), rev., 93-95 "The Gentle Voices of Teachers"-.Aspects of Learning in the CaroUngian Age, 762-766 George Edward Clerk Award presented to Ter- rence Murphy, 546 Georgia coast, eighteenth-century Spanish Retrospective on Guale and Mocama on the, 133-134 Gerard of Arras-Cambrai Acta SynodiAtrebatensis of, 387-388 German Catholicism 1930-1939 glossing over the moral failings of, 129-130 German CathoUcs and Party System from Windthorst to Adenauer, 494-495 German Christian Movement in the Third Reich, 499-500 Germans in Rome, shrinking employment op- portunities avaUable to, 94 Gersonjean discussion of abdication of papal spiritual authority, 223 Giangreco, Thomas "Cola di Rienzo and the Renewal of the City of Rome: Art, Politics, and the Revolution of 1 347," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 Gibinojoseph R. rev. of E Chiovaro, editor, 480-481 GUbertine Order, c. 1130-C.1300 Gilbert of Sempringham and the, 782-784 Güchrist, Roberta Contemplation andAction:The Other Monasticism, b.n., 165 GUlen, Gerard rev. of K. A. Daly, 489-490 GiUespie, Don C. The Searchfor Thomas E Ward, Teacher of Frederic Delius, rev., 519-520 Gillet, Louis E. Mâle as mentor to, 416-417 GUley, Sheridan essay on "Roman Catholicism" by, 11 5 Giorgi, Fulvio De La scienza del cuore. Spiritualità e cultura religiosa in Antonio Rosmini, rev., 486- 487 Gleason, PhUip Contending with Modernity: Catholic Higher Education in the Twentieth Century, rev, 144-145 conference in honor of, 174 Gnesio-Lutherans, 465 Gnosticism, history of, 742-743 Goeringjoseph "What Happened at the Fourth Lateran CouncU?" paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 260 Golding, Brian Gilbert ofSempringham and the GUbertine Order, c. 1130-C.1300, rev., 782-784 Goma y Tomás, Isidro Cardinal appointment judged unacceptable, 207 GENERAL INDEX viewed emergence of Falange with a mixture of acceptance and suspicion, 211 worried about the Church's place in the Nationalist regime, 209 gongfu as "work, labor, exertion," 633-634 Gonzaga, Ercole Cardinal letter of, 69-74 Goodich, Michael E. (author and editor) Cross Cultural Convergence in the Crusader Period: Essays Presented toAryeh Grabois on his Sixty-Fifth Birthday, rev., 774- 775 Violence and Miracle in the Fourteenth Cen- tury-.Private Grief and Public Suffering, rev, 319-320 Gothic, E. Mâle preached the priority and superi- ority of French, 414 Götz v. Olenhusen, Irmtraud, editor Wunderbare Erscheinungen. Frauen und katholische Frömmigkeit im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, rev, 485-486 GoukfVirginia Meacham "The Southern Women's Studies Perspective," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 Grab, Alexander, Paul E. Grendler, and Alice Kelikian Report of the Committee on the Howard R. Marraro Prize, 263-264 Graham, Robert A., SJ. obituary of, 361-363 Granada, Luis de viewed the sermon as persuading individuals to Uve a life of justice and piety, 2 Grant, Robert M. rev. ofA. H. B. Logan, 742-743 "Great Prayer of the [Swiss] Confederates," 788 Great Schism, 218 Greene, Anne The Catholic Church in Haiti: Political and Social Change, rev., 811-812 Green, Thomas R., Maureen C. Miller, and J. Dean O'Donnell Report of the Committee on Nominations, 261-262 Gregory I, the Great, Pope many of the early papal documents on Jews emanated from, 79 Gregory IX, Pope Decretals of, 791 Gregory X, Pope attempt to canonize, 277 Gregory xm, Pope commissioned Thomas StucIey"to raise an army and invade Ireland," 470 dispensed Jesuits from regulations prohibiting priests from being involved in medical and surgical procedures, 157 estabUshment of permanent nunciature in Cologne by, 108 Gregory XV, Pope problems that encountered concerning the overseas Church, 289 Gregory XVI, Pope, 91 condemnation of the slave trade (1839) by, 511 Institute of Charity approved by, 487 refusal to recognize Queen Isabel II as legitimate sovereign, 204 Gregory of Nyssa Eighth International Colloquium on, 545 Gres-Gayerjacques M. rev. of B. Neveu, 471-472 rev. of R Blet, SJ., 106-107 Grey Nuns in Montreal, founding of, 535 Griffinjohn R. "Cardinal Newman and the 'PhUosophy of Byron,' " paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 260 Griffiths, Nicholas The Cross and the Serpent:Religious Repression and Resurgence in Colonial Peru, rev, 538-539 Gritsch,EricW rev. of B. Hodler, 326-327 Groh, Dennis E. rev. of D. Rankin, 170 Gsell, Stéphane historian of North Africa and classmate of E. Mâle, 406 Guérin, Theodore,Venerable Mother beatification of, 356 Guest, Francis E, OEM. Hispanic California Revisited, rev., 509-510 Guiñan,Joseph popular Irish novelist, 492-494 Gunpowder Plot: Terror and Faith in 1605, 547 Hagen, Kenneth rev. of S. H. Hendrix, 798-800 hagiography, new Tridentine genre of 278 Hainan, educating the women of, 539-541 Haiti CathoUc Church in, 81 1 -8 1 2 poUtical and social change in,811-812 Haider, Winfrid Katholische Vereine in Baden undWiirttem- berg, 1848-1914, rev, 117-118 Haliczer, Stephen Sexuality in the Confessional: A Sacrament Profaned, rev., 340-341 "Hall of the Lord of Heaven," 63 1 Handy, Robert role of New Testament Christianity among different sorts of American Baptists, 132 Hangzhou, The Forgotten Christians of, 587 Hankins,James rev. ofj. Monfasani, 95-97 Hardy, Thomas and the Church, 491-492 Harmless, WUUam, SJ. Augustine and the Catechumenate, b.n., 166 Harrell, David E. on cluster of movements emerging from Stone-CampbeU matrix, 132 GENERAL INDEX Harringtonjoel F. Reordering Marriage and Society in Reformation Germany, rev., 99-100 Hartley,James J. , Bishop disagreement with Schrembs, 448 Haskett, Timothy S. rev. of M. J. Franklin and C. Harper-BUl, 301 -302 Havran, Martin J. rev. ofA. MUton, 104-106 HaydenJ. Michael rev. of S.-M. Morgain, 103-104 Head, Thomas rev. of P Fouracre and R. A. Gerberding, 759-761 Heart ofJesus cult, 486 Heath, Peter rev. of W J. Dohar, 90-91 Heimann, Mary Catholic Devotion in Victorian England, rev, 488-489 Heldman, Marilyn E. rev. of M. Zibawi, 732-733 Helmreich, Ernst C. rev. of D. L. Bergen, 499-500 Helmstadter, Richard J. assesses Baptists and CongregationaUsts who had been awakened by EvangeUcal Revival, 114-115 Hempton, David discussion ofVictorian Methodism, 115 Hen.Yitzhak Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul, AD. 481-751, rev, 758-759 Hendrix, Scott H. Tradition andAuthority in the Reformation, rev, 798-800 Henneseyjames, SJ. essays in honor of, 359 rev. ofj J. Maclear, editor, 290-291 Henry Luce Foundation grant to catalogue rare books, 354 Henry VIII, King of England Women and Popular Resistance to the Reforms of, 463-464 Hereford Diocese of, Ui the fourteenth century, 90-91 heresy associated with cannibalism and chUd mur- der, 389 in Arras and Aquitaine in the early eleventh century, 385-400 Herman of Tournai The Restoration of the Monastery of Saint Martin of Tournai, rev., 784-785 Herr, Lucien, 405 as great friend of E. Mâle, 416 Heywoodjasper, 469-470 HUdegard of Bingen celebration of the ninth centenary of the birth of, 545 HUl, Bennett, OSB. rev. of R ColUnson, N. Ramsay, and M. Sparks, editors, 285-286 HiU, Stephen The Early Byzantine Churches ofCilicia andlsauria, rev., 748-749 HiUgarth,J. N. rev. of M. D. Johnston, 318-319 rev. of N. Roth, 97-99 Hinojosa, GUberto "Mexican-American Faith Communities Ui Texas and the Southwest," 142-143 Hippolytus and the Roman Church in the Third Century, 294-295 Hispanic California Revisited:Essays by Francis F Guest, O.F.M., rev, 509-510 Histoire de l'imaginaire and the historiography of Christianity in China, 596 Histoire des Mentalités et des Moeurs and the historiography of Christianity in China, 595 historical anthropology and the historiography of Christianity in China, 593-595 History of Christianity in China symposium papers, 571-572 History of Sciences and the historiography of Christianity in China, 596-598 Hitchcock,James rev. ofE. M.Jones, 149-151 Hodler, Beat Das "Ärgernis" der Reformation: Begriffsgeschichtlicher Zugang zu einer biblisch legitimierten politischen Ethik, rev., 326-327 HoUer, Clyde Black Elk's Religion: The Sun Dance and Lakota Catholicism, rev, 140-141 Holmes, David on EpiscopaUan evangeUcaUsm, 132 "The Holocaust and the Waning of the Modern Narrative" International Society for the Study of European Ideas workshop, 821 Holy Office. See Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith Holy Wednesday A Nahua drama from Early Colonial Mexico, 536-538 Holzem, Andreas Kirchenreform und Sektenstiftung, Deutchkatholiken, Reformkatholiken und Ultramontane am Oberrhein (1844-1866), rev, 116-117 Homoianism as western manifestation of Arian- ism, 295-296 Hopkins, Harry L. Administrator of the Federal Emergency ReUef Administration, 445 Housley, Norman rev. of C. R. Backman, 86-87 Howard, Peter Francis Beyond the Written Word: Preaching and Theology in the Florence ofArchbishop Antoninus, 1427-1459, rev, 323-324 How the Irish Saved Civilization, rev., 299-300 GENERAL INDEX Hsia, R. Po-chia rev of M. U. Chrisman, 327-328 Hudon.WilliamV Theatine Spirituality: Selected Writings, rev, 328-329 "The Voice of CamUla Battista da Varano m Early-Modern ItaUan Devotional Literature," given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 HughesJohn, Bishop attempt to obtain pubUc assistance for parochial schools in New York by, 430 Hughes, Richard T. The American Questfor the Primitive Church, edited, rev, 131-133 The Primitive Church in the Modern World, edited, rev, 131-133 Reviving the Ancient Faith: The Story of Churches of Christ in America, rev, 515-516 "Humanitarian Society" of Wang Zheng in Xi'an, 648-649 Human LUe International, 533 human nature, soul and body, 625-630 Humble, BUl J. uses of presumed apostolic ways among the Churches of Christ, 132 hurmliation, medieval need for, 309-311 Humiliation ofSinners: Public Penance in Thirteenth-Century France, 309-311 Hungary overview of the history of the Church after 1945 in, 130-131 Hurtubise, Pierre analysis of efforts of transplanted Salviati Florentine merchant famUy to work way into elite or Roman nobUity, 93 Hussites, antidericaUsm of, 455 Huttner, Markus Britische Presse und Nationalsozialistischer Kirchenkampf. Eine Untersuchung der "Times" und des "Manchester Guardian" von 1930 bis 1939, rev, 128-130 Iconoclasm, CaroUngian contributions to debates on, 764 iconography as transformed by E. Mâle, 402 Ignatius Loyola casa dei catecumeni estabUshed m Rome by, 81 Incarnation as a source of Chinese perplexity, 623 inculturation of Christianity process, 680 Index ofForbidden Books, discontinuing of pubUcation of, 237 Indiana's Churches and Religious groups, A History of, 512-514 Innes, Robert rev. of K. Power, 750-75 1 Innocent III, Pope international conference on world of, 352 increase in papal documents on Jews after election of, 79 Inquisition, suppression of, 203 In Sínodo Sermo, 396, 398 demonstration of connection between appearance of heresy and concerns with defense of orthodoxy, 399 Institute of Charity, 486-487 Integrae Servandae, Motu proprio, 236 intercultural contacts in the Crusader Period, papers on, 774-775 International Conference on Patristic, Medieval, and Renaissance Studies, 544 International Congress of Historical Sciences, nineteenth to be held in Oslo, Norway, 822 International Society for the Comparative Study of CivUizations caU for papers, 821 International Thomas More Conference solicits papers, 175-176 Ireland and Europe in the Early Middle Ages Cultural Identity and Cultural Integration, 754-755 Ireland and the Vatican: The Politics and Diplomacy of Church-State Relations (1922-1960), 126-127 Ireland in the Stuart Papers. Correspondence and Documents ofIrish Interestfrom the Stuart Papers in the Royal Archives, Windsor Castle, 475-477 Irish Christian Brothers, 178 Isabel II, Queen of Spain, 204 Islam, medieval Christian perceptions of, 766-768 Israel, diplomatic relations with the Vatican, 77 Italian-German Historical Institute symposium, 174 ItaUan Immigrants in the Archdiocese of New York (1880-1945) Churches, Communities and Children, 520-521 Italia Sacra, 277 Item in Concilio, 396 Jamaica, History of the CathoUc Church Ui, 812-813 James Henry Breasted Prize awarded to WUUam Klingshirn, 353-354 James I. Good Collection, 354 Jansen, Sharon L. Dangerous Talk and Strange Behavior: Women and Popular Resistance to the Re- forms ofHenry VIII, rev., 463-464 fapan and Christianity:Impacts and Responses, 813-814 Jarrige, Catherine, Blessed beatification of, 356 Jedrzejewskijan Thomas Hardy and the Church, rev., 491-492 Jehovah's Witnesses, essay on history Ui Indiana of, 513 Jenal, Georg Italia ascética atque monástica: Das As- keten- und Mönchtum in Italien von den GENERAL INDEX Anfängen bis zur Zeit der Langobarden (ca. 150/250-604), rev, 744-745 Jerome's Chronicon, a translation of, 163 Jesuit Accounts of Epidemic Disease in the Sixteenth Century, 335-337 emphasis on teaching in French in China, 671-672 Mission Presses in the Pacific Northwest (1876-1899), 170-171 Missionary Letters from Mindanao, 816-818 Missions in Paraguay, 154-155 plans to rebuild 17th century chapel at St. Mary's City, 548-549 Jesuits. See also Society ofJesus "Culture, Learning, and the Arts, 1 540- 1773" international conference entitled, 175 Edmund Campion and the Early English, 468-471 in Confucian milieu conformed to role of the teacher, 632 in Westernization of Russia, role of the, 344-345 of England, 1615-1714, a literary history of the, 348-349 suppresion by Spanish Republic of, 208 Jews and Christians in the Crusader Period, 775 essay on history in Indiana of, 5 1 3 essays on problems in medieval times of, 770-771 mission to, 740 Rhegius' strong plea for toleration of, 800 who resided in territories under direct papal temporal rule, 83 John II, King of France visit to the shrine of Archbishop Thomas Becket, 286 John Paul II, Pope beatifications by, 177-178,354-357,822 commemoration of the 350th anniversary of the Union of Uzhorod, 177 commemoration of the quincentenary of the first baptisms conferred in the New World, 176-177 commemoration of the sexcentenary of the Pavía charterhouse by, 176 official delegation representing the government of Israel at inauguration of the pontificate of, 77 visit to the Jewish Community of Rome by, 77 Johnson, George, Father efforts on behalf of parochial education funding, 444-445 Johnson, David, SJ. rev. of R. Doran, 753 Johnson-Reed Immigration Act slowed growth in Catholic population, 432 Johnston, Mark D. The Evangelical Rhetoric ofRamon Hull. Lay Learning and Piety in the Christian West around 1300, rev, 318-319 John Tracy Ellis Dissertation Award, 350 John XXII, Pope Documentation on, 793-794 John XXIII, Pope official delegation representing the government of Israel at the funeral of, 77 Second Vatican Council generated documents strongly affirming call for church renewal of, 233 Jones, E. Michael John Cardinal Krol and the Cultural Revolution, rev., 149-151 Jones, Peter D'A. rev. of E. M. McMahon, 145-146 Josephites booklet published on history and ministries of, 551 only Catholic religious order devoted exclusively to ministry in the Afro-American community, 52 priests staffed Black Catholic parish of Boston, 44 Journal ofReligious History "Richard Hooker Issue," 550 Joyce, Kathleen "Staff Appointments: Catholic Hospitals and the Politics of Catholic Privilege," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 260 Juan Carlos, King refrains from exercising patronage rights, 201 Jude, Saint as a bridge between different cultural worlds, 527-528 shrine, first and pre-eminent established in South Chicago, 527 Junior Order of American Mechanics against public money for parochial schools, 443-444 as nativist organization, 431 campaigned against any aid to parochial schools, 441 Jurichjames P., SJ. "Victor de Buck's Espousal of Ecumenism at the First Vatican Council," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 260 K'ang-hsu, Emperor of China, Self-portrait of, 587 Kangxi emperor bestowed official patronage on Catholic Church in 1692,661-662 karmic retribution concept, 634 Kauffman, Christopher J. appointed co-chairman of ACHA Committee on Program for the 1999 annual meeting, 819 Ministry and Meaning:A Religious History of Catholic Health Care in the United States, rev, 135-137 Kaufman, Peter Iver Church, Book, and Bishop: Conflict andAu- thority in Early Latin Christianity, b.n., 167 GENERAL INDEX KeIIyJ. N. D. Golden Mouth: The Story ofJohn Chrysostom—Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop, rev, 296-298 Kelsey, Harry rev. of D. B. Nunis, 509-510 Kent, Peter C. rev of M. Agostino, 122-126 Keogh, Dermot Ireland and the Vatican: The Politics and Diplomacy of Church-State Relations, 1922-1960, rev., 126-127 Kieft, David Owen rev. of R. RoUs, SJ., 497-499 Kievan Rus distinctive characteristics of the religious culture of, 735 Killaloe, the diocese of, 477-479 Killen, Patricia member of the Committee on Program, 542 Kingdon, Robert M. rev. of K. Maag, 333-334 Kirk,James, editor The Books ofAssumption of the Thirds of Benefices: Scottish Ecclesiastical Rentals at the Reformation, rev, 100-101 The Medieval Church in Scotland, rev, 781-782 Kirkbyjohn, Bishop of Carlisle Register of 1332-1352,89-90 Kitchenjohn rev. ofY Hen, 758-759 Knight, Frances The Nineteenth-Century Church and Eng- lish Society, rev., 484-485 Knox, John international conference to mark the 450th anniversary of the beginning of the Protestant preaching career of, 352 KoIb, Robert Luther's Heirs Define His Legacy: Studies on Lutheran Confessionalization, rev., 464-465 Komonchak, Joseph A. rev of Paolo VI e la collegialità episcopate, 291-292 Kösters, Christoph Katholische Verbände und moderne Gesellschaft: Organisationsgeschichte und Vereinskultur im Bistum Münster 1918 bis 1945, rev, 496-497 Kroljohn Cardinal, 149-151 Krueger, Derek rev. of B. Englezakis, 283-285 Symeon the Holy Foot: Leontius's Life and the Late Antique City, rev, 76 1-762 Kümin, Beat A. The Shaping ofa Community-.The Rise and Reformation of the English Parish, c. 1400-1560, rev., 320-322 Kuttner, Stephan George obituary of, 181-184 LaFargeJohn and the Limits of CathoUc Interracial- ism,1911-1963, 525-526 Lakota SiouxJesuit Mission to the, 523-524 Lambert, Thomas A., and IsabeUa M. Watt, editors Registres du Consistoire de Genève au temps de Calvin, rev, 332-333 Lamentabili Sane Exitu, 240 Larkin, Emmet rev. of I. Murphy, 477-479 La SaUeJohn Baptist de The Conduct of the Christian Schools, rev, 473-475 Lateran Agreements of 1929, 124 Latin manuscripts on philosophy and theology from the Middle Ages development of a database containing, 823 Law on Religious Confessions and Congregations of 1933,208 Lay Christianity Baptism and Confession, 635-638 "Exertion" and "Merit," 633-635 Lee, Egmont on Rome as a home to the papacy and great pUgrimage site, 94 Leeuwen, Richard van Notables and Clergy in Mount Lebanon: The Khazin Sheiks and the Maronite Church (17361840), rev, 481-482 Lefebvrists, essay on, 533 Legion of Decency, history of, 528-529 L'Eglise et le droit dans le Midi (XIIr-XLV siècles), rev., 790-791 Lehfeldt, Elizabeth A. "A Place in the Temporal World: The Re- sponse of Convents to Lay and Ecclesiastical ChaUenges in Sixteenth-Century Spain," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 258 Leighton, C. D. A, O.Praem. rev. OfV J McNaUy, 111-112 Leonard,WiUiam C. "A Parish for the Black CathoUcs of Boston," 44-68 Leo X, Pope, Lucrezia de Medici sister of, 93 Leo XIII, Pope Americanist movement formally condemned in 1899 by, 532 Lerchundijosé, Padre issue of Archivo Ibero-Americano homenaje to, 827 "Let There Be Light: WUUam Tyndale and the Making of the English Bible" exhibit, 819 Libentissimo Sane Animo, 237 Liberal Conservative party, 205 Liberalism, final triumph over absolute monar- chy in Spam in 1834, 203 Uberation theology use as basis for work on Mexican Americans, 142 Liberpraedicationis contra Judaeos, 319 GENERAL INDEX LienhardJoseph T rev. of D. H. WiUiams, 295-296 IinckJoseph C, CO. rev. of T. J. Peterman, 505-506 Lindberg, David C. rev. of R. French and A. Cunningham, 313315 Lippy, Charles H. rev. of R. T Hughes, editor, 131-133 LitteU, Franklin does an appropriation of an ideal past deny the value of history, 131-132 Liturgical and Exegetical Approaches Art and Architecture Ui Byzantium and Armenia, 756-757 Uturgy performance as a basis for a reformed priesthood, 279 LIuU, Ramon Evangelical Rhetoric of, 318-319 Loades, David rev. of E. A. Macek, 462-463 Lodwick, Kathleen L. Crusaders against Opium: Protestant Missionaries in China, 1847-1917, rev, 539-541 Educating the Women ofHainan: The Career ofMargaret Moninger in China, 1915-1942, rev, 539-541 Logan, Alastair H. B. Gnostic Truth and Christian Heresy, rev, 742-743 Logemann, Silke Die Franziskaner im mittelalterlichen Lüneburg, rev, 315-317 LoUards anticlericalism, 455 gender and heresy in communities of, 797-798 not insignificant members of isolated communities, 802 preaching was a prime tool for dissemination of ideas, 770 The Lord of Heaven: "Confucian Monotheism," 623-625 Louis VII, King of France visit to the shrine of Archbishop Thomas Becket, 285-286 Louvain, University of Diplomatic and Comparative Study of Bull of Foundation of, 91-93 Lowe, Elizabeth "Hervaeus Natalis: Evangelical Models and the Reform of the Dominican Order," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 Lucero de Nuestra Salvación of Ausías Izquierdo Zebrero, 537 Lucius III, Pope inception of Inquisition under, 82 Lucker, Raymond A. rev. ofB. L. Marthaler, O.EM. Conv, 287-288 Luna, Pedro de as Benedict XIII, Pope of Avignon, 225 Luongo, E Thomas "FamUy Conflicts and PoUtical Networks: Catherine of Siena and Her Disciples Ui the War of the Eight Saints," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 258 Luther, Martin evolving anticlericaUsm of, 457 essays on, 798-800 Heirs Define His Legacy: Studies on Lutheran ConfessionaUzation, 464-465 "Lutheranism m the Delaware VaUey" as theme of issue of Lutheran Quarterly, 550-551 Lynchjohn E. rev. of L'Eglise et le droit dans le Midi (XIIÏ-XTV siècles), 790-791 rev. ofj. A. Brundage, 755-756 LynchJoseph H. rev. of Herman of Tournai, 784-785 Maag, Karin Seminary or University? The Genevan Acad- emy and Reformed Higher Education, 1560-1620, rev, 333-334 McAuley, Catherine, 112-113 McCauley, Bernadette "Conflicting Legacies? The Gendered Origins of Roman CathoUc Involvement in Health Care Ui Nineteenth-Century NewYork City," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 260 McClendonJames WUUam does an appropriation of an ideal past deny the value of history, 131-132 McCoog, Thomas M., S.J. The Reckoned Expense: Edmund Campion and the Early EnglishJesuits, rev, 468471 The Society offesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England, 1541-1588:"OurWay ofProceeding?," rev, 805-806 rev. of D. Flynn, 343-344 rev. ofT. H. Clancy, 348-349 McCoy, Floyd rev. ofA. Greene,811-812 rev. OfFJ. Osborne, SJ., 812-813 McDonneUJames M. rev. of EJ. Power, 516-517 Macek, EUen A. The Loyal Opposition: Tudor Traditionalist Polemics, 1535-1558, rev, 462-463 McGinness, Frederick J. award of Howard R. Marraro Prize to, 263264 McGivney, Michael, Father National Conference of Catholic Bishops agreed to initiating of the cause of, 822 McGlynn, Sean rev. ofj. Shirley, 312-313 rev. OfW. of Tudela, 312-313 McGrath, Stamatina rev. of D. Krueger, 76 1 -762 GENERAL INDEX McGreevyJohn T. award of the John Gilmary Shea Prize for 1996, 262 Mclnerney, Michael pamphlet on the art of, 551 MclntyreJames Cardinal, 244 response to Ottaviani query of, 244 McKevitt, Gerald, SJ. rev. of P. Gleason, 144-145 McKitterick, Rosamond, editor The New Cambridge Medieval History, Volume II: C. 700-c. 900, rev., 302-305 MaclearJ. J. , editor Church and State in the Modem Age.A Documentary History, rev, 290-291 McMahon, EUeen M. What Parish Are You From?A Chicago Irish Community and Race Relations, rev., 145-146 McManamonJohn M., SJ. rev. of E F. Howard, 323-324 McMannus, E. Leo rev. of E M.Young, 118-119 McNaUy, Michael J. Catholic Parish Life on Florida's West Coast, 1860- 1968, rev. , 5 1 8- 5 1 9 rev. of D. C. GiUespie, 519-520 McNaUy,Vincent J. Reform, Revolution and Reaction:Archbishopfohn Thomas Troy and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1787-1817, rev, 111-112 rev. ofM. C. SuUivan, 112-113 McNamaraJo Ann Kay Report of the Committee on Program, 258-261 rev. of R Ranft, 298-299 McNicholasJohn T, Archbishop of Cincinnati and parochial schools Ui Ohio, 443, 449 McSheffrey, Shannon Gender and Heresy-.Women and Men in Lollard Communities, 1420-1530, rev, 797-798 MaddicottJ. R. rev. of R Binski, 3 1 1 - 3 1 2 Madigan, Kevin rev. of I. W Frank, 164-165 Madisonjames as a"separationist"with regard to religion and the state, 508 Maggi, Armando "Stories and Histories Ui the Visions of Maria Maddalena de' Pazzi," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 Magic and Miracles, 641-644 Maher, Sister Mary Denis, CS.A. rev of C. J Kauffman, 1 35- 1 37 Mahoney, Thomas H. D. Obituary of, 552 Mahony, Robert rev. of C. Candy, 492-494 Mahony, Roger Cardmal appointed episcopal moderator of the Asso- ciation of CathoUc Diocesan Archivists, 546 declares moviegoers must decide what to see based upon then- consciences, 529 Making of a Heretic: Gender, Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy, 752-753 Mâle, EmUe (1862-1954), 401-427 Maloney, Thomas P rev. ofD. Keogh, 126-127 Mango, Cyril rev. ofS. HUl, 748-749 Manichaeans as heretics of Aquitaine, 388-389 rejection of doctrines of orthodox, 391-392 Manichaeism Ui Syria, 747 Mansfield, Mary C. The Humiliation ofSinners: Public Penance in Thirteenth-Century France, rev, 309-311 Mantua, 69-70 Marcion and the Marcionites Ui Syria, 747 Marian apparitions during the Bismarck eta, 485 piety in the contemporary Church, faU and subsequent rise of, 533 Markus, R. A. rev. of P. Brown, 745-746 Sacred and Secular Studies on Augustine and Latin Christianity, b.n., 168 Maronite Church Ui 1736-1840,481-482 Marriage and Society Ui Reformation Germany, 99-100 Marsden, George contemporary fundamentaUsm as efforts to restore an idealized past, 131 MarshaUJohn, ChiefJustice on reUgion and the state, 508 Marthaler, Berard L., O.F.M. Conv. The Catechism Yesterday and Today: The Evolution ofa Genre, rev, 287-288 Martial, Saint cult as official church reaction to popular spiritual demands, 395 faUed apostolic cult of, 386 Martin, A. Lynn Plague?JesuitAccounts ofEpidemic Disease in the Sixteenth Century, rev, 335-337 rev. ofJ. W Padberg, 168-169 rev. of R. Feldhay, 472-473 Martini, Raymond Pugio Fidei adversus Mauros etfudaeos, 82 MartUiVPope,91 Unproved the efficiency of the papal fiscal system, 95 Marty, Martin E. Modern American Religion, Volume 3: Under God, Indivisible, 1941-1960, rev, 530-531 Martyrs of Córdoba: Community and Family Conflict in an Age ofMass Conversion, 306-307 martyrs: sacrifice as a rational choice, 741 GENERAL INDEX Maryknoll Fathers in Cleveland (1937), 433 Massa, Mark S., S.J. rev. of R. L. Christensen, 524-525 Material History of American Religion Project, 353 Math.es,W. Michael donation of research library on the history of colonial Mexico to El Colegio de Jalisco, Zapopan,by, 823 Mathews, Thomas F. Art andArchitecture in Byzantium and Armenia: Liturgical and Exegetical Approaches, rev, 756-757 Matrix: A Collection ofResourcesfor the Study ofWomen's Religious Communities, 500-1500, now online, 824 Ma Xiangpo, founder of first Aurore, forced to re- sign, 670 Maximum Illud, first of series of attempts by the Holy See to denounce frontier model for Catholic Church, 656 Mecklenburg, mendicant orders in, 316-317 Medieval Canon Law, 755-756 Medieval Christian Perceptions of Islam: A Book of Es- says, 766-768 Church,A Brief History, 164-165 Congress holding of the Fourth International, 352 Ecclesiastical Studies in Honour ofDorothy M.Owen, 301-302 scholastic philosophy revival had no influence on E. Mâle, 409-410 Sicily decline and fall of, 86-87 meditation, self-examination and ascesis, 638-641 Meeks, Wayne A. rev. ofV L. Wimbush and R. Valantasis, editors, 282-283 Meerschaert, Théophile Diary of a Frontier Bishop: The Journals of, 522 Meissner, W W, SJ., MD. rev. ofA. L. Martin, 335-337 Melanchthon, Philipp Concordia Historical Institute Museum special exhibition on the life of, 824 new exhibition commemorating the quincentenary of the birth of, 549 Philippists as followers of, 465 quincentenary of birth commemorated by a lecture, 820 Mentzer, Raymond A. rev of P Roberts, 334-335 Merovingian France: History and Hagiography of late, 640-720, 759-761 Gaul, A.D. 481-751, culture and religion in, 758-759 Merton, Thomas letters of, 171-172 Methodism in nineteenth-century England, 115 Methodists, essay on history in Indiana of, 512-513 Metzler,Josef, editor America Pontificia, III. Documenti pontifici nelVArchivio Segreto Vaticano riguardanti l'evangelizzazione dell'America: 15921644, rev, 288-290 Mexican Americans and the Catholic Church, 1900-1965,141-143 Mexican Devotional Retablos from the Peters Collection, 160 Michael of Cesena, documentation on, 793-794 Michoacán Diocese 1749-1810,810-811 MigneJacques-Paul, Abbé publication enterprise of, 410-41 1 Miller, Maureen C. rev. of A. R Bagliani and V Pasche, editors, 794-795 Miller, Samuel J. rev. ofP. Stella, 110-111 Milliken, Elizabeth "'Depending upon Divine Providence':The Establishment of StJoseph's Hospital and the Sisters of St. Joseph, Elmira, NewYork, 1908- 1932," paper given at ACHA 77th an- nual meeting, 260 Milton, Anthony Catholic and Reformed: The Roman and Protestant Churches in English Protestant Thought, 1600-1640, rev., 104-106 Mindanao, Jesuit Missionary Letters from, 816-818 Minnich, Nelson H. rev. of A. Dykema and H. A. Oberman, editors, 452-461 "The Role of Anticlericalism in the Reforma- tion," review article, 452-461 Minorcan Jews, essay on conversion of, 770 Minorita, Nicolaus Chronica, Documentation on PopeJohn XXII, Michael of Cesena and the Poverty of Christ with Summaries in English.A Source Book, rev, 793-794 Misner, Paul rev. ofA. Tergel, 292-293 Missionary Church, essay on history in Indiana of, 513 Missionary Sisters of Charity founding of schools in New York, 521 Mission San Fernando, Rey de España bicentenary to be observed with a Mass, 544 symposium commemorating the bicentenary of the founding of, 820 Mit brennender Sorge encyclical against Nazism, 125 Mola, Emilio, General believed that church ought to be separated from the state in Spain, 209 Monastic Foundation Legends in Medieval Southern France, 768-769 monasticism data on the history in Italy of early, 744-745 GENERAL INDEX Monfasanijohn E. appointed ACHA representative on joint committee on the Marraro Prizes, 173 Byzantine Scholars in Renaissance Italy: Cardinal Bessarion and Other Emigrés, rev., 95-97 Moninger, Margaret The Career in China 1915-1942 of, 539541 Monophysites in the Near East, 732-733 Monter, William rev. of T. A. Lambert and LM. Watt, editors, Muslims, essay on history in Indiana of, 513 Musto, Ronald G. Catholic Peacemakers:A Documentary History. Volume Two: From the Renaissance to the Twentieth Century, rev, 737-738 Myers, W David "Poor Sinning Folk," Confession and Con- science in Counter-Reformation Germany, rev, 466-468 Mystery Plays, influence upon post-thirteenthcentury art of, 414 332-333 MooreJohn C. appointed to the Committee on the John Gilmary Shea Prize, 542 Moran,Jo Ann Hoeppner rev. of S. McSheffrey, 797-798 Morgain, Stéphane-Marie Pierre de Bérulle et les Carmélites de France: La querelle du gouvernement, 1583-1629, rev, 103-104 Moriarty, Thomas F. rev of P. Fagan, editor, 475-477 Mormino, Gary R. rev. of M. J. McNally, 518-519 Mormons essay on history Ui Indiana of, 513 essays on nineteenth-century, 132 Morrissey, Thomas E. rev. ofA. Frenken, 322-323 Motion Picture Industry on Sin and Censorship, 528-529 Mountain Retreat Association commemoration of the centenary of, 181 Moxos Native Traditionjesuit Enterprise, Secular Pol- icy in, 1660-1880, 159-160 MungeUo, D. E. , and Edward J. Malatesta, SJ. "Christianity in China, Introduction," 569572 Munitiz,Joseph A. rev. of M. Angold, 771-772 Münster Diocese Catholic, male youth groups between 1918 and 1945 in, 496-497 Murphy, Ignatius The Diocese of Killaloe, rev, 477-479 Murphy, Paul V appointed as assistant professor of history Ui the University of San Francisco, 551 "The Execution ofJohn Fisher Viewed through Italian Eyes: A Letter of Cardinal Er- cole Gonzaga," 69-74 Murphy, Terrence George Edward Clerk Award presented to, 546 Murphy, Terrence, and Roberto Perm A Concise History of Christianity in Canada, rev., 534-536 Music in Ireland, The CecUian Reform Movement 1878-1903,489-490 A Nahua drama from Early Colonial Mexico, Holy Wednesday, 536-538 National Catholic War Council, 429 National CathoUc Welfare Conference, 241 National Conference of Catholic Bishops, 241 National Right to LUe Committee, 533 "Native American Women's Responses to Christianity" in special issue of Ethnohistory, 359-360 Nazism, pubUcation of encycUcal condemning the principles of, 2 1 1 NCCB. See National Conference of CathoUc Bishops NCWC. See National CathoUc Welfare Conference Nelsonjanet L. rev. of R. E. SuUivan, editor, 762-766 Nemer, Lawrence rev. of R-Y. TouUelan, 157-158 Neophytos the Recluse, St., 284 Neoscholasticism positive role played during "CathoUc Renaissance" of twentieth century, 145 Neri, Michael Charles rev. OfA. M. Osio, 514-515 Netherlands, struggle between Calvinist factions in, 460 Neururer, Otto, Blessed beatification of, 354-355 Neveu, Bruno Erudition et religion aux XVIF et XVIII' siècles, rev, 47 1-472 New England Historical Association, papers read at meeting of, 173 New Jersey Catholic Historical Records Commission received grant for pubUcation of "New Jersey CathoUcism: An Annotated Bib- liography," 824 NewmanJohn Henry, 119 Newman, Martha G. The Boundaries of Charity: Cistercian Culture and Ecclesiastical Reform, 109811 80, rev, 772-773 New York Catholicism Ui the GUded Age, 259 founding of schools by Missionary Sisters of Charity Ui, 521 Health Care Ui nineteenth-century NewYork City, 260 GENERAL INDEX history of the Archdiocese of, 550 Irish of, 506-507 Italian Immigrants (1880-1945) in the Archdiocese of, 520-521 Nicholas of Cusa American Cusanus Society will sponsor three sessions on, 820-821 Nicholson, Helen Templars, Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights: Images of the Military Orders, 1128-1291, rev., 780-781 "Nicodemism," 331 Noah's Flood: The Genesis Story in Western Thought, 726-728 Noel,Jan Canada Dry: Temperance Crusades before Confederation, rev., 151-153 Ato es muy encydical against Mexican persecution of the Church, 125 Nolan, Charles E. "Introduction to the Deggs Journal and the Louisiana Catholic History Perspective," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 Nolan,Janet rev. of R. H. Bayor and TJ. Meagher, 506-507 NoU, Mark how origins are authoritative for biblical interpretation, 132 NoU, Ray R. rev. of N. Brox, 293-294 Nostra Aetate, 75-76 Nunis, Doyce B., editor Hispanic California Revisited: Essays by Francis E Guest, O.EM., rev, 509-510 Nyhus, Paul L. rev. of G. Dipple, 801 -802 O'Connor, Thomas E, ES.C. received research travel grant, 824 O'Connor, Thomas H. given an award for The Boston Irish:A Politi- cal History, 546 O'DonneU, Anne M., SND. rev. of D. Parker, editor, 803-804 O'DonneUJames J. rev. of G. Jenal, 744-745 O'Donoghue, Fergus, SJ. rev. ofM. K.Walsh, 172 O'Donovan, Gerald popular Irish novelist, 492-494 O'Dwyer, Brother Ephrem, C.S.C, 147-148 Ohio Teachers' Federation inquiry regarding aid to the parochial schools, 447 Oklahoma, history of the Catholic Church in, 522 Ulbricht, Thomas how origins are authoritative for bibUcal interpretation, 132 OUvi, Petrus Johannis as major hero of spiritual Franciscan movement, 794 Olsen, Glenn W rev of S. L. Waugh and P. D. Diehl, 769-771 01son,OUverK. rev. OfR. KoIb, 464-465 ONeUl, Hugh Prince of Ulster in exUe, 172 Opium traffic Ui China history of Protestant Missionaries' attacks on, 540-541 Oratorians role in connection with the work of the Con- gregation of Rites, 276 Orders of Knighthood and ofMerit: Pontifical Religious and Secularised Catholic-founded Orders, and their relationship to the Apostolic See, 738-739 Orientalism Oates, Sister Mary J, CSJ. on Committee on the John Gilmary Shea Prize, 542 O'Boyle, Patrick A, Archbishop ofWashington, 240 O'Brien, David J. "John Hughes and the Formation of the Ante- Bellum American Catholic Church," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 OccidentaUsm as Chinese construction of the West, 577 Oceania, Picpusian missionaries in, 1 57- 1 58 Ockham, WiUiam of A Letter to the Friars Minor and Other Writ- ings, rev, 87-89 A Short Discourse on the Tyrannical Government: Over Things Divine and Human but Especially over the Empire, rev., 87-89 O'ConneU, Marvin R. rev. ofP. Saint-Roch, 119-121 O'ConneU, WiUiam Cardinal refused to consider idea of Black Catholic parish, 44 notion of, 575-576 Orlando Furioso, analysis, 456 Orsi, Robert A. Thank You, St.Jude.Women's Devotion to the Patron Saint ofHopeless Causes, rev, 526-528 Osborne, Francis J., SJ. History of the Catholic Church infamaica, rev, 812-813 Osio, Antonio Maria The History ofAlta California:A Memoir of Mexican California, rev, 514-515 Ottaviani, Alfredo Cardinal request for eight replies to his letter, 246247 secret circular letter of, 233-234 Ottawa Archdiocese to sponsor historical conference commemorating sesquicentennial of episcopal see, 352-353 Our Lady of Guadalupe: The Origins and Sources of a Mexican National Symbol, 1531-1797, 153-154 GENERAL INDEX Outler, Albert sense that American Methodists reflect bibli- cal norms, 132 Owen, Dorothy M. Medieval Ecclesiastical Studies in Honour of, 301-302 Owenites, essay on history in Indiana of, 513 Ozanam, Frédéric beatification of, 357 Pope John Paul II declared blessed, 822 PadbergJohnW.,SJ. Together as a Companionship:A History of the Thirty-First, Thirty-Second, and ThirtyThird General Congregations of the Society ofJesus, b.n., 168-169 Paolo VI e la collegialità episcopate: Colloquio Internazionale di Studio, Brescia 25-26-27 setiembre 1992, rev, 291-292 Papen, Franz von, life, 497-499 Paradise, History of Garden of Eden in Myth and Tradition, 728-729 Paraguay Jesuit Missions, 154-155 Paravicini Bagliani, Agostino and Véronique Pasche, editors La Parrocchia nel Medio Evo: Economía, Scambi, Solidarietà, rev, 794-795 Parish Boundaries: The Catholic Encounter with Race in the Twentieth Century Urban North, 262-263 Parker, Douglas, editor A Proper Dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman, rev., 803-804 Parmelee, Lisa Ferrano Good Newesfrom Fraunce, French AntiLeague Propaganda in Late Elizabethan England, rev, 341-343 parochial schools in several states received partial assistance in the form of textbooks and transportation, 450 save money for state, 436 Partner, Peter explains process by which the Roman Curia became "Italianized," 94 Pater Noster and Girolamo Seripando, 1-19 Path to Christian Democracy: German Catholics and the Party System from Windthorst to Adenauer, 494-495 Paul IV, Pope "Rule of Carafa," 328 Paul y Pope problems that encountered concerning the overseas Church, 289 Paul VI, Pope, 215 Libentissimo Sane Animo, 237 lack of clear and definitive statements from, 245 Motu proprio, Integrae Servandae, 236 meeting with the President of Israel during the Pope's pUgrimage to the Holy Land, 77 papers on activity after the close of the Second Vatican Council on, 291-292 Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, 75 Paz, D. G, editor Nineteenth-Century English Religious Traditions: Retrospect and Prospect, rev., 114-115 Peasant War, role that anticlericalism played in, 458 Pease, Neal rev. ofj. Siedlarz, 503-504 Pentecostals, essays on, 132, 513 Perrot, Georges appointed head of Ecole Normale in 1883, 405 book on topic of art in secondary education, 413 Perry, Richard D. More Maya Missions: Exploring Colonial Chiapas, b.n., 169-170 Persons, Robert and condoning an assassination of Queen Elizabeth, 469 Peterman, Thomas Joseph Catholics in Colonial Delmarva, rev, 505-506 Peterson, David S. rev. of D. Webb, 788-790 Phayer, Michael rev. of L Götz v. Olenhusen, editor, 485-486 Philippists,465 Piacenza breviary of 1598,276 Lives of the Saints of, 277 Picpusian missionaries in Oceania, 157-158 Pierce v. Society ofSisters, 435-436 Pierozzi, Antonino study of, 323-324 piety (lay) in social and political context of late Middle Ages, 786-788 Pius II, Pope effect on imports into Rome during an extended absence of, 94-95 Pius iy Pope and canonization of San Diego de Alcalá, 705 Pius V Pope Regnans in Excelsis inaugurates hard line against Catholics in England, 342 Pius VII, Pope examination of Pistoia's decrees ordered by, 110 re-establishment of Society ofJesus in 1814 by, 664 Pius LX, Pope 1 50th anniversary of establishment of dioceses by, 177 mission of Rosmini to, 487 Neo-Ultramontanism that developed under, 111 GENERAL INDEX refusal to recognize Queen Isabel II as legitimate sovereign, 204 Pius X, Pope decree against Modernism of, 240 Pius XI, Pope denounced racism, 125 encyclical letter Rerum Ecclesiae of, 656 naming of priest as bishop of León without consulting the regime, 210-211 publication of encyclical condemning the principles of Nazism, 211 reign of, 122-126 Pius XII, Pope convenio with Spain agreed to by, 213 Joseph Schrembs presented with title of archbishop by, 428 message congratulating the Nationalists on their victory in the Spanish Civil War, 502-503 official delegation representing the government of Israel at the funeral of, 77 Pizan, Christine de defended women against clerical misogyny, Poverty of Christ Documentation, 793-794 Powelljames M. rev ofJ. V Tolan, 766-768 Power, Edward J. Religion and the Public Schools in 19th Century America: The Contribution of Orestes A. Brownson, rev. ,516-517 Power, Kim Veiled Desire:Augustine on Women, rev., 750-751 preaching as essential in protecting the orthodox from the errors of the heretics, 396 "Pre-enlightenment"as Gallican scholarship at the turn of the seventeenth century, 471 Presbyterian Church school had received public funding, 437 Primeau, Ernest J., Bishop of Manchester response to inquiry of Ottaviani of, 244- Pizzorusso, Giovanni Roma net Caraibi: L'organizzazione 245 Primo de Rivera dictatorship effort to exclude Catalans from appointment to the dioceses of Catalonia, 206 Priscillianist Controversy, 752-753 Progressive party in mid-nineteenth-century in Guyana (1635-1675), rev, A proper Dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and 457 dette missioni cattoliche nette Antille e 807-808 plague Jesuit accounts of epidemic disease in sixteenth century, 335-337 religious controversy over the morality of fleeing, 788 Pletho paganism of, 96-97 Pohlsander, Hans A. rev. of O. Chadwick, 281-282 Poland relations of church and state during the Communist dictatorship, 503-504 Poluse, Martin "Archbishop Joseph Schrembs's Battle to Obtain Public Assistance for the Parochial Schools of Cleveland During the Great Depression," 428-451 Pontifical, Religious and Secularised Catholicfounded Orders, and their relationship to the Apostolic See, Orders of Knighthood and of Merit, 738-739 Poole, Stafford, C. M. Our Lady of Guadalupe, The Origins and Sources of a Mexican National Symbol, 1531-1797, rev, 153-154 rev. ofL. M. Burkhart, 536-538 Poos, L. R. rev. of B. A. Kümin, 320-322 rev. of M. Spufford, editor, 802-803 "The Popes and the Jews: From Gelasius I to Julius III (492-1 555)," review article, 7585 "Port-Royal et le Protestantisme," colloquim held at Montpellier on, 820 Spain, 204 an Husbandman rev. of D. Parker, editor, 803-804 Protestant Missionaries in China (1847-1917) as Crusaders against Opium, 539-541 Protestant Nonconformists in England between 1840's and 1890's, 114-115 "Le Protestantisme dans les pays de l'Adour (1787-1905)" coUoquium, 358 Proust, Marcel admirer of E. Mâle, 422-423 Prucha, Francis Paul, S.J. rev. of R. A. Enochs, 523-524 public schools counted students in private schools in request for funds, 434 Puritanism, essays on, 132 Quakers in nineteenth-century England, 115 soliciting of papers on any aspect of history, 821 Quiet Revolution in Quebec, prelude to, 535 QuinnJohn F. rev. ofj. J. Weaver and R. S. Appleby, editors, 531-534 Quiñones breviary, 275 Rabe, Susan A. Faith, Art, and Politics at Saint Riquíer.The Symbolic Vision ofAngUbert, rev, 305-306 racism, Pius XI denounced, 125 RaderJ. Matthäus, SJ., 345-346 Raimondo, S. "The Lady Helper of the Urban Poor," 278 GENERAL LNDEX Ranft, Patricia Women and the Religious Life in Premodern Europe, rev, 298-299 Rankin, David Tertullian and the Church, b.n., 170 Rappites, essay on history in Indiana of, 513 RationaUsts, essay on history Ui Indiana of, 513 Ready, Michael J. , Reverend informed Schrembs on House Education sub- committee, 445-446 Reformation Germany, Marriage and Society Ui, 99-100 "RegaUsm, LiberaUsm, and General Franco," 201-216 Regimini Ecclesiae Universae, 238 Reig, Enrique Cardinal, 206 Reilly, Bernard F. rev of C. Stalls, 776-777 Reinburg,Virginia will represent ACHA as delegate at UistaUation of sixth president of Northeastern University, 173 Reiter, Frederick J. They Built Utopia (TheJesuit Missions in Paraguay) 1610-1768, rev, 154-155 relics and reUquaries Ui the Middle Ages theme of articles published Ui issue of Gesta, 826 Religion and Devotion Ui Europe, c. 1215-c. 1515,785-786 PoUtics Ui the Early RepubUc: Jasper Adams and the Church-State Debate, 507-509 Secularism in Canada, theme of articles pubUshed in issue of Historical Studies, 826-827 PubUc Schools in nineteenth-Century America, the contribution of Brownson, Orestes A., 516-517 Religion in Indiana:A Guide to Historical Resources, 513 Jtemensnyder, Amy G. Remembering Kings Past:Monastic Founda- tion Legends in Medieval Southern France, rev, 768-769 Renaissance Italy Penitential Sermons, 1-19 Renan, Ernest influence on E. Mâle of work of, 407 Restoration in Spain concessions to the Church with regalist restraints during, 205 ecclesiastical settlement, 206 Rhegius, Urbanus essays on, 798-800 strong plea for toleration ofJews, 800 Rheims cathedral German cannonading of, 4 17 Rhine Palatinate regulation of marriage, 99 Rho,Jacobus "Explanation of the Practice of Mercy" of, 648 Ricci, Matteo elements in missionary style of, 658-662 Memory Palace of, 587 Rice, Edmund Ignatius beatification of, 178 "Richard Hooker Issue" of theJournal ofReligious History, 550 RichardsonJames, CM., the Very Reverend as subject of issue of Vincentian Heritage, 360 The Rise of Christianity.A Sociologist Reconsiders History, 739-7'41 The Rise ofWestern Christendom. Triumph and Diversity, AD 200-1000, 745-746 Robert E. Carbonneau, CP. rev. of K. L. Lodwick, 539-541 Roberts, Penny A City in Conflict: Troyes during the French Wars ofReligion, rev, 334-335 Robinson, O. E, editor and translator The Register ofWalter Bronescombe, Bishop ofExeter, 1258-1280, rev., 317-318 Rolfs, Richard W, SJ. The Sorcerer's Apprentice: The Life ofFranz von Papen, rev., 497-499 Roma Capitale (1447-1527), 93-95 Roma nei Caraibi, L'organizzazione delle missioni cattoliche nelleAntille e in Guyana (1635-1675), 807-808 Roma Sottoterrena, 279 Rome et ses vieilles églises, anti-German content of, 4 18 Roñan, Charles E. , SJ. rev. ofS. Poole, CM., 153-154 Roñan, Charles E., S.J., and John D. Baggarly, SJ. rev. ofj Metzler, editor, 288-290 Roosevelt, Franklin D., President unwilling to support school reUef bUl, 446 Rosin, Robert appointed director of Center for Reformation Research, 546 Rosminians, 486-487 Rosmini-Serbati, Antonio, 486-487 RossJohn, Bishop of CarUsle Register of, 1 325- 1 332, 89-90 Rossi, Giovanni Battista de, 119-121 Rostock, University of, 92 Roth, Norman Conversos, Inquisition, and the Expulsion of theJewsfrom Spain, rev., 97-99 Royle, Edward surveys "Freethought: The ReUgion of IrreUgion," 115 Ruether, Rosemary Radford letters of, 171-172 Ruiz-de-MedinaJuan, SJ. Documentos delJapón, 1558-1562, rev, 156-157 Rural Dissenters, the world of, 1520-1725, 802-803 Rus pagan reUgion, 734-735 Rush, Robert T, SJ. rev. ofj. Breen and M. Williams, editors, 813-814 RyanJames D. rev. ofj. Delumeau, 728-729 GENERAL INDEX Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, 233, 234 majority of bishops not enthusiastic over ap- proach to postconciUar problems, 246 letter on "strange and audacious opinions," 254-257 Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office, 236-237 Sacred Congregation of the Roman and Universal Inquisition. See Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office "Sacred Places—Liturgical Spaces: Explorations of Religious Architecture" as theme of an issue of U.S. Catholic Historian, 551 Saegerjames Schofield rev. of EJ. Reiter, 154-155 Safran, Linda rev. ofT. F. Mathews, 756-757 Sagasta, Práxedes Uberal party of, 205 Saidi, Reza appointed to ACHA Committee on Investments, 173 Saint-Barthélémy, Anne de influence of the christology of, 104 Saint Joseph's Society of the Sacred Heart. See Josephites Saint Louis Conference on Manuscript Studies twenty-fourth meeting, 353 Samt Martin of Tournai, restoration of the monastery of, 784-785 Samt Mary's City Jesuit chapel plans to rebuild seventeenth-century, 548-549 Saint Richard's Parish, Boston closing of, 61-67 establishment of, 52-60 Saint Vincent de Paul ofBaltimore: The Story ofa People and Their Home, 137-138 Saint-Riquier, Abbey of, 305-306 Saint-Roch, Patrick Correspondance de Giovanni Battista de Rossi et de Louis Duchesne (1873-1894), rev, 119-121 Saints as athletae Christi, 279 in the Italian City-states, 788-790 Salerno, spread of heretical teachings in, 5-6 Salviati, Florentine merchant famUy, 93 Salvio da Bagnoli,Ambrogio testimony of, 5 Sânchezjosé M. rev. OfA. Alvarez Bolado, 502-503 rev. OfW A. Christianjr., 501-502 San Diego de Alcalá arguments Ui favor of canonization, 704-705 and the PoUtics of Saint-making in Counter- Reformation Europe, 691-715 "Santa Maria del Fiore: the Cathedral and Its Sculpture" as theme of international symposium, 544 SantichJan Joseph, O.S.B. Missio Moscovítica: The Role ofthefesuits in the Westernization ofRussia, rev, 344-345 Sapientie Immarcessibilis, 91-93 Sargent, Steven D. rev. of K. Schreiner, editor, 786-788 rev. of R. N. Swanson, 785-786 Saxony, tradition of complaints of clerics' misuse of power in, 456 Scala, Bartolomeo exhorted the faithful to practice penitential mortification, 3 Schäfer, Christoph Das Simultaneum: Ein Staatskirchen- rechtliches, politisches und theologisches Problem des alten Reiches, rev, 109-110 Schiefen, R. J. rev. of M. Heimann, 488-489 Schlabach, Theron on American Mennonites and Amish, 132 Schlafly.DanielL.Jr. "Father Demetrius A. GaUitzin: Son of the Russian EnUghtenment," 716-725 Schneider, A. Gregory The Way of the Cross Leads Home: The Domestication ofAmerican Methodism, rev, 134-135 Schoenberg, Wilfred E, SJ. fesuit Mission Presses in the Pacific Northwest:A History and Bibliography of Imprints, 1876-1899, b.n., 170-171 Scholastic Humanism and the Unification of Europe, Vol. I: Foundations, 307-308 Schools of Christian Doctrine, 16 Schrader, WiUiam C. rev. of C. Schäfer, 109-110 Schreiner, Klaus, editor Laienfrömmigkeit im späten Mittelalter: Formen, Funktionen, politisch-soziale Zusammenhänge, rev, 786-788 Schrembs,Joseph, Archbishop Battle to Obtain Public Assistance for the Parochial Schools of Cleveland During the Great Depression, 428-451 Schuchard, Christine shrinking employment opportunities available to Germans in Rome, 94 SchwaUerJohn F. rev. ofW B. Taylor, 808-810 Science and Civilisation in China, 596-597 Scotland, the medieval Church in, 781-782 Scott, Karen "Imagery of Conversion and PoUtical Action: Catherine of Siena in Early Modern Italian Religious Writing," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 Scott,John, O.S.B. member of the Committee on Program, 542 Scott, T. Kermit Augustine. His Thought in Context, rev, 749-750 Scottish Ecclesiastical Rentals at the Reforma- tion, 100-101 Seeleyjo Ann Browning rev. ofT. Tackett, 482-484 GENERAL INDEX Segura, Pedro, archbishop of SeviUe, Cardinal considered episcopal oath as flagrant GaUicanism and a disgraceful humiliation for the Church, 214 suppression of pastoral letter of, 2 1 3 who first publicly chaUenged the apparent drift of the regime toward a fascist model, Simonsohn, Shlomo The Apostolic See and theJews, 75-80 Sin and Censorship: The Catholic Church and the Motion Picture Industry, 528-529 Sisters of Charity in Cleveland (1928), 433 Senyk, Sophia A History of the Church in Ukraine, Volume I: To the End of the Thirteenth Century, rev., 733-735 Seper, Franjo Cardinal "Instruction" to the heads of all episcopal conferences, 238 Seripando, Girolamo, 1-19 tual in Cleveland (1925), 433 Sixtus Y Pope canonization of San Diego de Alcalá and saUing of the Spanish Armada,713-715 Slade, Carole St. Teresa ofAvila:Author of a Heroic Life, rev, 102-103 Smith, W. Barry "American Catholic PhUosophy Confronts the Age of Modernism: WUUam Turner, Bishop of Buffalo, as Philosophical Historian," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 212 concerned with moral reformation and inner renewal, 3 Serra,Junípero defense of role in California of, 509-510 SevUle, suppression of CathoUc associations in, 212 Sexuality in the Confessional:A Sacrament Profaned, 340-341 Shaffern, Robert W rev. of M. E. Goodich, 319-320 Shakers, essay on history in Indiana of, 513 Shaw, Christine how Italian poUtical exiles faired in Renaissance Rome, 94 ShedelJames rev. ofj. W. Boyer, 121-122 Sheehan, Patrick A. popular Irish noveUst, 492-494 SheetzJessica "Catholic Progress in London:A PubUc-Private Partnership, the Poor Law Guardians, and CathoUc Religious Congregations," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 261 Shehan, Lawrence Cardinal response to inquiry of Ottaviani of, 244 Shiels, Richard D. rev. ofA. G. Schneider, 134-135 Shippsjan Mormon conviction that they are the restoration of the New Testament church, 1 32 Shirleyjanet, translator and editor The Song of the Cathar Wars:A History of the Albigensian Crusade, rev, 312-313 Sicut Iudaeis cornerstone laid by the papacy for the protection of the Jews, 80 Siedlarzjan Kirche und Staat im kommunistischen Polen, 1945-1989, rev, 503-504 Siena College twelfth miiltidisiplinary confer- ence on World War II, 175 Silvius, Aeneas (later Pope Pius II) visit to the shrine of Archbishop Thomas Becket, 286 Simons, Francis, Bishop of Indore, India advocation of a utilitarian or consensus ap- proach, 248 Sisters of StJoseph in Cleveland (1926), 433 Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament, 45 Sisters of the Third Order of Franciscan Conven- 260 SmyUeJames H. rev. of D. L. Dreisbach, editor, 507-509 "Societies of Doing Good," 648 Society ofJesus. See «¿so Jesuits among religious orders, fewest number of seduction cases investigated by the Inquisition concerned, 340 as a kind of scholarly and humanitarian association, 632 history of recent congregations of, 168- 169 in Ireland, Scotland, and England 1541-1588, 805-806 Society of Saint Vincent de Paul commemoration of the founding of the, 180 Society of the Holy ChUd Jesus commemoration of the founding of the, 180-181 Socinianism,331 Soergel, PhUip rev. ofW D. Myers, 466-468 Solberg,Winton uses of an idealized past time among EnUghtenment thinkers, 132 SommerfeldtJohn R. rev. of Bernhard von Clairvaux, 777-778 Somorjai, Adam, O.S.B. rev of P G. Bozsóky and L. Lukács, 130-131 The Sorcerer'sApprentice: the Life ofFranz von Papen, 497-499 Southern, David W. John LaFarge and the Limits of Catholic Interracialism, 1911-1963, rev, 525-526 Southern, R. W. Scholastic Humanism and the Unification ofEurope,\o\. I: Foundations, rev, 307-308 Spain constitution of 1931 separated church and state for first time, 207 proposals for a new concordat in 1968, 215 reUgion and society in ca. 1492, 324-325 GENERAL INDEX role of clergy in CivU War, 502-503 Spalding, Thomas W , and Kathryn M. Kuranda St. Vincent de Paul ofBaltimore: The Story of a People and Their Home, rev, 137-138 Spalding, Thomas, CEX. rev. of R Armstrong, C.S.C, 147-148 Spanish CarmeUtes of the Ancient Observance, 735-736 Spanish RepubUc, Second politicians committed to regalism, 207 visions and visionaries in, 501-502 Speculum Majus as basis for syntheses of reU- gious art history, 402 SpeUman, Francis Cardmal, 240 SperberJonathan rev. of C Kösters, 496-497 Speyer, regulation of marriage in, 99 spirituali why failed to be more effective in promoting church reforms, 456 SpirituaUsts, essay on history m Indiana of, 513 Spitz, Lewis W, and Barbara Sher Tinsley, translators John Ross, Bishop of CarUsle, 1 325- 1 332, rev, 89-90 Strassburg, use of Heido/Drenss legal suit to illuminate changing situation in, 456 Studia Borromaica papers presented at the Accademia di San Carlo in MUan, 549-550 SturmJohann on education: the Reformation and Humanist Learning, 337-338 StyUtes, Simeon The Lives of, 753 SuUivan, Mary C Catherine McAuley and the Tradition of Mercy, rev, 112-113 SuUivan, Richard E. rev of R. McKitterick, 302-305 SuUivan, Richard E., editor "The Gentle Voices ofTeachers:"Aspects of Learning in the CaroUngian Age, rev. , 762-766 Sun, Raymond C. "Catholic-Marxist Competition in the WorkingClass Parishes of Cologne During the Weimar Republic," 20-43 Johann Sturm on Education: The Reformation and Humanist Learning, rev, 337-338 Spufford, Margaret, editor The World ofRural Dissenters, 1520- 1 725, rev, 802-803 Stafford, WUUam S. rev. of L. W. Spitz and B. S. Tinsley, translators, Swanson, R. N. Religion and Devotion in Europe, c. 1215c. 15 15, rev, 785-786 Swedenborgians, essay on history in Indiana of, Stalls, Clay Possessing the Land:Aragon's Expansion into Islam's Ebro Frontier underAlfonso the Battler, 1104-1134, rev, 776-777 Standaert, Nicolas, SJ. description of major paradigm shift in historiography of Christianity in China, 570 "New Trends in the Historiography of Christianity in China," 573-613 Stanley, Susie on the Church of God, 132 Stark, Rodney The Rise of Christianity.A Sociologist Reconsiders History, rev., 739-741 Steinhauser, Kenneth B. rev. ofV Burrus, 752-753 Stella, Pietro Il giansenismo in Italia, Vol. II/I: Roma: La bolla "Auctorem fidei" (1794) nella storia dell'ultramontanismo. Saggio introduttivo e documenti, rev, 110-111 Steltenkamp, Michael, SJ. rev. ofC HoUer, 140-141 Stevens Arroyo, Anthony M. rev. of G. Pizzorusso, 807-808 Stinger, Charles how humanists created an image of Rome, 93 Storey, R. L. , editor The Register ofJohn Kirkby, Bishop of Carlisle, 1332-1352, and the Register of ican CathoUc Bishops, 233-257 Symeon the Holy Fool: Leontius's Life and the Late Antique City, 761-762 Synod of Bishops, plenary assembly of the first worldwide, 238 Synod of Thurles, 479 Syria history and reUgion in late antique, 746-748 Syriac Christianity and Islam relationship between during the seventh and eighth Christian centuries, 747 337-338 513 Swiss Forest Cantons, why they remained CathoUc, 455 'SyUabus'from Rome, 1966-1968, and the Amer- Taborites' anticlericalism, 455 Tackett, Timothy Becoming a Revolutionary: The Deputies of the French NationalAssembly and the Emergence ofa Revolutionary Culture, rev, 482-484 Talmud, attack on, 82 Tampa's Ybor City immigrants manifested an anticlericaüsm seldom matched in the United States, 518 Tanzone, Daniel F. awarded medal Pro Ecclesia et Pontífice, 181 Tardiff, Mary, O.P., editor At Home in the World: The Letters of Thomas Merton & Rosemary Radford Ruether, b.n., 171-172 GENERAL INDEX Taylor, WUUam B. Magistrates of the Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighteenth Century Mexico, rev., 808-810 Tedeschijohn rev. of S. Caponetto, 330-331 Teja, Frank de la given the Carlos Castañeda Award, 829 Templars, Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights: Images of the Military Orders, 1128-1291, 780-781 Temple, A History of the Order of the, 779-780 Tender, Leslie Woodcock rev. of R. A. Orsi, 526-528 Tender, Thomas rev. OfM. C. Mansfield, 309-31 1 Teresa of AvUa, Samt, 102-103 and the PoUtics of Sanctity, 338-339 Tergel,Alf Church and Society in the Modem Age, rev, 292-293 Teske, Roland, SJ. St. Augustine. Arianism and Other Heresies, b.n., 159 Texas CathoUc Historical Society annual meeting, 351 Theatine Spirituality: Selected Writings, 328329 "Theodore Roosevelt and the Dawn of the 'American Century'" multidisciplinary conference on, 175 Thibodaux, Sylvia "The Holy FamUy Sisters' Perspective," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 259 Third Republic Iof France] , Republican and Catholic, 404 Thomas, Samuel J. "After Vatican CouncU ILThe American Catholic Bishops and the 'SyUabus' from Rome, 1966-1968," 233-257 Thomas Hardy and the Church, 491-492 Thomism, three divisions before Vatican CouncU II of, 532 Thomist revival, brief general history of, 409-410 "Through Multiple Lenses: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the History of Women ReUgious" conference to be held at Loyola University Chicago, 545 Tierney, Brian rev. OfW. Ockham, 87-89 "Time and Space Ui Women's Lives in Early Modern Europe" conference to be held on, 820 Tiraboschi, Girolamo on very learned contribution of Campi to Ecclesiastical History of Piacenza, 277 Tolanjohn Victor, editor Medieval Christian Perceptions ofIslam:A Book ofEssays, rev, 766-768 Toledo, OhioJoseph Schrembs first bishop of, 429 Tolton, August, Father celebration of centenary of the death of, 819-820 TouUelan, Pierre-Yves Missionnaires au quotidien à Tahiti. Les Picpusiens en Polynésie au XIX' siècle, rev., 157-158 Toulouse, University of, 92 Usting of fourteenth century professors at, 790-791 Toussaint, Pierre beatification of, 356-357 Tradition and Authority Ui the Reformation, 798-800 Trappist monastery at ChanceUor's Point Ui Talbot county legend, 505 "Tridentine Reformation," 329 Trinitarians congress being held Ui observance of the eighth centenary of the approval of the rule of the, 821-822 Trisco, Robert ex officio chairman of the ACHA Committee on Investments, 173 Report of the Secretary and Treasurer, 264-270 Troy,John Thomas, Archbishop of Dublin, 111-112 Troyes during the French Wars of ReUgion, 334-335 Tudela, WUUam of The Song of the Cathar Wars:A History of the Albigensian Crusade, rev, 312-313 Tudor Traditionalist Polemics, 1535-1558, 462-463 Twisted Cross: The German Christian Move- ment in the Third Reich, 499-500 Tyndale, WUUam "Let There Be Ught" exhibit, 819 thesis that edited A compendious olde treatyse, 803-804 Übelhör, Monika external element is accepted only U it joins an internal movement of a specific culture, 607 Ubi Arcano Dei, 123 UgheUi, Ferdinando Italia Sacra, 277, 279 Ukraine, a history of the Church in, 733-735 Ulpts, Ingo Die Bettelorden in Mecklenburg: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Franziskaner, Klarissen, Dominikaner undAugustiner-Eremiten im Mittelalter, rev, 315-317 Unfinished Encounter: China and Christianity, 588 Unitarians Ui nineteenth-century England, 114-115 United Brethren, essay on history in Indiana of, 513 GENERAL INDEX UppalJamshedY. appointed to ACHA Committee on Investments, 173 Urbanski, Maryann, 269 Urban VI, Pope election of, 226 Urban VUI, Pope brief Britannia (1631) of, 349 problems that encountered concerning the overseas Church, 289-290 U.S. CathoUc Historian, 181,359,551 Uzhorod Union, commemoration of the 350th anniversary of the, 177 Vagnozzi, Egidio, 240 ValdésJuan de writings of a disciple of, 806-807 Valencia, pastoral visits in, 796-797 Valignano, Alessandro as Visitor to the East, 658-660 Van Mingroot, Erik Sapientie Immarcessibilis.A Diplomatic and Comparative Study of the Bull ofFoundation of the University ofLouvain, rev., 91-93 Várela, Félix, Padre commemorative postage stamp of, 822-823 Vatican CouncU II consequences for conservatives of, 531 532 international conference on "Decrees, Experience, and Event," 174 official delegation representing the government of Israel at opening and closing of, 77 Veiled Desire, Augustine on Women, 750-75 1 Vibiana, Saint removal of the remains of, 179 Vidal i Barraquer, Francesc pressured to accept a transfer to either Zaragoza or Burgos, 207 Vienna, 1897-1918 Christian Socialism in Power in, 121-122 VUlalon, L. J. Andrew "San Diego de Alcalá and the PoUtics of Saintmaking in Counter-Reformation Europe," 691-715 VUlanova University, 1842-1992, 138-140 Vincentian Heritage, 360 VioUet-le-Duc as discoverer of the Gothic "world," 412 "Virgin and the Devil in the New World: ReUgious Encounters in Latin America," University of New Mexico conference, 542-543 visions and visionaries in the Second Spanish Republic, 501-502 Wagner, Karen T. "Cum aliquis venerit ad sacerdotem: Liturgy and the Development of Penance m the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," paper given at ACHA 77th annual meeting, 260 Walsh, Micheline Kerney An Exile ofIreland: Hugh O'Neill, Prince of Ulster, b.n., 172 Wang Zheng, "Standing in Awe of Heaven and Loving Other People," 62 1 Ward, Thomas E The Search for, 519-520 Warner, Michael Changing Witness: Catholic Bishops and Public Policy, 1917-1994, rev, 146-147 Warren, Ann K. rev. of R. GUchrist, 165 Waugh, Scott L, and Peter D. Diehl Christendom and Its Discontents:Exclusion, Persecution, and Rebellion, 1000-1500, rev., 769-771 Weaver, Mary Jo, and R. Scott Appleby, editors Being Right: Conservative Catholics in America, rev, 531-534 Webb, Diana Patrons and Defenders: The Saints in the Italian City-states, rev, 788-790 Webb, Robert K. appraises the Quakers and Unitarians, 115 Weber, Francis J. rev. ofD. C. Cutter, 162-163 rev. of F. Walsh, 528-529 WebsterJiU R. rev. of M. M. Cárcel Ortí andJ.V Boscá Codina, 796-797 Weimar region of Saxony laity viewed their Lutheran clergy negatively, 460 Wesleyan Church, essay on history Ui Indiana of, 513 WestminsterAbbey and the Plantagenets: Kingship and the Representation ofPower, 1200- 1400, 311-312 Wheeler, Arthur, C.S.C rev. ofW. P. Schoenberg, S J, 170-171 Whitejames D. Diary of a Frontier Bishop: TheJournals of Théophile Meerschaert, rev, 522 WhiteJoseph M. rev. ofL. C. Rudolph, 512-514 White Lotus Teachings association with Christianity, 581 Wiestjean-Paul "Bringing Christ to the Nations: Shifting Models of Mission Among Jesuits Ui China," 654-690 rev. ofD. H. Bays,8l4-816 WijnhovenJoseph, editor Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland. Volume Wacker, Grant on the Pentecostals, 132 VOjy.Nuntlus Pier Luigi Carafa (1631 fanuar-1 632 Dezember), rev, 107-108 GENERAL INDEX Wilken, Robert L. rev. ofA. Brent, 294-295 Williams, Caroline A. rev. of D. A. Brading, 810-811 WiUiams, Daniel H. Ambrose ofMilan and the End of the Arian- rev. of M. Barber, 779-780 Zaleski, Alexander, Bishop of Lansing, 235-254 Zanca, Kenneth J. , editor American Catholics and Slavery: 1789-1866. An Anthology ofPrimary Documents, rev, 510-512 Nicene Conflicts, rev, 295-296 Zaragoza editors Zebrero, Ausías Izquierdo play oí Lucero de Nuestra Salvación, 537 Zeenderjohn Wimbush,Vincent L., and Richard Valantasis, Asceticism, rev. Wiseman, Nicholas Cardinal, 488 WitekJohnW.SJ. rev. ofj. Ruiz-de-Medina, SJ., 156-157 WoU", Kenneth Baxter rev. ofj. A. Coope, 306-307 WoUfeJonn essay on "Anglicanism" by, 1 1 5 rev. of F. Knight, 484-485 Wolkovich-Valkavicius, WiUiam inducted into the Order of Gediminas, 829 Women and Popular Resistance to the Reforms of Henry VIII, 463-464 Women and the Religious Life in Premodern Europe, 298-299 Women's Devotion to the Patron Saint of Hopeless Causes, 526-528 Lives in early Modern Europe, 820 reUgious aspirations in medieval Europe, 770 women under monasticism, 500-1500, 298299 "The World of Innocent III" international confer- ence, 352 WorthJohn E., translator and editor The Strugglefor the Georgia Coast:An Eighteenth-Century Spanish Retrospective on Guale and Mocama, rev, 133-134 Wyclif's foUowers' anticlericalism, 455 Xavier, Francis, Saint rejection of collusion between European colonial expansion and conversion to Christianity, 660 Yang, C. K. "diffuse reUgion" model of, 630 Yoder, Howard can appropriation of an ideal past deny the value of history?, 131-132 Yonke, Eric John rev. OfW. Haider, 117-118 Young, Percy M. Elgar, Newman and "The Dream ofGerontius":In the Tradition ofEnglish Catholicism, rev, 118-119 Zäh, Helmut, and SUvia Strodel, editors P.Matthäus Rader SJ., Volume 1: 1595-1612, rev, 345-346 Zajac, WUUam G. Muslim taifa conquest of, 776 rev. of N. D. Cary, 494-495 Zeitschriftfür Schweizerische Kirchengeschichte articles in ninetieth volume of, 358-359 Zhendan University in Shanghai, 654-655, 665681. See also Aurore Zibawi, Mahmoud Eastern Christian Worlds, rev., 732-733 Zielinski, Martin rev. of D. W. Southern, 525-526 ZorUla, Alfonso pubUshed first treatise on preaching Ui Italy that broke with the medieval style, 2 Zürcher, Erik comments on nature of conflict of Christian- ity witti seventeenth-century Chinese culture, 57 "Confucian and Christian ReUgion in Late Ming China," 614-653 The Catholic Historical Review VOL. LXXXIIIOCTOBER, 1997NoA CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA Introduction Thirty years ago, the study of the history of Christianity in China was still a peripheral field of mission history which was viewed from an overwhelmingly European perspective. The field was very marginal to the major concerns of China historians and Sinologists, and research was done mainly by reUgious scholars and lay mission historians. Chinese scholars contributed few works to the field, and these were little read outside of China. Mainstream China scholars tended to regard the history of Christianity in China as a fairly insignificant field, and this view was reinforced by the belief that Christianity had been largely destroyed by the antireligious movement of the Chinese Cultural Revo- lution (I966-I976). The experience of Christianity was viewed as a byproduct of European expansion and as a passing event in the great span of Chinese history. The above views have now been revised. The Christian churches in mainland China were not exterminated in the Cultural Revolution. They suffered persecution and were driven underground in a manner that made them imperceptible to observers outside of China. After the Cultural Revolution ended, these churches began to re-emerge, although both Catholic and Protestant churches remain divided today into official and underground bodies. The re-emergence of these Christian churches as a vital and growing force in China has been important to the study of the history of Christianity there. It forces us to view that history within an ongoing chronological framework whose projected growth increases its significance in Chinese history. Numerous works published since 1968 have recast the history of Christianity in China into an increasingly mainstream concern of China historians. 569 570INTRODUCTION In 1992 the Ricci Institute of the University of San Francisco sponsored a symposium on the Chinese Rites Controversy. Prominent mainstream China scholars, such as Professors Wm. Theodore de Bary of Columbiajonathan Spence of Yale, and Erik Zürcher of Leiden, partici- pated in a program aimed at viewing this heretofore narrow topic of the Chinese rites in a broader light. These papers were eventually published as The Chinese Rites Controversy: Its History and Meaning ("Monumenta Sérica Monograph Series," Vol. 30 [Nettetal, Germany, 1994]). One notable deficiency of the Rites Controversy Symposium was the small number of Chinese scholars who were able to take part. This deficiency was rectified by choosing Hong Kong as the site of another symposium devoted to the theme of the history of Christianity in China. This symposium was cosponsored by Baylor University, Hong Kong Baptist University, the Ricci Institute of the University of San Francisco, and the Henry Luce Foundation. It took place in Hong Kong on October 2-4, 1996, and its participants were evenly balanced between Chinese and non-Chinese scholars, between CathoUcs and Protestants, and between clerical and lay scholars. Papers were presented in either Chinese or English with simultaneous translation into the other language. Because of the broad range of the topics and the editorial problems that would have been engendered by pubUshing the papers in Chinese and EngUsh, it was decided by the organizers that a symposium volume was not feasible. Nevertheless, the quaUty of the papers was so exceptional, that we endeavored to locate an eminent academic journal wining to publish a selection of the papers in English. We have been delighted that the editor of The Catholic Historical Review has been willing to publish three of the twenty papers presented. We hope that this sampling of papers will give the readers some understanding of the state and quality of current research and of the growing importance of this field in history. The first paper is "New Trends in the Historiography of Christianity in China," by Reverend Professor Nicolas Standaert, SJ. , a young Jesuit scholar at the KathoUeke Universiteit Leuven (Belgium). He describes the major paradigm shift in recent years from a mainly missiological and Eurocentric to a Sinological and Sinocentric approach. In addition, Father Standaert contrasts the methodological approach of positivist history found in China and Europe with the interpretive, narrative history found in the United States. The second paper is "Confucian and introduction571 Christian Religiosity in Late Ming China" by Professor Zürcher of Leiden University (Netherlands), one of Europe's leading Sinologists. He argues that Christianity was in cultural conflict with seventeenth-century Chinese culture, because it was at odds with the role of personal religion in the life of the Confucian literati. He argues that the Jesuits introduced into Chinese literati culture a special type of "Mediterranean" religion whose ecclesiastical authority was completely alien to China. The third paper, "Bringing Christ to the Nations: Shifting Models of Mission among Jesuits in China," is by Dr. Jean-Paul Wiest of the Center for Mission Research and Study at MaryknoU (New York). The famous pioneering Jesuit in China, Matteo Ricci, had forged a missionary model of accommodation which enabled indigenous peoples to express their faith within their own culture. Whereas Ricci found God in the Confu- cian classics, the early twentieth-century French Jesuits refused to adapt the Gospel to China. At Zhendan (Aurora) University of Shanghai they conducted classes in French rather than Chinese, because they believed that the civiUzing power of French culture would draw the Chinese to Christ and rebuUd China. The Symposium papers and participants not included in this selection are as foUows (with Chinese surnames given in capital letters): Daniel H. Bays (Lawrence, Kansas), "Chen Chonggui and the Evolution of Twentieth-Century Chinese Protestantism" ¡Timothy Brook (Toronto), "Religion for Confucians: The Buddhism of Dong Qichang, the Christianity of Xu Guangqi"; Claudia von Collani (Würzburg), "KiUan Stumpf and the Chinese Rites Controversy after 1710"; Ralph CoveU (Denver), "The Chinese Message in China: Were Catholics and Protestants on the Same Page?"; LI Tiangang (Shanghai), "Buddhist or Confucian, the Cultural Difference in Lingnan and Jiangnan" (in Chinese); Edward J. Malatesta, SJ. (San Francisco), "An Historical-Theological Essay on China and the Jesuits"; Eugenio Menegon (Berkeley), "Surinama Tragoedia. ReUgious and PoUtical Martyrdom in the Yongzheng Period"; D. E. MungeUo (Waco, Texas), "Christianity in the Capital of Shandong Province, ca. 1650-1725"; Peter NG Tze-ming (Hong Kong) and Philip LEUNG Yuen-sang (Hong Kong), "Perspectives on Paradoxes: Some Thoughts on Christian Higher Education in Modern China" (in Chinese); Lauren F. Pfister (Hong Kong), "The Way Is One, but its Expressions Are Many: Nineteenth-Century Protestant Influences on Ruist (Confucian) Spirituality in Guangzhou"; Paul A. Rule (Melbourne, AustraUa),"The History of Christianity in China in the Light of Theology of ReUgions"; R. G. Tiedemann (London), "The Changing Role of Christian 572INTRODUCTION Missions in Shandong, China, 1860-1945"; Peter WANG Chen-main (Taiwan), "Keeping Balance between the Church and the State—the Ef- forts of David Yui in the Turbulent 1920s" (in Chinese)"; WANG Mei-xiu (Beijing), "John L. Nevius' System and the Churches in China" (in Chinese); XU Rulei (Nanjing), "The Contextualization of Chinese Christianity" (in Chinese); ZHANG Kai-yuan (Wuhan), "The Historical Fate of Chinese Church-Related Universities—Using the Papers of M. S. Bates as Documentary Evidence" (in Chinese); and ZHUO Xinping (Beijing), "The Figurists and the Acknowledgment of SimUarities in Chinese and Western Cultures" (in Chinese). Commentary was provided by G. Bertuccioli (Rome), A. Camps, O.F.M. (Nijmegen, Netherlands), Jean Charbonnier, M.E.R (Paris), Wayne Flynt (Auburn, Alabama), Jane Kate Leonard (Akron, Ohio), K. C. Liu (Davis, California), Philip L. Wickeri (Nanjing and Hong Kong), John D. Youngt (Hong Kong), and (Carver YU Tatsan (Hong Kong). D. E. Mungeixo, Symposium Director Baylor University Edward J. Malatesta, SJ., Symposium Editorial Coordinator Ricci Institute, University of San Francisco NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA Nicolas Standaert, S.J.* In this article I wiU attempt to discern new trends in the historiography of Christianity in China. I wUl take the major paradigm shift achieved in recent years as a starting point. This shift was from a mainly missiological and Eurocentric to a Sinological and Sinocentric approach. By connecting this shift with the discussion around OrientaUsm, I wUl underscore the advantages of this shift, but also the possible limits. In a second part I wiU discuss some major methodological questions: positivist and textual history (China, Europe) versus interpretative and narrative history (United States). In addition, in a third programmatic section, new topics of research will be indicated. These topics are inspired by developments in the study of history in general. Finally, different interpretative schemes will be discussed: Was Christianity a type of cultural contact, a factor in the modernization, a marginal religion, a civilizing project, or an encounter with the other? The purpose of this presentation is neither to give a fuU synthesis of aU that has been achieved, nor to present an overaU conclusion, but rather to stimulate a discussion about the way in which we study Christianity in China. In this article I wUl limit my examples mainly to the preeighteenth century. Most of the remarks, however, can be extended to post-eighteenth century as weU. 1. Major Paradigm Shift In the last twenty-five years an important paradigm shift took place in the study of Christianity in China. In general, this shift can be described 'Father Standaert is professor of Chinese Studies in the Catholic University of Leuven. He wishes to express his gratitude to Dr.A.Dudink,Dr.N.Golves,Dr.C.Jami,and Professor J. Tollebeek for their comments on an earlier version of this text. 573 574NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA as a change from a mainly missiological and Eurocentric to a Sinological and Sinocentric approach. This shift was expressed by a change in methodology, in the nature of research subjects, and the background of the historians themselves. Until the beginning of the 1960s, the main question that occupied the attention of historians was the question of presentation: "What did the missionaries do to introduce and proclaim Christianity in China? How effective were the missionaries and what means did they use? "The historians were interested in the overaU success of the missionaries, the ways by which they led the Chinese to Christianity, and the extent of the influence of Western science and art. Through the introduction of missiology as a theological discipline in the 1920s and 1930s, researchers wanted to know whether the Chinese experience was representative of a certain missiological approach (especiaUy after World War II with the discussion around the terms "accommodation" and "adaptation"). Research focused on the activities of the missionaries. As a result, many studies of the famous missionaries Matteo Ricci, Adam SchaU von BeU, and Ferdinand Verbiest were pubUshed. It is not surpris- ing that each of these missionaries was studied primarily, but not exclu- sively, by fellow countrymen (e.g., respectively by P. M. d'Elia, A. Väth, H. Bosmans). Texts in Western languages (letters, travel-stories) formed the most important source of information. Chinese sources were not always neglected, but were rarely objects of a distinct study, unless they were texts written by missionaries. Interest in the reaction of the Chinese was mostly limited to their support of the missionaries. Chinese historians, such as Fang Hao, paid more attention to Chinese authors, and consequently to Chinese sources, but on the whole shared the same missiological approach. GraduaUy some changes took place and a new perspective was added to this study. The new question that attracted the attention of historians was that of reception: "How did the Chinese accept Christianity or Western sciences? How did they react toward the missionaries?" Their attention was not limited to positive reception, but included the study of anti-Christian movements. Now the Chinese texts became the primary source of research. Some research continued to be missiological in nature, but followed the new perspective by shifting the focus of its interest to the local (indigenous) churches. Another major development was the background of the historians. Until the early seventies, a considerable number of them were members of a religious congregation and they were graduaUy replaced by lay people who were most often weU trained in Chinese studies. The definitive breakthrough of BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.575 the Sinological approach to Christianity in China was the stimulating work of Jacques Gernet, Chine et christianisme (1982). The renaming of the China-Mission Studies (1550-1800) Bulletin (founded in 1979) as the Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal in 1990 summarizes this paradigm shift well. Since several scholars, such as Paul Rule and Erik Zürcher, have pointed out the characteristics of this shift in detail,1 1 wiU not describe it further. It should be stressed, however, that this shift is not unique to the field of Christianity in China. As Paul Cohen has shown with his concept of "China-centered history of China,"2 the paradigm shift took place in Sinology at large and was preceded by simUar shifts in the history of contact between cultures.3 Yet, I am of the opinion that the paradigm-shift also raises two new questions. The first question is one of hermeneutics (from which perspective do we study Christianity in China?); the second pertains to the research object itself (what are we finaUy studying?). /. /. Hermeneutic Question The question related to hermeneutics can be best approached from the discussion concerning the notion of "Orientalism." Although Edward Said focused on the Middle East to show how OrientaUsm was a "Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient,"4 one could easUy transpose his analysis to Chinese studies. 1Cf. Paul Rule, "Chinese-Centered Mission History," in J. Heyndrickx (ed.), Historiogra- phy of the Chinese Catholic Church (Leuven, 1994), pp. 52-59; Erik Zurcher,"From Jesuit Studies to Western Learning," in Europe Studies China: Papers from an International Conference on the History ofEuropean Sinology (London, 1995), pp. 264-279; Nicolas Standaert/Tnculturation and Chinese-Christian Contacts in the Late Ming and Early Qing," Ching Feng, 34 (1991), 209-227; see also Daniel Bays "Preface" to D. H. Bays (ed.), Chris- tianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present (Stanford, 1996). 2Paul A. Cohen, Discovering History in China: American Historical Writing on the Recent Chinese Past (New York, 1984). 'Well-known books on overseas history from the viewpoint of its victims are: Dee Alexander Brown, Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee: An Indian History of the American West (New York, 1970); Nathan Wachtel, La vision des vaincus: Les indiens du Pérou devant la conquête espagnole (1530-1570) (Paris, 1971); The Vision of the Vanquished (New York, 1977);Amin Maalouf.Zes croisades vues par les arabes (Paris, 1983); The Crusades through Arab Eyes (London, 1984); Serge Gruzinski, La colonisation de l'imaginaire; Sociétés indigènes et occidentalisation dans la Mexique espagnol XVTXVIII- siècle (Paris, 1988). 'Edward W Said, OrientaUsm: Western Conceptions of the Orient (London, 1995 reprint with new Afterword), p. 3- 576NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA The early missionaries writing about China, the later missiologists analyzing these sources, and also the Sinologists had "a specific complicity with imperial power."5 The reason was that "The scientist, the scholar, the missionary, the trader, or the soldier was in, or thought about, the Orient because he could be there, or could think about it, with very little resistance on the Orient's part."6 One can find very concrete examples of OrientaUsm for the study of Christianity in China. M. Hue's work Le christianisme en Chine, en Tartaric et au Thibet, for instance, stands out as a work with such an ex- pUcit OrientaUst approach. Christianity in China is seen as a primary concern for "la France cathoUque" which is linked directly to "la France poUtique."7 Moreover, the paradigm shift in the study of Christianity in China (or resistance against it) confirms also that scholars in the field became conscious of their Orientalist approach. It is no surprise that the paradigm shift occurred precisely at the moment of decolonization. While agreeing with most of this analysis,8 1 would also like to take into account some criticism of Said's possible one-sidedness. Simon Leys, for instance, does not agree that the notion of an other' culture is of questionable use, as it seems to end inevitably in selfcongratulation, or hostility and aggression. Leys says, "From the great Jesuit scholars of the sixteenth century down to the best sinologists of today, we can see that there was never a more powerful antidote to the '/&/«/., p. 342. "Ibid. ,p. 7. 'Evariste Regis Hue, Le christianisme en Chine, en Tartarie et au Thibet (4 vols.;Paris, 1857-1858). The preface (pp. vii-ix) links the expansion of Christianity to Western expansion as a result of inventions of steam and electricity. It also calls for France's role in the competition for the nations:"Il n'est peut-être pas inopportun d'appeler l'attention de la France sur la haute Asie. Il n'est pas trop tôt pour se préparer aux grands événements qui peuvent déjà se prévoir. Si la France veut conserver le rang qu'elle occupe dans le monde, elle doit examiner attentivement les symptômes de la crise asiatique, étudier ces populations lointaines, et rechercher la position qu'il lui conviendra de prender, lorsque le moment d'agir sera venu. Il faut le dire, car nous sommes profondément convaincu qu'il y a pas de temps à perdre, d'autres nations [such as Great Britain] sont déjà pré- parées dès longtemps à exercer une influence considérable sur les affaires de l'extrême Orient." English translation: Christianity in China, Tartary and Thibet (New York, 1887). "Besides the political and social framework in which Sinology developed, the biographical element in the history of European Sinology cannot be neglected. The preference of a scholar for one or another facet of Chinese culture is sometimes linked with the personal biography of the author. Cf. Herbert Franke, "In Search of China: Some General Remarks on the History of European Sinology," in Europe Studies China, pp. 17-18. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.577 temptation of Western ethnocentrism than the study of Chinese civilization."9 In her thought-provoking work Occidentalism, Chen Xiaomei continues in the same line of thought: "To simply dismiss the works of Pound, Kingston, Polo, Ricci, Waley and Snyder as expressions of Orientalism is to erase a better part of cross-cultural literary history and communication."10 In her view, it is more important to discover how these works, as weU as their Chinese counterparts, have their roots in both Occidentalism and OrientaUsm. Applying Chen's analysis to the seventeenth century, one could state that Ricci's Diary, for instance, is not only the result of a distant ob- server who merely reconstructs China entirely in terms of his own Christian Expedition. It is also the result of nearly thirty years of the interaction with Chinese who presented Chinese society and thought as they themselves wanted to present it. SimUarly, Xu Guangqi's construction of the West is the result of both his own strategies for rebuUding the state and the information he got from the missionaries. Therefore, Xu Guangqi's texts can be labeled with Chen Xiaomei's term'OccidentaUsm," which is "the (Chinese) construction of the West." Chen points out that this discursive practice shares with OrientaUsm many ideological techniques and strategies." Therefore, the shift from Western sources to Chinese sources in the study of Christianity in China should be evaluated with an equally critical approach, since both types of discourses are subjected to power. One can agree with Chen Xiaomei's opinion that the binary oppositions Orient/Occident and Self/Other can therefore best be viewed as in a constant and continuing dialogue. Such a critical approach of Chinese sources may weU lead to a rediscovery of the importance of Western sources, for instance, so as to treat them in mutual complementarity. Western sources are ideal sources for the study of self-understanding and the understanding of the other.12 'Simon Leys, "Orientalism and Sinology," in The Burning Forest (London, 1988), p. 98 (originally in Asia Studies Association ofAustralia Review, April, 1994). I0Chen Xiaomei, Occidentalism: A Theory of Counter-Discourse in Post-Mao China (Oxford and New York, 1995), p. 100; for a discussion of "occidentalism" see also "Bianyuan—zhongxin—dongfang—xiiang" [Periphery—Center—East—West], Dushu, I (1994), 146-152. "Chen Xiaomei, op. cit., pp. 4-5. '2A good example of self-understanding is Ferdinand Verbiest's Astronomía Europea: Noel Golvers, The Astronomía Europaea ofFerdinand Verbiest, SJ., (Dillingen, 1687): Text, Translation, Notes and Commentaries ("Monumenta Sérica Monograph Series," XXVIII [Nettetal, 1993]). 578NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA They had an important impact on the development of modern Western society as Asia in the Making of Europe" convincingly shows. Moreover, they contain information about Chinese political and social life that are not avaUable in Chinese sources." For instance, in her fascinat- ing book presenting eyewitness accounts of the turbulent period of the fall of the Ming and the conquest by the Manchus, Lynn Struve used both Chinese and Western sources. About the Western sources she writes: "His [=M. Martini I6l4-l66l] records, and those of other Europeans who visited China in the Ming-Qing era, provide us with alternatives to Chinese points of view and detaUed, straightforward descriptions of many things that seldom, if ever, are mentioned in contemporaneous Chinese -writings—such as what ordinary Manchu soldiers were like."15 In addition, what is true for the original sources is also true for the texts written by present-day historians. Paul Cohen had already pointed out that "the China-centered approach adopted by increasing numbers of American historians has the potential to degenerate into a new form of parochiaUsm that, by underestimating the part taken by the West in nineteenth- and twentieth-century China, simply turns the old parochialism, with its overestimation of the West's role, inside out and takes us no closer to the truth about the Chinese past."16 Chen Xiaomei definitely takes an equaUy critical view toward the radical Sinocentric approach. She warns us that Sinocentrism can be "simply Eurocentrism turned upside-down." It can function merely as a reaction to Eurocentrism, not as a real alternative to it.17 In the end, the Sinocentric recon- struction of Christianity in China by a Western scholar can stiU be very Orientalist as weU.18 This can also be applied to voices that plead that "Donald F. Lach and Edwin J. Van Kley,Asia in the Making of Europe; Volume III: ^4 Century ofAdvance, Book Four: EastAsia (Chicago, 1993). 14A good example is the LitteraeAnnuae 1625 which recounts the political troubles at Court and the persecutions by eunuch Wei Zhongxian. Because Chinese sources are extremely censored on these events, Western sources contain some unique information. "Lynn A. Struve (ed. and trans.), Voices from the Ming-Qing Cataclysm: China in Tigers'faws (New Haven, 1993), p. 49 (comment on the use of M. Martini's De bello Tar- tárico (English translation 1654); Struve's book is an excellent example of integration of both Western and Chinese sources. "¦Cohen, op. cit. , p. 195. 17Chen Xiaomei, op. cit. , p. 1 1 . "Chen writes in this context: "One must candidly admit, though such admissions are seldom found in First World academic discourse, that there is always the danger of theoretically recolonizing the Third World with Western-invented and theoretically motivated languages of 'anti-colonialism' . . . Western theoreticians—especially those "Third-World- BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.579 Chinese history can be written only by native Chinese (excluding even overseas-Chinese).19 This approach can be very OccidentaUst as weU. Therefore, one should avoid an overly dualistic or essentialist approach to East and West.20 1.2. Object ofResearch The second point of discussion relates to the object of research: What do we want to study? The paradigm-shift is not univocal in this regard. For some, the shift consists in a move toward "reception" history while their main interest remains church history and missiology. For them the focus on the missionary strategy was replaced by an interest in the estabUshment of the local community. For others, such as Erik Zürcher, the shift consists in a radical move toward Sinology: "Sinology is concerned with (pre-modern) China. Whatever we are doing, Chinese culture (including the way Chinese traditional culture reacted to the intrusion of complex systems from abroad) should always be the primary focus of research."21 As a result, the arrival of Christianity in China is a means to know China better: "I believe that Chinese culture shows its features most clearly when it is confronted with something from outside. It is like people in conflict—when you are quarreling with your neighbor, you may say things and show things about your character that you otherwise never would. In the same way, the Chinese born' critics residing in the West—who speak for the need of liberating the "Third World' from the West's economic and political power—need to be much more cautious in their claims, lest they unwittingly and unintentionally themselves become neocolonizers who exploit the cultural capital of the colonized in a process in which those voices are appropriated for reinvestment in those 'banks of the West' that currently offer the highest rate of return to speculators in trendy academic markets" (p. 17). These remarks also underline the place from which the authors conduct their research. In the past, some scholars writing about Christianity in China lived in China. Henri Bernard, SJ. , is a typical example. Though his writings were influenced by a missiological questioning, they were also written against the background of the intellectual discussions in China in the 1930's. E.g., Sagesse chinoise et philosophie chrétienne: Essai sur leurs relations historiques (Tientsin, 1935); Le Père Matthieu Ricci et la société de son temps (Tientsin, 1937). The last work was translated into Chinese in 1942 and republished in 1993: Pei Huaxing, Li Madou pingzhuan (2 vols.; Beijing, 1993). "See on this topic the discussion in Ershiyi shiji (Twenty-First Century), 32 (December, 1995): esp. Liu Dong, "Jingti renwei de 'Yangjingbin xuefeng'" (Watch out for Pur- poseful 'Pidgin Scholarship'), pp. 4-13; Gan Yang, "Shei shi zhongguo yanjiuzhong de 'women'?" (Who Are the 'We' in Chinese Studies?), pp. 21-25; see "Intellectuals: The Self and the Others," China NewsAnalysis, No. 1556 (March 15, 1996). 2"Chen Xiaomei, op. cit., p. 12. "Zürcher, op. cit. , p. 275. 580NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY LN CHINA have shown certain characteristic features in their reactions to Bud- dhism and Christianity."22 The shift toward Sinology, however, has in itself not solved all problems. The different versions of the title of Jacques Gernet's Chine et christianisme, the first truly Sinological approach to the subject, may well serve as an ulustration. The aim of the book was not to study the history of Christianity in China, which has been the subject of many writings, but to study Chinese reactions to it. Therefore, Gernet had chosen the subtitle Action et réaction. The Italian version Cina e cris- tianesimo: Azione e reazione (1984) is identical to the French, whüe the Spanish version clearly underlines the reactive side: Primeras reacciones chinas al cristianismo (1989). The English title, however, puts stress on the "impact ": China and the Christian Impact: A Conflict of Cultures and as such puts the work in a significantly different context from the original aim. As Cohen has pointed out, the impact-response approach had its heyday in American Sinology of the 1950s and 1960's. The German title Christus kam bis nach China: Eine erste Begegnung und ihr Scheitern, reinforces to a certain extent the impact model. By choosing the term "collision" (chongzhuang), one of the two Chinese versions sharpens the conflictual aspect of the encounter, wliüe the other version stresses the comparative side: Zhongguo wenhua yu jidujiao de chongzhuang (Shenyang: Liaoning renmin chubanshe, 1989) and Zhongguo yu jidujiao: Zhongguo he ouzhou wenhua zhi bijiao (Shanghai: Guji chubanshe, 1991). For the second French printing (1991), Gernet has chosen a new subtitle: La première confrontation (The First Confrontation). This subtitle treats both sides as equal parties but also stresses the confrontational aspect.23 This evolution is in itself significant in order to discover possible difficulties related to the Sinological approach. The concepts of action and reaction imply an assumption that it was the Western Christianity that played the truly active role, a much more passive or reactive part being taken by China. The concept of a "Chinese response" links Christianity too closely to an initial Western impact.24 22Wang Jiafeng and Li Guangzhen, Dang xifang yujian dongfang: Guoji hanxue yu hanxuejia (When West Meets East: International Sinology and Sinologists) (Taibei, 1991), pp. 135-137. "Unfortunately, Gernet does not explain the change in the new preface. "Cohen, op. cit. , pp. 9, 53 . As a corrective to these distortions, Cohen proposed to think of Chinese history in the nineteenth century as being comprised of several distinct zones. (Cohen, op. cit. , pp. 53-55). Similar zones could be found for the seventeenth century. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.58 1 Following the logic of this reasoning, one could state that the real attempt would no longer be to -write a history of Christianity, but a history of China in which Christianity figures. The point of departure, then, is not the foreign chaUenge but the native cultural setting. The historian portrays persons and movements as responding not just to Western Christianity but also to a vast and complex inteUectuaI and social world with its own inner variety and competing currents of thought.25 In fact, we have a successful example of such an approach in B. J. ter Haar's The White Lotus Teachings in Chinese Religious History (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1992). In this study on the White Lotus, ter Haar shows that a clear distinction has to be drawn between positive autonyms and disparaging labels and stereotypes caUed "White Lotus." The term became a label after 1525, employed by outside observers and investigators, most of whom belonged to a network of eUtes and officials, to castigate reUgiously suspect groups. As an illustration, ter Haar includes several sections on Christian persecutions. By sketching the whole socioreligious context of Late Ming reUgious persecutions, he convincingly shows that from the viewpoint of Chinese officials and literati, to associate Christianity with heresy such as the Non-Action Movement and the White Lotus Teachings was entirely justifiable.26 At the same time, they used White Lotus clearly as a label, since Christianity had no connection with this Chinese reUgious movement. Ter Haar's case proves how the study of Christianity can be employed for a better understanding not only of Chinese society but also of the religious context in which it appeared and was interpreted. Moreover, by identifying Christianity with an indigenous movement like the White Lotus, the study shows that the Chinese response to Christianity was not always primarily a response to the West but rather a response to indigenous forces. However, one could also go beyond a study of Christianity in China that is strictly limited to either missiology or Sinology. Since the history of Christianity in China remains an intercultural history of actions and reactions, it is imperative to discover the elaborate web of impacts and response—Chinese and Western in each instance.27 Seen from a broader perspective, the détour by these approaches could reflect back on European studies or studies of global history. At European universities, for instance, research subjects like church history, Sinology, and Eu25TWd., p. 156. 26Ter Haar, op. cit. , p. 241 . 27Cf. Cohen, op. cit. , p. 55. 582NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA ropean history are distinctive fields that are academicaUy speaking scarcely interrelated. It is my opinion that the methodological, cognitive, and other results of the study of Christianity in China should find their echo in these research fields. Pursuing Zürcher's argument about the quarrel with neighbors, one could easily argue that through their contact with Chinese, also Europeans (and other foreigners) showed characteristic features that they otherwise never had. Their encounter with China which had a highly developed and speciaUzed inteUectuaI Ufe in the seventeenth century forced them to put themselves into question in a way different from the encounter with America or Africa. China made an "impact" on them, and they "responded" in a variety of ways. Therefore, the study of their reaction is significant for a better understanding of Europe as weU. Language exchange can weU be taken as a wider metaphor for this exchange. The introduction of Western sciences and phUosophy into China, accompanied by an effort to adapt to the Chinese language, produced quite a number of neologisms in Chinese, some of which are still used today.28 It is often ignored that the reverse influence also hap- pened. The encounter with China produced Latin neologisms or added a new meaning to common Latin words that were later adopted by other languages. The word "character" to indicate Chinese characters is but one example.39 Taking this example as an analogy, one can state that the study of Christianity should lead to a better understanding of both Chinese and Western culture and of the interaction between them. 2. Methodology: Different Types of History In this section I would Like to discuss some methodological ques- tions. When reading reviews of books related to Christianity in China, one can notice that the reviewer not only expresses an opinion emanating from his personal appreciation, but also from the academic tradition in which he completed his education. It seems to me that at 28Cf. Federico Masini, "Aleni's Contribution to the Chinese Language," in Tiziana Lippiello and Roman Malek, Scholarfrom the West ("Monumenta Sérica Monograph Series," XLII [Nettetal, 1997]), pp. 539-554; see also F. Masini, The Formation ofModern Chinese Lexicon and its Evolution toward a National Language: The Periodfrom 1840 to 1898 ( fournal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph 6 [Berkeley California, 1993]). 29Cf. Noel Golvers, "The Latin Treatises of F. Verbiest S.J. on European Astronomy in China: Some Linguistic Considerations," Humanística Lovaniensia (fournal of NeoLatin Studies), XLTV (1995), 305-369. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, S.J.583 present one can distinguish the foUowing four main streams of research: history of events, textual (commentarial) tradition, problemoriented and interpretative history, and narrative history. The former two are more practiced by Chinese and European scholars, the latter two by Northern American and Australian scholars. It is obvious that one cannot oppose these traditions too much and that they should not be treated in an essentialist way either. 2. 1. Chinese and European History ofEvents In this century, Chinese and European historians communicated best at the level of history of events. This approach to history consists in a detaüed description of historical events, the identification of dates, or the description of sources. On the Chinese side, this approach corresponds weU to the many historical sources of the biannian tradition which arranges the historical events in a strictly chronological order. It is characteristic of the dynastic histories or the nianpu type of biographies. An equaUy important influence is the bibUographical enumeration of sources, as can be found in the Yiwenzhi section of the dynastic histories or the difangzhi. The works of Chen Yuan, Wang Zhongmin, Feng Chengjun, Yang Zhen'e, and Fang Hao are aU representative of this approach. On the European side, this approach to history resulted in a very important coUection of historiographical aids (repertories, bibUographies, biographies, geographical sources) which strictly speaking are not historical writings but are still irreplaceable for research today: C. Sommervogel,30 L. Pfister, H. Verhaeren, J. Dehergne,31 and the Bibliotheca Missionum are the clearest examples of this approach. Thus, in its more radical form this approach consists only in writings of encyclopedic nature. More important is that these works produced a greater sense of the historical critical method which tries to relate a person or a text to the exact historical circumstances. It namely produced a "history of events" that consists in the exact description of his- torical events with only a minimal attempt at interpretation. '"Carlos Sommervogel, Bibliothèque des écrivains de la Compagnie de fésus (Paris, 1900-1932); it is a continuation of a work by the brothers Augustin and Aloys de Backer (7 vols.; Liège, 1853-1871); the second revised edition was published by Sommervogel, 1869-1876; the third, 1890-1900. "Joseph Dehergne's Répertoire des jésuites de Chine de 1522 à 1800 (Rome and Paris, 1973) was recentiy published in Chinese: Rong Zhenhua (J. Dehergne), Geng Sheng (transi.), Zaihua yesuhuishi liezhuanji shumu bubian [Supplement to the Biographies and Bibliographies of Jesuits in China] (2 vols.; Beijing, 1992), 101 1 pp. 584NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA 2.2. European Textual (Commentarial) Tradition Another strength of Chinese and European scholarship in general is certainly the textual tradition. This consists in the edition and annotation of primary sources. This approach is close to the former tradition but concentrates on the text itself. Since many publications in the field of the history of Christianity in China of the beginning of the twentieth century are characterized by this approach, we arrange it under a separate section. It was typical of the historical materials published by the Jesuits since 1894 (Monumenta Histórica Societatis Iesu).il Pietro Tacchi Venturi, S J.'s publication of the Opere Storiche del P.Matteo Ricci SJ. (Macerata, 1911-1913) 'was completely in the same line. The first Sínica Franciscana on the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries marked by a similar textual approach was published in Quaracchi in 1933- Pasquale d'EUa's Fonti Ricciane continued the same line of research to its summit. On the Chinese side one has the work by Xu Zongze and also the re-edition (though not critical edition) of ancient texts in different congshu. It would be easy to estabUsh the link between the edition of these texts and the studies that have been written after their pubUcation. This textual approach was not limited to the study of Christianity in China. It was also present in European Sinology of the pre- and postWorld War II period. It was distinguished by the so-caUed "commentarial tradition," the approach to Chinese civilization through critically annotated translations. At this level Sinologists had no problem in communicating with historians of Christianity. The book reviews by J. J. L. Duyvendak or P. PeUiot in scholarly periodicals like T'oung Pao are an exceUent Ulustration of this scholarly dialogue. This commentarial tradition came under criticism from the 1960's untU recently. WhUe this methodology of learning has its merits, it may also result in a "'stamp coUectors' mentaUty, i.e., the tendency for scholars to preoccupy themselves with marginal or curious aspects of Chinese tradition." Another problem with the preference for commentarial tradition was that it "inhibited the study of China within a broader context utilizing social science methodology or making comparisons with other humanistic traditions."33 'The modern historiographie activities of the Society started in Madrid, at the instigation of the newly elected General Luis Martin. Later on they moved to Rome, where the Historical Institute was established in its present form in 1931. 35Cf. Harriet Zurndorfer, China Bibliography: A Research Guide to Reference Works about China Past & Present (Leiden, 1995), pp. 15, 40 n. 1 10. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.585 2.3- Problem-oriented and Interpretative History Another genre of historical writing is the problem-oriented analytical history. Characteristic of this history is also the collaboration with other disciplines: with geography, sociology, psychology, economics, anthropology, and so on. Moreover, it is not limited to analysis, but it tries to interpret. The purpose of this historical writing is not primarily a positive description of historical facts and events, nor a simple explication of their causal connection, but an interpretation of these events so that they can help us to understand the particular person, time, or text within a larger context. Interpretation tries to give sense and value to the events. This type of history is to a large extent the result of what the French École des Annales* has tried to reaUze and is now widely practiced by historians in other countries and continents. Within Sinology in general, however, interpretative history is much more practiced by scholars from North America than from Europe, where the "textual" approach is more dominant. The reason for this difference might be found in the difference of organization of academic life. In Europe, Sinology has often been an isolated branch, most often merely integrated in a department of "Oriental Studies." In the United States, on the contrary, departments of Chinese studies can be relatively small, but Sinologists are present within departments of history, religion, philosophy, or anthropology. The European scholar was (is) in a day-to-day relationship with other scholars of Chinese studies who investigate an entirely different subject but who aU apply the same textual method. The American scholar, on the contrary, was (is) in day-to-day relationship with other scholars of social sciences who have no text in common but who can question each other on the interpretation by estabUshing a comparison with other human sciences. The difference of approach, which also continues to dominate classrooms in many European, Chinese, or American universities,35 is also reflected in pubUcations. An article from the event-bound or commentarial tradition wUl first present in abundance (dry) facts and (translated) texts and at the end draw a few conclusions from them. An article from the interpretative tradition wiU first present a (hypo)thesis or inJ4Paul Ricoeur, Temps et récit: 1 . L'Intrigue et le récit historique (Paris, 1983), esp. pp. 195-197; Reginald De Schryver, Historiographie (Leuven, 1994), pp. 373-374; Peter Burke, The French Historical Revolution: The Annales School, 1929-1989 (Cambridge, 1990). "Cf. Zurndorfer, op. cit. , p. 43 . 586NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA terpretative scheme and then present facts and texts that sustain or nuance the interpretation. WhUe these differences are very clear in Chinese studies at large, they are less obvious in the study of Christianity in China which, as far as the pre-eighteenth century is concerned, has been largely dominated by European and Chinese scholars. While I wiU make some suggestions for new interpretations in the next two sections, I here plead for an equUibrium between the two different streams of historical writing. The event-bound and textual tradition and interpretative tradition should complement each other. The commentarial and textual approach may seem outdated to some, but it is -worthy of being reconsidered. "After aU, why have the Chinese themselves written so many commentaries and exegetical notes on their classics if they were supposed to be easy to understand?"36 A good example of this approach is Ad Dudink's recent Ph.D. dissertation. Dr. Dudink used the historical-critical method for his study of the Nanjing persecution (I6l6-l6l7).37 It is an example of the results that a combined use of Chinese and Western sources may yield. It consists, among others, in a detaUed comparison between the Nangong shudu [FUed Documents from the Ministry of Rites] (1620) and the Poxie ji [Collected Documents Refuting Heterodoxy] (1639) which shows that the editor of the latter had omitted some documents of the former. Dudink convincingly refutes the idea that was held until now that Buddhist opposition to Christianity was the main factor leading to the Nanjing persecution. He concludes that this persecution should be viewed as an attempt not to expel Christianity from China, but to bring it under control of the government and the official state orthodoxy, just as Buddhism and Taoism were. It is clear that one could probably not have arrived at these conclusions without the detaUed comparisons of texts. 2.4. Narrative History (American) Another evolution in historical writing, which originated mainly from the third and fourth generation of the École des Annales and those who worked in the same line, was the revival of interest in the narrative of events in the 1970's. This revival was accompanied by a rediscovery of the history of mentalities (histoire des mentalités) and the Tranke, op. cit. , p. 1957Ad Dudink, "Christianity in China: Five Studies" (Ph.D. dissertation, Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, 1995), pp. 1-176; see also the excellent writings of Huang Yi-long of Tsing Hua University, Taiwan. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.587 practice of historical anthropology. Another feature of narrative history is that history, which was often a confined academic genre, became accessible to a large public. The writings by scholars such as Georges Duby, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, and Barbara Tuchman became very popular at that time.38 In the Sinological world it was successfuUy practiced by Jonathan Spence under various forms. In the Emperor of China: Self-portrait of K'ang-hsi (New York: Vintage Books, 1975), Spence presents the varied historical material by constructing an autobiographical memoir out of K'ang-hsi's own words. In The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci (New York, 1984) the narrative method seems to have reached a seemingly unsurpassable climax. In fact, compared with the earUer biographies of Ricci, Spence hardly provides any new information, but he presents it in a very original arrangement. Spence does not narrate Ricci's story in a conventional chronological sequence, but divides the chapters around four memory images taken from Ricci's mnemotechnical treatise Xiguo jifa and four reUgious pictures from a collection of Chinese calUgraphy and graphics under the title of "The Ink Garden." He buUds a "memory palace" of Ricci's life and makes "a composition of the place" (compositio loci from the Ignatian Spiritual Exercises) of the different places he lived. As such he applies the mnemotechnical theme of his book to his own writing. This method also has its limits, for instance because of the blurring chronological order.39 As appears from The Question ofHu, it might also result in a historical writing that leaves Uttle space for analysis.40 But in itself it is certainly very innovative. A nice combination of descriptive-analytical writing and narrativity can be found in D. E. MungeUo's The Forgotten Christians ofHangzhou (Honolulu: University of Hawaü Press, 1994). The core of each chapter is composed of standard historical writing in which statements are traced to footnoted sources or the tentative nature of the material is indicated by cautionary phrasing. The preludes and postludes of each chapter, however, are imaginative reconstructions of the thoughts of three central figures in the work. Some of the reconstructions foUow the historical documentation quite closely; others diverge in varying degrees.41 58Cf. Ricoeur, op. cit. , pp. 195-197; De Schryver, op. cit. , pp. 373-374; Burke, op. cit. , pp. 66ff,89ff. 59Cf. De Schryver, op. cit. , p. 373"See also criticism by Rule, op. cit. , pp. 54-55; Simon Leys,"Madness of the Wise: Ricci in China," in The Burning Forest, pp. 42-52. ^"Introduction," p. 9. 588NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA 3. Topics In this section I would like to make a programmatic sketch of possible research topics. These topics are mainly but not exclusively inspired by historical research emanating from so-caUed "new historians" of the French academic schools.42 This section wiU be less descriptive than the former sections. References wiU merely serve as Ulustrations. I am aware that the headings could be arranged in a different "way since the subjects involved are not always as distinct as may appear from this categorization. 3- 1. General Histories: La longue durée One of the developments of the "new" history is the attempt to write "total" or "integral" histories instead of strictly event-bound histories (l'histoire événementielle). There are relatively few general histories of Christianity in China. Kenneth Scott Latourette's^4 History ofChristian Missions in China (London, 1929) is probably still the best attempt at an in-depth and coherent study of the Christian missions. The author stresses the fact that he endeavors to teU this story in the light of various factors "political, economic, intellectual, and religious." He is also very conscious of his own limits. "It is impossible for any writer of history entirely to free his account from the influence of his own interests and convictions." These limits shaped his partial approach to the subject. "For that reason the book has been purposely named ? History of Christian Missions in China,' so stressing the part of the foreigner, rather than ? History of the Christian Church in China.' It is to be hoped that a Chinese wUl sometime prepare a narrative from this larger angle." 43 One characteristic of the book is that it consistently integrates the different aspects of Christianity: Nestorian, Roman CathoUc, Russian Orthodox, and Protestant Churches. The summary makes a comparison between the Roman CathoUc and Protestant approach that stiU holds today.44 42For good descriptions of the historiographical developments in the last thirty years, see: Paul Ricoeur, op. cit., pp. 171ff.; Reginal De Schryver, op. cit., pp. 363ff.; the short descriptions that follow are based on these works. «"Preface," pp. vii-viii; "Introduction," pp. 3-4. 44At several places the author draws attention to the fact that Protestants were often more in accord with the established social structure of China than the Catholics (Protes- tants attempted to reach the group rather than the isolated individual; it was also less clerical and more adapted to the scholar class); cf. pp. 827-828. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.589 In the last decade several new general histories have seen the Ught. The most innovative is probably Ralph R. CoveU, Confucius, the Buddha, and Christ:A History of the Gospel in Chinese (MaryknoU: Orbis, 1986). Strictly speaking it is not a book on Christian missions or on the Chinese church. "The focus is on the shape and nature of the message that has been preached in China—the gospel in Chinese." The purpose of the book is to analyze the more notable attempts through Chinese history to bring the Christian faith and Chinese culture together. Therefore, "it is an inteUectuaI history, a history of Christian ideas in Chinese garb."45 Bob Whyte's Unfinished Encounter: China and Christianity (Glasgow: Collins, 1988) shares with CoveU the fact that it is not a history of Christian missions in China, "but rather an attempt to trace the encounter of Christianity with the world's oldest Uving civiUzation." It looks at the history in the Ught of the contemporary situation of the Church in China. The book is designed to pass on the insights and interpretations of others and its primary concern is the story of Chinese Christianity after 194946 Jean Charbonnier, Histoire des chrétiens de Chine (Paris: Desclée, 1992), from his side, attempts to refocus the attention not on Christianity as such, but on Christians, and not on the missionaries, but on the Chinese Christians to whom a "walk-on" role has often been at- tributed. Through many historical examples he puts them at the center of this history. FinaUy worth mentioning is the promising work of Samuel Hugh Moffett, A History of Christianity in Asia: Volume I: Be- ginnings to 1500 (San Francisco: Harper, 1992). The hope of the author is "to restore global balance to the study of church history," namely, "to serve as a reminder that the church began in Asia." China appears here within the broader Asian context of Persia, India, or the Pax MongoUa.47 Looking at these works from a historiographical perspective, one could conclude that they faU within the longue durée type of history of Christianity in China. Yet, they apparently fail to approach the history of Christianity in China in the same line of what Fernand Braudel meant by the term longue durée,which, contrary to the event, is not a temporal leap but the "social time" of which the major categories (conjuncture [short-term cycle], structure, tendency, cycle, growth, etc.) are borrowed from economics, demography, and sociology. Braudel pointed out that "after aU, my problem is not a history, or a description of European expansion, but rather it is the outline of a general model which, transcending Europe, would possibly encompass the expansion 45Cf "Preface," pp. xiv-xv. ^."Introduction," pp. 21-24. 47Cf. "Introduction," pp. xiii-xv. 590NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA model as a whole."48 In the same line, one could state that the real problem is not a descriptive and event-bound history of Christianity in China, but rather an outline of a general model encompassing the Christian expansion, but also the (Chinese) reaction to this type of expansion. Is it possible "to construct such a model, a sort of cage in which to lock up the word expansion [or reaction]"? In the history of Christianity in China were there conjunctures which, by correlation of different factors at a given moment, caused fundamental changes in the expansion? More importantly, are there also some structures, which like a relational architecture with a durable stabiUty can explain how this expansion was realized in China?49 A serious attempt in that direction was Zürcher's weU-known article describing how the institutional and organizational differences be- tween Buddhism and Christianity led to two entirely different ways of expansion (spontaneous versus guided).50 Other themes need to be investigated: How to explain that Christianity seems to have been relatively successful in China in periods of political and economic disunity and weak in periods of poUtical and economic unity? What is the relationship between China's characteristic of "ultra-stabiUty" and its reaction to Christianity?51 FinaUy, these long-term questions cannot be separated from similar research on Europe. Recent studies have underscored the importance of studying the religious, cultural, socio-economic as weU as the political reahties to which the missionary belonged in his homeland.52 This background reaUy affected the way the missionary designed his missionary activities in China. 3-2. Regional Histories: Macroregions The "general histories" are not the only works of the longue durée type. Two other types can be found: regional and congregational histories. The latter wiU be treated under the prosopographies. "Fernand Braudel, "The Expansion of Europe and the 'Longue durée," in H. L. Wesseling (ed.), Expansion and Reaction (Leiden, 1 978), p. 20. "Cf. Ricoeur, op. cit., pp. 184, 191. 50E. Zürcher, "Bouddhisme et christianisme," in E. Zürcher, Bouddhisme, christianisme et société chinoise (Paris, 1990), pp. 1 1-42. '¦The term"ulta-stabiiity" (cbaowending xitong) was mainly developed by Jin Guantao and Liu Qingfeng in their famous article "Lishi de chensi" (Meditation on History), in Wenti yufangfaji (Questions and Methods) (Shanghai, 1986), pp. 2-46. "E.g., Carine Dujardin, "Historiography and Christian Missions in China," in Historiography ofthe Chinese Catholic Church, ed.J. Heyndrickx (Leuven, 1994), pp. 92-93. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT.SJ.591 The regional approach to history is relatively new in Sinology and is, to a certain extent, atypical for Sinology because China lacked the "natural" subdivision of the space into countries which was the case of Europe. For China, it has been mainly developed since the study on "macroregions" by G. W. Skinner, who discerned eight units of economic integration and regional urbanization. Each macroregion, including parts of several provinces, had a "core" defined by heightened economic activity in major cities, high population density, and comparatively sophisticated transportation networks for the conveyance of food and merchandise. Each core was surrounded by a "periphery" of less populated and developed areas, which isolated the core of a given macroregion from the cores of its neighbors.53 In fact, since the beginning of this century there has been a considerable interest in the history of Christianity "from the beginnings" in a certain province or region (not yet macroregion), which is Ulustrated by the impressive coUection of books using this approach: Jiangnan (Colombel),54 Huguang (Gubbels),55 Guangxi, Guangdong, Guizhou, and Sichuan (Launay),56 Beijing (A. Thomas and J. M. Planchet),57 and Shanxi (Margiotti).58 There are, of course, also the numerous articles on "géographie missionnaire" by J. Dehergne. An integrated history of these works has stiU to be written. S. Naquin and E. Rawski's Chinese Society in the Eighteenth Century (Yale: Yale University Press, 1987) could weU serve as an example for such regional historical writing about Christianity. The book studies the eighteenth century from a thematic point of view (government policies, social relations, cultural Ufe) but includes a lengthy chapter on the diversity of the Chinese according to ten regional societies. 33- Social Prosopography Another thesis put forward by the new historians is that the object of history is not the "individual" but the "total social fact" in aU its dimen"George William Skinner,"Regional Urbanisation in Nineteenth Century China," in The City in Late Imperial China, ed. G. W Skinner (Stanford, 1977); idem, "Presidential Ad- dress: The Structure of Chinese History,"/owrna/ ofAsian Studies, 44 (1985), 288. 54A. M. Colombel, Histoire de la Mission du Kiang-nan (2 vols.; Shanghai, 1895-1905). "Noël Gubbels, Trois Siècles d'Apostolat: Histoire du Catholicisme du Hu-kwang depuis les origines 1587jusqu'à 1870 (Wu-chang and Paris, 1934). "Adrien Launay, Histoire des Missions de Chine: Mission du Kouang-si (Paris, 1903); Kouy-Tcheou (3 vols.; 1907 -1908); Kouang-tong (1917); Se-tch'ouan (2 vols.; 1920). 57A. Thomas (=J.M. Planchet), Histoire de la Mission de Pékin: Depuis les origines jusqu'à l'arrivée des Lazaristes (Paris, 1923). 58E Margiotti,// cattolicismo nello Shansi dalle origini al 1 738 (Rome, 1958). 592NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA sions: economic, poUtical, social, cultural, and spiritual. Looking at the pre-eighteenth-century history of Christianity, one cannot but have the impression that it is largely a history of individuals. Many studies appeared on individual missionaries, and in recent years, many studies have appeared on individual Chinese. But the group approach is almost totaUy absent. This question can be treated from a synchronic and diachronic perspective. On the synchronic level, Goodman and Crafton have pointed out that "prosopographies of the Jesuits' contacts, both with the Chinese and with the other Europeans working in simUar inteUectuaI areas, are needed."59 SimUarly, the different networks (guanxi-relationships) of the Chinese in relationship with Christianity could be reconstructed. These networks are composed of different axes (relationship on the basis of the same place of origin, success mjinshi examination, participation in same academy, opposition to Christianity, etc.). There are at least two reasons for this need of study of networks: firstly, if anthropological research points out the importance of the group and the guanxi in Chinese society, the network analysis would be a way to go further into the Chinese-centered approach of history. Secondly, it might weU be that this research wiU lead to the conclusion that the transmission of ideas is not only an action by one individual or another individual, but that it is largely influenced by the network in which these individuals operate.60 The diachronic approach to the question mainly pertains to the general histories of one religious congregation or order. While a number of missionary societies who went to China in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have written their history in recent years, it is quite striking that we have hardly any in-depth studies of those who were in China from the seventeenth century. The only serious study is the fivevolume work devoted to the Dominicans by José María González, Historia de las misiones dominicanas de China (1600-1954) (5 ¦"Howard L. Goodman and Anthony Grafton, "Ricci, the Chinese, and the Toolkits of Textualists.'Msta Major, 3d Series, III (1991), 143. '"Examples of networks are: Lin Jinshui, "Li Madou jiaoyou renwubiao," Zhongwai guanxishi luncong (Beijing, 1985), pp. 1 17-143; Lin Jinshui, "Airulüe yu Mingmo Fuzhou shehui'Haijiaoshi yanjiu (1992), pp. 56-66, 99; Huang Yi-long,"Kangxi chaoshi hanren shidafu dui liyu' de taidu jiqi suo yansheng de chuanshuo," Hanxue yanjiu, 11 (1993), 137-161. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.593 vols., 1955-1967).61 Studies on the Franciscans, Missions Etrangères de Paris, Lazarists, or Jesuits are mostly limited to one period or do not pre- sent the same completeness as González' work.62 The lack of such a longue durée history, especiaUy for the Franciscans, Missions Etrangères de Paris, and Jesuits, means that we tend to believe that thenway of operating in the seventeenth or eighteenth century was basicaUy the same as in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Such a study could perforce serve as a bridge. It wUl probably bring many differences into light, not only with regard to the strategies employed by these groups, but also to the relationships between them. The diachronic approach concerns the evolution in the number of Chinese Christians as weU. It is clear that in aU these studies the statisti- cal approach adopted from demographical sciences is necessary.63 These quantitative approaches are another way to transcend the purely event-bound or narrative character of history. 3-4. HistoricalAnthropology or the History of the Common Person (Gender Studies, Histoire des Mentalités et des Moeurs, Histoire de l'Imaginaire) One of the major developments initiated by the new historians is what is caUed "historical anthropology." Its central attention is directed to "popular culture" or "the history of the common person." "Since the Dominicans operated mainly in Fujian province, this work is also a regional history of Fujian; see also: Fidel Villarroel," Historiography of the Dominican Missions in China," in Historiography of the Chinese Catholic Church, ed. J. Heyndrickx, pp. 431-449. 'This is true for the George Soulié de Morant, L'épopée desfésuitsfrançais en Chine (1534-1928) (Paris, 1928), which is nearly an apologia for Jesuit heroic actions, real Gesta Dei per Francos ("Liminaire," p. 5); it is also true for modern studies like Andrew Ross, A Vision Betrayed: Thefesuits infapan and China 1542-1742 (Edinburgh, 1994), or Jean-Pierre Duteil, Le Mandat du Ciel: Le rôle des jésuites en Chine, de la mort de François-Xavier à la dissolution de la Compagnie defésus (1552-1774) (Paris, 1994). Duteil uses several methods of French modern historical writing (his book contains a preface byJean Delumeau): statistics, regional approach, women, ideas, etc. Unfortunately, it is nearly entirely based on sources of Romance languages and is not always very precise. A remarkable study, however, in which China figures only as one component is Dauril Alden, The Making ofan Enterprise: The Society offesus in Portugal, Its Empire, and Beyond, 1540-1750 (Stanford, 1996). "'E.g., Nicolas Standaert, "The Jesuit Presence in China (1580-1773): A Statistical Ap- proach," Sino-Western Cultural Relationsfournal, XIII (1991), 4- 17. 594NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA History in general, and Chinese history in particular, has focused on the eUte for a long time. The fact that most historical documents were written by the Uterate elite has contributed largely to this focus on gentry culture. We can find a similar stress in the study of Christianity in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century China. The fact that the general missionary poUcy of the Jesuits was one that aimed at a conversion "from the top down" has meant that on the one hand they tried to prove the results of their policy in their writings, and on the other hand that historians tried to check these results. Until now, nearly aU attention has gone to the successes of the missionaries working at the court in Beijing, hardly any to the missionaries in the fields. Simüarly, we are quite weU informed about the famous converts like Xu Guangqi, Yang Tingyun, and Li Zhizao, but we know hardly anything about the women converts, poor converts, ordinary parish life, etc. A simple statistical analysis of the missionaries and their converts would easUy show that many, if not the large majority of the missionaries were active among the middle and lower classes of Chinese society and that most converts originated from these layers. Therefore, the study of Christianity might benefit from the studies of historical anthropology with its attention to the common person and to popular culture. Recently, research on the Fujian community,64 with im- portant sources like the Kouduo richao and Lixiu yijian has already contributed to a much better knowledge of these societies. The Litterae annuae are probably the best sources to be studied from that perspec- tive. Similar studies should be continued. They wUl certainly throw a different light on Christianity in China. On the one hand, the different conversion methods applied to the elite and the masses wiU be viewed as less contradictory than one usuaUy assumes. On the other hand, be- cause the prejudice of a sharp distinction in reaction between the Uter- ate eUte and an iUiterate populace is given up, the whole configuration of the spread of a reUgious belief in Chinese society wUl be considered as being more complex. Historical anthropology developed in different subsections which are thematicaUy oriented and do not have "time" as their major cate- gory. I wiU indicate some of these fields which, in my view, could be fruitfuUy developed for the study of Christianity in China. I present only a brief description which may serve as a suggestion for research. "E.g., Erik Zürcher, "The Jesuit Mission in Fujian in Late Ming Times: Levels of Re- sponse," in E. B.VermecT (ed), Development and Decline in Fukien Province in the 17th and 18th Centuries ("Sinica Leidensia," Vol. XXII [Leiden, 1990]), pp. 417-457. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.595 Gender Studies: Gender studies assume that gender is a constitutive element of social relationships based on perceived differences between sexes. This can be delineated into four elements: symboUc representations, normative concepts, social institutions, and subjective identity. Gender is also a primary way of signifying relationships of power. Here attention can be caUed to the integral links between gender and other formulations of equaUty and hierarchy65 Because of the differences between the Western-Christian and the Chinese Confucian views on gender, this axis of intercultural analysis could well illuminate better the characteristics of both traditions. Such a study could investigate questions like: What vision on man-woman relationships did Christianity bring to China? How did the Chinese react to this vision? How did the missionaries interpret the Chinese practices? What was the place of Christianity in the history of sexuahty (history of the body) in China?66 A study on the portrait of Chinese women in the books and letters from missionaries from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries would be a good attempt in this direction.67 Histoire des Mentalités et des Moeurs: The reference sciences for the history of mentalities are the sociology of knowledge, psychoanalysis, structural semantics, and rhetoric. Here attention is drawn to customs, social mores, local traditions, and manners. Moreover, the historian tries to draw the attitudes toward life, death, generation, and love from the written documents left by reUgions and ideologies. For instance, an in-depth study on the different attitudes toward concubines by missionaries and converts could weU fit into this category. "This description is adapted from Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in Seventeenth-Century China (Stanford, 1994), p. 5; this work may serve as a good reference for an intercultural study of the subject. 66Cf. Frank Dikötter, Sex, Culture and Modernity in China: Medical Science and the Construction of Sexual Identities in the Early Republican Period (Honolulu, Hawaii, 1995). 67A first attempt in that direction was the licentiate's thesis by Inge De Baerdemaeker, "De Chinese vrouw vanuit westers oogpunt in de 18e eeuw," (Catholic University of Leu- ven, 1992), see also Gail King,"Couplet's Biography of Madame Candida Xu (1607- 1680)" Sino-Western Cultural Relationsfournal,,XVIII (1996), 41-56; and Robert E. Entenmann, "Christian Virgins in Eighteenth-Century Sichuan," in D. Bays, op. cit.,pp. 180-193. 596NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA Histoire de l'imaginaire: The history of the imaginary is close to the former category. It con- cerns representations that surpass the limits of (scientific) experience. The classical example is Jean Delumeau's work on La Peur en Occident. The same question could be raised for Christianity in China: what were the causes for fear and dread and to what extent did Christianity cause or give reUef to these dreads? What were the concepts of heaven, heU, descent to heU, good and evU spirits, exorcism, etc. How did Christian rituals bring order or provoke chaos? 3-5. History of Sciences The history of Christianity has long been linked to the history of sciences. The study of sciences in China has been much influenced by the impressive work of Joseph Needham. Science and Civilisation in China aimed at according China the role it deserves in the history of science and technology. It also wanted, however, to respond to the question why modern science arose in Europe in the seventeenth cen- tury, while until 1600 China appeared to have had a considerable ad- vantage over Europe.68 His treatment of the introduction of Western science by the Jesuits was much influenced by this questioning. As a result, in line with a certain interpretation of Needham, attention has been focused by some (Chinese) historians of science on the "obsolete and antiquated" character of the sciences introduced by the Jesuits because they faüed to introduce Copernicanism.69 For several years now, this research has undergone some evolution. It has left the strictly comparative (and competitive) framework and focused on the transmission itself. The recent dissertation "EucUd in China" by Peter Engelfriet™ may serve as an Ulustration of this approach. It is concerned with the transfer of knowledge and thought from one culture to another and the reception of that knowledge within an existing framework. In this study of the first Chinese translation of EucUd's "Joseph Needham,"Astronomy: The Time of the Jesuits," in Science and Civilisation in China,Vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1959), pp. 437-461. 69An important correction of this opinion is Hashimoto Keizo, Hsu Kuang-ch'i andAstronomical Reform— The Process of the Chinese Acceptance of Western Astronomy 1629-1635 (Kansai, 1988). 70Peter M. Engelfriet,"Euclid in China: A Survey of the Historical Background of the First Chinese Translation of Euclid's Elements (Jihe yuanben; Beijing, 1607), an Analysis of the Translation, and a Study of its Influence up to 1723" (Ph.D. dissertation, Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, 1996); for a discussion of Engelfriet's work by Jonathan D. Spence, Chinees-Westerse Cultúrele Betrekkingen 1595-1995 (The Hague, 1995), pp. 15ff. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.597 Elements (Jibe yuanben [Beijing, 1607]), Engelfriet shows that Chi- nese reactions to Euclid were far more complex than Needham seemed to believe. He comes to this conclusion by putting the background of the work in its broad historical context. For instance, he considers the place of mathematics in the Jesuit curriculum, availing himseU7 of material that was not yet at Needham's disposition (such as the Ratio Studiorum [1599])· Moreover, in their complexity, the Chinese reactions offer Engelfriet the opportunity to bring to light several linguistic difficulties resulting from the translation. Such detaüed studies also contribute to attempts at a kind of overaU evaluation and characterization of the impact of Western science. By equaUy detaUed comparisons of texts, J. C. Martzloff, for instance, concludes that the Chinese distinguished between the purely scientific and practical aspects (such as calculations, trigonometry, logarithms) which were accepted, and the theological, logical, or demonstrative aspects (geometry) which were rejected by most Chinese authors.71 An exceUent complement to Martzloff s study is the analysis of the relationship between neo-Confucianism and science in the Late Ming— Early Qing period by Zhang Yongtang. It is an analysis of the Chinese context viewed not from the perspective of history of science, but from the history of thought, especially studies on textual criticism. A number of case studies led Zhang to the conclusion that scientific investigations in the Late Ming and Early Qing period basically developed from the Cheng-Zhu theories on the investigation of things and had the correction of the Wang Yangming theories as their purpose.72 These various studies lead to the main question of delineating a relationship between reUgion and science that was quite different in seventeenth century China from the post-EnUghtenment twentieth century. This relationship needs to be further investigated so as to understand the particular nature of Christianity as a reUgion and the Chinese reaction to religion. The best way to treat this question is through 71Jean-Claude Martzloff, "Espace et temps dans les textes chinois d'astronomie et de technique mathématique astronomique aux XVIP et XVIIP siècles," in Catherine Jami and Hubert Delahaye (eds.), L'Europe en Chine: Interactions scientifiques, religieuses et cul- turelles aux XVII' et XVHF siècles ("Mémoires de l'Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises," XXXTV [Paris, 1993]), pp. 217-230; also quoted by Engelfriet, p. 19; see also the comments by Jacques Gernet,"Espace-temps, science et religion dans la rencontre de la Chine avec l'Europe," in Jami and Delahaye, pp. 231-240. 72Zhang Yongtang, Mingmo Qingchu lixue yu kexue guanxi zailun [New Discussion on the Relationship beteween Neo-Confucianism and Science in the Late Ming—Early Qing Period] (Taibei, 1994). 598NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA a multidiscipUnary approach. A successful attempt in that direction was the Xu Guangqi conference organized by Catherine Jami in Paris in March, 1995. It brought together scholars from various disciplines (history of mathematics, astronomy, mUitary defense, reUgion, phUosophy agriculture, etc.) so as to approach Xu Guangqi as an integrated person. This meeting also confirmed the need to situate "sciences" within the broader context of social history. 3- 6. Economic History and History ofMaterial Culture One of the innovations of historical writing in this century is the link established between historical writing and economics. As for the entire economic situation of Christianity in China, however, it is at present almost a completely undiscovered field. Questions that need to be investigated are: How were the missionaries financed? What kind of economic activities did they engage in? Who were the chief patrons of Christianity? How much support did it get from the gentry society? What contributions did Chinese Christians make to charitable associa- tions? How were the property problems solved?73 A recent study by Noel Golvers is promising. He discovered the account book of F. de Rougement, SJ. (Changzhou, 1674-1676). It includes the detaUed Ust of expenses and income of Rougement when he was in Changzhou in 1674-1676. Not only does this text enable us to reconstruct the daUy life of a missionary in the mission; it also contributes to a better understanding of the Early Qing economy74 A research theme closely related to economic history is the history of material culture. La civilisation matérielle (term used by Fernand Braudel) pays attention to material aspects of culture (way of Uving, food, means of travel, etc.). It has scarcely been studied in the case of the missionaries and converts. The material culture of Ming China in general is itself a relatively new field. We are helped by a recent study by Ad Dudink who analyzed the inventories of the Jesuit house at Nanjing, "Similar questions for Buddhism were treated by Timothy Brook in Prayingfor Power: Buddhism and the Formation of Gentry Society in Late Ming (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1993). The first global study to my knowledge which addresses the complex question of money and missionary activities of the Society of Jesus is chapter 24, "Striking a Balance: For God or Mammon?" in Alden, op. cit. , pp. 614-650. 74Noel Golvers,"The Account Book of F. de Rougemont, SJ. (Ch'ang-chou, 1674-1676): A First Presentation." Paper presented at the International Conference on Christianity in China, Leuven, September, 1995. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.599 made up during the persecution of I6l6-l6l7 as included in Shen Que's Nangong shudu [FUed Documents from the Ministry of Rites] (I62O). The inventories include a list of objects that the authorities returned to the missionaries and a Ust of objects that were confiscated, such as religious books and images. It is a rather unique document, because such detaUed information about a house of the missionaries seems to be lacking in contemporary Western sources. Moreover, hardly any comparable sources about Late Ming material culture are available. This document gives a fairly good idea of the Uving standard of the missionaries, their capacity for receiving guests, and their Ubrary.75 3- 7. Other Types ofIntellectual History: Textual History and History ofBoundaries There are different types of inteUectuaI history that are stiU unexplored. A field that is stUl in its infancy in terms of research is that of the history of interpretation of texts. Research on jingxue studies for Late Ming and Early Qing have expanded in recent years. Howard Goodman and Anthony Grafton draw attention to the relationship between textuaUty and Christianity in their thought-provoking article "Ricci, the Chinese, and the Toolkits of Textualists."76 It concentrates on the texture and detaU of Western and Chinese textual scholarship as practiced by both Ricci and his hosts. The authors beUeve that such a two-pronged analysis should aUow us to understand the intricate negotiations that preoccupied Jesuits on the one hand, and the Chinese Uterati on the other. This is important because the two cultures' humanist textual trends and methods headed toward one another at various moments, with occasional friction and occasional congruence.77 They show convincingly that textual appropriation, tinkering, and accommodation constitute a fairly universal mode of cultural transfer.78 The in-depth study of textual tools and methods in the Christian encounter with China is essential. But it is a step that has to be foUowed by the study of other materials for converting and convincing, such as images, etc.79 75Ad Dudink, op. cit., pp. 177-226. 76Goodman and Grafton, "Ricci, the Chinese, and the Toolkits of Textualists", pp. 95-184. 77IbUi., p. 96. ™Ibid.,pAl5. 7,Ibid, p. 143. 600NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA Another unexplored field of inteUectuaI history is the history of boundaries. It draws its inspiration from Michel Foucault's The Order of Things: An Archaeology of Knowledge. Foucault's book starts with a quotation taken "from a certain Chinese encyclopedia" which he came across in a book by Jorge Luis Borges: Animals are divided into: a) belonging to the Emperor, b) embalmed, c) tame, d) sucking pigs, e) sirens, f) fabulous, g) stray dogs, h) included in the present classification, i) frenzied, j) innumerable, k) drawn with a very fine camelhair brush, 1) et cetera, m) having just broken the water pitcher, n) that from a long way off look like flies.80 The taxonomy of this (mythic) encyclopedia appeared wondrous to these two authors precisely because its categories seemed meaningless. The puzzlement did not Ue in the categories themselves, which are remarkably precise. Instead, it lies in our inabiUty to perceive any purpose in the way the lists' inner boundaries are drawn. Indeed, categories coUect siniUarities, but always a simüarity defined by a difference. The difference is a boundary. 'Same as' and 'different from' are not symmetrical, and the topography is extremely complicated. The history of boundaries attempts to understand this complexity and to discuss the dynamics of culture in terms of physical structures like "boundaries."81 One way of conducting the history of boundaries is to investigate the classifications used by Chinese for Western categories. The lists of Christian books in congshu or in the yiwenzhi Usts of libraries are an appropriate source for such investigation. The classical example is Li Zhizao's division of books in the categories of Ii and qi in his Tianxue chuhan. The same books were arranged under different sections in the Siku quanshu zongmu (such as jingbu xiaoxuelei; zibu zajialei).82 They stiU appear under other categories in private Ubraries (such as zibu xiaoshuo; shibu waiyi).m A systematic study of these categorizations could indicate how Chinese catalogued the Western books. "Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of Knowledge (London, 1970), p. xix; quoted in John Hay, "Introduction," in J. Hay (ed.), Boundaries in China (London, 1984),p.l. "'Hay, "Introduction," in J. Hay, op. cit. , pp. 2-7. 82Zhong Mingdan,"'Siku quanshu zongmu' duiyu 'Xixue' de pingjia," Zhongwai guanxi shi xuehui tongxun,4 (1983), 4-11. "Nicolas Standaert,"Note on the Spread ofJesuit Writings in Late Ming and Early Qing China," China Mission Studies (1500-1800) Bulletin,W\ (1985), 22-32. About the Chinese categorical system for books see Li Ruiliang, Zhongguo mulu xueshi (Taibei, 1993). BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.60 1 It would be particularly interesting to analyze the binary structure in different types of discourses. Recently, for instance, several studies have appeared on the notion of"time"and"space."84 SimUarly one wUl have to determine the applicabUity of the secular/sacred categories to China.85 It wiU be equaUy important to establish the paradigms by which the parties involved defined themselves and described the other, or more precisely, how by defining the other they often defined themselves. Why did Chinese Christians, for instance, use terms like wuru, tong- zhi, jiao, xue, etc., for feUow-Christians or Christianity? Why did the missionaries use terms such aspietà, secto, doutrina civil, Confucian, Buddhist, etc., to describe the Chinese reUgious environment? Such an investigation would be especiaUy important for the history of knowl- edge, because, as was recently clearly indicated by Joël Thoraval, the interpretation of reUgion in China is largely determined by the Western concepts that are used for it (and vice versa).86 For instance, how did the missionaries describe and interpret the Chinese notion of sanjiao heyi (and its variations)? When was it first caUed "syncretism"?87 Beyond the historic and strategic aspects involved in the Terms Controversy, the documents related to it have much material to offer in this field. This investigation involves a re-examination of the operative hermeneutics. As Paul Rule has pointed out in this regard: "In historical perspective the deficiencies of the Jesuit interpretation of Confucianism are evident, but their bias was overt and their assumptions usuaUy quite explicit. The assumptions of more recent scholars are often far less obvious, but they are not necessarily less biased."88 "See the papers in Jami and Delahaye (eds.), op. cit.; see also Erik Zürcher," 'In the Beginning' : 1 7th-Century Chinese Reactions to Christian Creationism," in Chun-chieh Huang and Erik Zürcher (eds.), Time and Space in Chinese Culture (Leiden, 1995), pp. 132-166. "Proposal made by Paul Rule in K'ung-tzu or Confucius: Thefesuit Interpretation of Confucianism (Sydney, 1986), p. 196. 86JOeI Thoraval, "Pourquoi les 'religions chinoises' ne peuvent-elles apparaîre dans les statistiques?" Perspectives chinoises, 1 (March, 1992), 37-44. "Timothy Brook points out that Ricci did not use the term "syncretism," but the idea of Chinese religions as syncretic may be traced to his observations: "Rethinking Syncretism: The Unity of the Three Teachings and their Joint Worship in Late-Imperial China."fournal of Chinese Religions, 21 (FaU, 1993), 13-44. 88RuIe, K'ung-tzu or Confucius, p. 196. 602NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA 4. Interpretative Schemes In this final section I want to bring together some interpretative schemes for the history of Christianity in China. As mentioned earUer, these schemes do not try so much to explain history in terms of cause and effect, but rather try to give sense and value to the events. The different schemes often function as a frame through which these events are viewed. This frame might well condition the interpretation, but is in itself reframed through confrontation with the historical facts. The schemes are, of course, very much influenced by the methodological paradigm in which they function (including the positivist-textual or narrative-interpretative approach). 4. 1. Christianity as a Type of Cultural Contact Christianity in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries has often been interpreted as a unique type of cultural contact. There are several reasons for this uniqueness. The Jesuit experience in seventeenthcentury China is considered "as a success in the sense that it stands out as a memorable episode in the 'world efforts at cultural accommodation; it has been one of the few serious alternatives to the otherwise brutal ethno-centrism of the European expansion over the earth."89 Though the missionaries themselves remained exponents of European culture and ultimately dependent on material support from ecclesiastical institutions and from the colonial administration, due to the Ming and Qing adrninistration they were largely separated from the trader and colonist and as such were able to establish a unique relationship with different layers of Chinese society. One other important reason for uniqueness is that it was to a large extent an encounter between equals. China and Europe were both societies that were culturaUy economicaUy, institutionally, intellectually, and materiaUy highly developed. They were able to communicate at a level that, at least from the European perspective, was very different from encounter in other countries at that time. FinaUy, the contact was also unique because it had lasting influences on both societies. This cultural contact has been studied from different perspectives. In the West most attention has been given to the transmission of ideas. Different terms are used for the strategies involved: accommodation, adaptation, acculturation, inculturation, assimUation, syncretism, encounter, "'Charles E. Ronan and Bonnie B.C. Oh (eds.), East Meets West: The fesuits in China, 1582-1773 (Chicago, 1988),p.xxxiii. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.603 etc.90 These terms function on the borderUne between cultural anthro- pology, missiology and religious studies, and have been widely used in the missiological interpretation of Ricci's experience." In addition, the case has been put in wider perspective by historians of European expansion or history of intercultural contacts. In his history of European expansion, for instance, the German historian Wolfgang Reinhard devotes an entire chapter to the "processes of acculturation" (Akkulturationsprozesse) that were involved in the Christian missions in China, Japan, and India.92 He considers them as alternatives to blind Eurocentrism and therefore they stUl deserve our special attention. Another German scholar, Urs Bitterli, also studied the different types of Euro- pean contacts with non-Western peoples.93 He distinguishes between "cultural contact" (an initial, short-lived, or intermittent encounter be- tween a group of Europeans and members of an non-European culture), "coUision" (in which the weaker partner, in mUitary and poUtical terms, was threatened with the loss of cultural identity, whUe even its physical existence was jeopardized and sometimes aririihUated altogether), and "cultural relationship" (a prolonged series of reciprocal contacts on the basis of poUtical equüibrium or stalemate). Under the last category seventeenth-century China is described. Chinese scholars have given their own accent to the interpretation of the cultural contact. The relationship between Confucianism and Christianity has received particular attention. The relationship was organized in different types: heru (harmonizing with Confucianism), buru (complementing Confucianism), chaoru (surpassing Confucianism).94 From 90SeC, e.g., Rule, K'ung-tzu or Confucius, pp. 56-57. "For a good overview of nine different interpretations see C. Spalatin, Matteo Ricci's Use ofEpictetus (Waegwan, 1975), p. 85 n. 106. "Wölfgang Reinhard, "Akkulturationsprozesse und Missionsstrategien in Asien," in Geschichte der europäischen Expansion: Band 1: Die Alte Welt bis 1818 (Stuttgart, 1983), pp. 184-195. "Urs Bitterli, Cultures in Conflict: Encounters between European and Non-European Cultures, 1492-1800 (Oxford, 1989), pp. 20-51. "See.e.g.the chapter "Mingmo tianzhujiao shuru shenmo 'xixue'? Juyou shenmolishi yiyi?" [What Kind of 'Western Learning' Did Catholicism Introduce at the End of the Ming? What is its Historical Significance?" (written by He Zhaowu), in Hou Wailu (ed.), Zhong- guo sixiang tongshi [Comprenhensive History of Chinese Thought], LVb (Beijing, 1980 rpr.),pp. 1 189-1290; see also for a modern interpretation in the same line: Chen Weiping, Diyiye yu peitai: MingQing zhiji de zhongxi wenhua jiaoliu [The First Page and Embryo: A Comparison Between Eastern and Western Culture in the Transition Period of Ming and Qing] (Shanghai, 1992). 604NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA a broader perspective, comparisons between Chinese reception of Buddhism and Christianity are relatively rare. Most focus is put on a comparison between the seventeenth-eighteenth and the nineteenthtwentieth centuries, especiaUy concerning the various opinions of Chinese inteUectuals ranging from ti-yong traditionaUsm to complete assimilation. The question whether the missionaries in the seventeenth century were the "vanguard of colonialism" or not has become less important since the 1980's.95 It should be underlined that these interpretative schemes are not limited to the impact-response approach. Christianity in China functions more like a case to be understood in a broader theory of cultural interaction. 4.2. Christianity as a Factor in the Modernization of China The interpretation of Christianity as a possible factor in the modernization of China finds its origin in a broader scholarly world (already in the 1920's with a scholar such as Liang Qichao; strong revival of this debate in the 1950's and 1960's) which assumed that Chinese society was immune to fundamental change from within and could therefore be transformed only as a result of an intrusion by a foreign body. The traditional unchanging China is here confronted with the modern dynamic West. Since science was introduced by missionaries in the seventeenth century, Christianity also enters this discussion of modernity. A typical example of this approach is Joseph Levenson's work on Confucian China's modern fate. In a section on "Confucianism, Chris- tianity, and Chinese selectivity," Levenson asks two questions: Why did Christianity faU to infiltrate a Uving Confucianism? And once Chinese intellectuals had begun to reject their own heritage and advocate westernization, why did not Christianity succeed a dying Confucianism? Unlike many authors, Levenson does not seek the explanation Ln the inadequacies of missionary methods. He finds his answer in what he con"IJn Jinshui was one of the first to state that Matteo Ricci and the other Jesuits cannot be regarded in the same light as the missionaries in China after the Opium War. Not all missionaries who came to China were "elements of cultural invasion" or the "vanguard of colonialism": Lin Jinshui, "Li Madou zai zhongguo de huodong vu yingxiang" [Matteo Ricci's Activities and Influence in China] , Lishi yanjiu (1983), pp. 25-36; in the English translation of this article (Social Sciences in China [1983], pp. 169-185) the negation of the second sentence (Not all missionaries) was left out; this was corrected in a reprint of the article in F. Verbiest Foundation (ed.), China & Europe Yearbook 86 (Leuven, 1986), pp. 140-156. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.605 siders the inherent paradox of exporting a foreign reUgion and in the psychological needs of the Chinese themselves. For Levenson, "the whole story of the growth of iconoclasm in modern China, of how it came to be possible for Chinese minds to drift away from historical Chinese values, is implied in the modern history of the Christian Church in China." The role Christianity played, however, in the modernization of China underwent an important evolution: "In the seventeenth century, Chi- nese opposed Christianity as un-traditional. In the twentieth-century China, especiaUy after World War I, the principal anti-Christian cry was that Christianity was unmodern. In the early instance, then, Christianity was criticized for not being Confucian; this was a criticism proper to Chinese civUization. In the later instance, Christianity was criticized for not being scientific; and this was a criticism from Western civUization." In the eyes of Levenson, the changing character of Chinese opposition to Christianity reflected the progressive disintegration of tradi- tional Chinese civUization. "But it did more than indicate the fact of disintegration; it exemplified the process. After an unimpressive begin- ning in the early modern period, Christianity assumed a great and important role in Chinese history—important, but vicarious. Chinese came to require it, not as something to be believed in, but as something to be rejected. Modern Christian missionaries have made outstanding contributions to the westernization of China, but in this, their secular, secondary success, their religious cause was lost, at least for a time, at least as long as waning traditions survive enough to be regretted. For men do not change their inteUectuaI commitments cooUy. When Chi- nese traditionalism crumbles into iconoclasm, it costs the Chinese dear; and he prefers, as far as possible, to pay in a foreign coin." In the same context Levenson writes that "for the Chinese to live, without too bitter an emotional chUl, in a gathering coolness to their own Confucian heritage, they had to meet with unaltering coolness the Christian invitation." In summary, Christianity, in Levenson's opinion, made it possible for science and then industrialism, as "modern" civilisation, not as "western," to supersede Confucian China.96 "Joseph R. Levenson, Confucian China and Its Modern Fate: The Problem ofIntellectual Continuity (Berkeley, California, 1958), pp. 1 17-125; also reprinted in Jessie G. Lutz, Christian Missions in China: Evangelists of What? (Boston, 1965), pp. 90-95; the main part of the text appeared earlier under the title "Western Religion and the Decay of Tradi- tional China;The Intrusion of History on Judgments ofValue," Sinologica,TV (1956), 14-20. 6?6NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA Though Needham's interpretation is the result of a different approach, he also focuses on the "modern" aspect of Western sciences: "It is vital today that the world should recognise that 17th-century Europe did not give rise to essentiaUy 'European' or 'western' science, but to universaUy vaUd world science, that is to say, 'modern' science as opposed to the ancient and medieval sciences." It was the mathematization of hypotheses that led to a universal language, a universal medium of exchange. Needham further establishes the post-EhUghtenment distinction between religion and sciences. For the Jesuits to seek to accompUsh their religious mission by bringing to China the best of Renaissance science was a highly enUghtened way of proceeding; yet this science was for them only a means to an end. What mattered for them just as much was that it had originated in Christendom. The impUcit logic was that only Christendom could have produced it. Needham concludes: "The Chinese were acute enough to see through aU this from the very beginning. The Jesuits might insist that Renaissance natural science was primarily Western,' but the Chinese understood clearly that it was primarily 'new.'"97 As can be observed, Needham in the end makes science ultimately independent from civilization, so as to make the modern aspect acceptable. As pointed out earlier, Chinese scholars have also joined the debate to prove whether or not Christianity contributed to the modernization of China. One of the key-points was the identification of Catholicism and especiaUy of the Jesuits in the historical materialistic time-frame. The schematical division between CathoUcism = Old Learning (fiujiao) = Feudal Middle Ages, and Protestantism = New Learning (xinjiao) = Renaissance has been commonly adopted.98 Since the translation of Weber into Chinese in the 1980s,the theme of identifica- tion of CathoUcism with feudaUsm and other-worldliness and Protes- tantism with capitalism and this-worldliness has been reinforced.99 These frames impose some limits on the modern aspect of the Christian enterprise in China, and often make a clear distinction between on the one hand the "scientific" and on the other hand "reUgious" interest or the contribution of a certain individual or movement. ^Needham, op. cit. , pp. 448-449. 98ChCn Weiping, op. cit., p. 47. "See also Sun Shangyang, Mingmo tianzhujiao yu ruxue dejiaoliu he chongtu [Exchange and Conflict Between Catholicism and Confucianism in the Late Ming Period] (Taibei, 1992), pp. 128-129 (mainland version: fidujiao yu mingmo ruxue [Beijing, 1994]). BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ607 A major problem with this type of interpretation is that, more than the others, it is dependent on a retrospective reading of this history. One could consider the missionaries as "forerunners of modernity" but the seventeenth-century actors certainly did not view the Jesuits as vanguards of something greater to come. Moreover, aU these interpretations have as a basic assumption a stable and only cycUcaUy changing China that only experienced some change within tradition but that had to wait for the West (including Christianity) to undergo transformation. A quite different approach that moves beyond tradition and modernity tries to discover the internal dynamism of Chinese society. It is based on a theory of cultural exchange that states that an external element is accepted only if it joins an internal movement of a specific culture. As a result, researchers should not primarily focus on the means employed by the foreign element to impose its ideas, but rather on the prior internal dynamism of a culture that made the reception possible. An example of this approach is the writ- ings by Monika Übelhör, which, unfortunately, have not received the at- tention they deserve.100 They have the advantage of linking the scientific and religious sides of a person. New studies on the process of conversion confirm the attention that has to be paid to the internal dynamism, the context, the personal or cultural crisis, and the quest prior to the encounter that prompts change.101 4.3. Christianity as a Marginal Religion A different type of interpretation is to look at the place of Christianity as a reUgion in Chinese society. A fundamental contribution in this field has been made by C. K. Yang with his notions of diffused and institutional reUgion. Though he does not treat Christianity extensively, he certainly points out the many limitations of its organized position as an institutional reUgion in the structural framework of traditional Chinese society (such as Limitations on the social functions of the priesthood, lack of participation in community charity, lack of participation in secular education, lack of organized authority over moraUty). In addition, Yang related the long tradition of persecution of heterodoxy to the power structure and the ethicopoUtical order of the State. The entire system of adminis100M. Übelhör, "Hsü Kuang-ch'i und seine Einstellung zum Christentum," Oriens Extremus, 15 (1968), 191-257 (I); 16 (1969), 41-74 (II); "Geistesströmungen der späten Ming-Zeit die das Werken der Jesuiten in China begünstigten," Saeculum, 23 (1972), 172-185. ""Lewis R. Rambo, Understanding Religious Conversion (New Haven, 1993). 608NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA trative control over reUgion in traditional China was based on the general purpose of guarding the interest of the ruling power and the State against possible subversive influence of heterodoxy.102 Christianity in seventeenth-century China was subjected to this system. Recently Erik Zürcher, who is influenced by C. K. Yang's interpretation, has classified Christianity as a "marginal religion." The notion of marginaUty appeared in an article on Aleni's relationship with the literati. Zürcher observes that from a Chinese perspective, seventeenth- century Christianity contained two orientations that were mutuaUy in- compatible. On the one hand, Christianity attempted to associate itself with Confucianism, -which -was a rather rational doctrine, -without a con- cept of a personal God, without precise ideas of afterlife, retribution, without priests or miracles. On the other hand, it was forced, by its own nature, to proclaim a doctrine full of "mysteries of faith," fundamentaUy irrational, focused around a personal Master of Heaven, who was a supreme Judge, punishing and rewarding, and intervening directly in history. It was composed of very precise and detaUed ideas on the na- ture of the soul, afterlife. It was a doctrine fuU of miracles and events of supernatural order and was propagated by persons who, despite their efforts to identify themselves with the class of literati, could never dissociate themselves from their reUgious profession. AU in aU, Zürcher is of the opinion that it is this internal contradiction, rather than the external circumstances such as the hostiUty of certain officials or the rites controversy, which prevented Christianity from becoming more than a "marginal" phenomenon in pre-modern China.103 In a more recent article, Zürcher has treated the question from another perspective. Again he attempts to approach the main issues of Christianity as a constitutive part of a special phenomenon in late im- perial Chinese culture. He examines the way in which sinicized marginal religions of foreign origin adapted themselves to the central ideology of Confucianism. The two central concepts proposed by Zürcher are "marginal reUgion" and "cultural imperative."104 Marginal re102C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society (Berkeley, California, 1967), pp. I67ff.; pp. 329ff. 105E. Zürcher, "Giulio Aleni et ses relations dans le milieu des lettrés chinois au XVIP siècle," in L. Lanciotti (ed.), Venezia e l'Oriente (Florence, 1987), p. 135; Chinese transla- tion: "Wenhua chuanbozhong de xingbian," Ershiyi shiji, 9 (1992), 1 14. IMThese ideas are developed in E. Zürcher, "Jesuit Accommodation and the Chinese Cultural Imperative," in David E. Mungello (ed.), The Chinese Rites Controversy: Its History and Meaning ("Monumenta Sérica Monograph Series," XXXIII [Nettetal, 1994]), pp. 31-64. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.609 ligions, such as Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and in an earUer period Buddhism shared the patterns of adaptation intrinsic to the same "deep structure in Chinese religious Ufe" in late imperial China: congruity, complementarity, historical precedent, reductionism. In the same way as other foreign religions, Jesuits were faced with a "cultural imperative": "no marginal reUgion penetrating from the outside could expect to take root in China (at least at that social level) unless it conformed to the pattern that in late imperial times was more clearly defined than ever. Confucianism represented what is zheng, "orthodox," in a religious, ritual, social, and political sense; in order not to be branded as xie, "heterodox," and to be treated as a subversive sect, a marginal religion had to prove that it was on the side of zheng. m On the basis of writings of Chinese converts, Zürcher shows how they interpreted the message in their own way and how they appear occasionaUy to have gone farther than their Jesuit teachers would ever go. From a different perspective and using different words, Chinese scholars also point to the role reserved for Christianity as a minority. After a short overview of the development of Christian theology, Tang Yi from the Institute of World ReUgions at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, comes to the conclusion that "The comparison of Christianity in its mainstream version and Chinese culture in terms of contrasting outlooks on history would make it easier to account for the fact that, starting with Matteo Ricci, after so many generations of competent and creative endeavours, no real Chinese theology on the same level as Chinese Buddhism has ever resulted." In addition he sees three different ways for Christianity to develop in China. Referring to the past, it seems unlikely to him that the Christian faith may eventuaUy conquer China and Christianize Chinese culture (first possibUity) or that Christianity may eventually be absorbed by Chinese culture, following the example of Buddhism (second possibUity). "The third way is for Christianity to retain its basic Western characteristics and settle down to be a sub-cultural minority reUgion in China. In the end the pubUc wiU get more used to it and accept aU its religious ideals, including its prophetic message, as a complement to and ornament of the Chinese civiUsation without any fear of jeopardising the mainstream culture. This is, for all practical purposes, the most likely solution to be reached."106 ""Zürcher, "Jesuit Accommodation ..." pp. 40-41; this analysis is completely in line with C. K. Yang. "Tang Yi,"Chinese Christianity in Development," China Studyfournal,Nl (1991), 7-8. 610NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA 4.4. Christianity as a Civilizing Project1"1 A quite different angle from which to interpret the encounter between China and Christianity is to consider it as an encounter of at least two civilizing projects. In his work on the "Chineseness of China," Wang Gungwu has already pointed out the "Chinese Urge to CivUize."108 The term "civiUzing project" is to be found in a coUection of articles on China's relations with the surrounding neighbors. Stevan HarreU defines the concept as follows: A civilizing project is a kind of interaction between peoples, in which one group, the civilizing center, interacts with other groups (the peripheral peoples) in terms of a particular kind of inequality. In this interaction, the inequality between the civilizing center and the peripheral peoples has its ideological basis in the center's claim to a superior degree of civilization, along with a commitment to raise the peripheral peoples' civUization to the level of the center, or at least closer to that level. The civilizing center draws its ideological rationale from the belief that the process of domination is one of helping the dominated to attain or at least approach the superior cultural, religious, and moral qualities characteristic of the center itself. Focusing on the modern period, HarreU distinguishes three different civUizing projects in China: Confucian, Christian, and Communist. Each of these projects has its own characteristics in terms of location of the civUizing center (China; West; China and Moscow), the defining features of civUization (Humanist/moral; Divine/moral; Humanist/scien- tific), the differentiation of groups (Culture; Race; PoUtical economy), etc. Though HarreU uses this frame for the study of the peripheral peoples in the modern period, it could also be appUed to the encounter be- tween Christianity and China in the Late Ming and Early Qing period. Christianity certainly started out as a "civUizing project," and it was directed at transforming the Han. In paraUel, one can also discern a civi- '07Stevan Harrell,"Introduction: Civilizing Projects and the Reaction to Them," in Stevan Harrell (ed.), Cultural Encounters on China's Ethnic Frontiers (Seattle, Washington, 1995), pp. 3-36. 1 would like to express gratitude to P. Taveirne for pointing out this arti- cle. 1MWang Gungwu, "The Chinese Urge to Civilize: Reflections on Change," in Wang Gungwu, The Chineseness of China: Selected Essasys (Hong Kong, 1991), pp. 145-164. BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.61 1 Uzing project on the Confucian side at that time. Besides larger movements, such as the Donglin in the Late Ming or the kaozheng in the Early Qing, there was a general "urge to civüize" (hud) the other, especiaUy the foreigner. As a result, there existed competition between the Confucian and Christian civUizing projects. On the one hand, both sides met with a "barbarian" who was different from the barbarians they were used to meeting. Both sides presented themselves as having a highly developed culture (Uterary, scientific, or bureaucratic). On the other hand, they kept also their feeling of superiority to the other. They were each other's mutual civUizers and civilizees. One can observe that their encounter developed the same characteristic reactions as peripheral peoples to civUizing projects. Indeed, when persons are confronted with a center that attempts to define and educate them, they are forced to come to terms with who they are and with how they are different from those who are attempting to civUize them. So quite naturaUy they rethink their own position and their own nature, and in most cases, they seem to come up with a self-deirnition that is ethnic (in the terms outlined above). If developing an ethnic consciousness is an almost inevitable result of becoming the object of a civUizing project, then this development has two aspects: the development of consciousness of belonging to a group, and the development of consciousness of being different from other groups. 4.5. Conclusion: Christianity and China as Other These four interpretative schemes try to give sense to the encounter between Christianity and China. Despite their value, they should not conceal the fact that this encounter and its influence are but a minor thread in the whole tapestry of Chinese history. As a conclusion I would like to suggest that the paradigm of the "other" (and therefore also of the "self") can be taken as a basis for an additional interpretative scheme for the history of Christianity in China. In the last two decades, French phUosophy has been involved in a particular way with the question of "the other" (l'altérité). This involvement had also its impact on historical writing. Tzvetan Todorov's history of the conquest of America is a nice example of examining intercultural contact from the angle of the other. Todorov establishes a "typology of the relations to the other." In his eyes there are three axes from which the question of otherness can be 612NEW TRENDS IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA treated.109 Firstly, there is the value judgment (an axiological level): the other is good or bad, I like him or I do not like him, he is my equal or my inferior. Secondly, there is the rapprochement and removal from the other (the praxeological level): I adopt his values, I identify myself with him, or I assimUate the other to myself, I impose my own image on him; between submission to the other and submission of the other there is also the option of neutrality or indifference. Thirdly, I know or ignore the identity of the other (the epistemológica! level): here is no absolute but an infinite gradation between lesser and greater states of knowledge. There are relations between these three levels but no strict impUcation: one cannot reduce one to another, nor deduce one from the other. One can, for instance, know a culture less but like it more. These are also the three dimensions around which Todorov constructed his book: conquering, loving, and knowing (conquérir, aimer et connaître). The axes used by Todorov could be taken as an interpretative frame for an analysis of the question of the other in the Christian-Chinese encounter. What was, for instance, the value judgment of the different groups involved? Were there significant differences between these groups? How were the differences expressed? How did this value judgment interfere and interrelate with personal liking and disliking of the other and different levels of knowledge or ignorance of the other and vice versa. As a result, the history of Christianity in China is also, but not exclusively, a history of defining the "other" and the "self." The two entities involved,"Christianity" and "China," have been associated with terms such as Western, scientific, modern, traditional, stable, unchanging, etc. The danger of this approach is the essentialist labeling which does not accept any evolution, change, or transformation. It can make communication impossible. The alternative is to consider the two entities as open, dynamic, and mobUe. SeU" and other are dynamic concepts since they aUow for different identifications. For instance, Christianity in seventeenth-century China can be studied by Western (other) Christian (self) or non-Christian (other) scholars, or by Chinese (self) Christian (setf) or non-Christian (other) scholars. When they study anti-Christian movements, however, the identification is different. Moreover, if the two mo"Tzvetan Todorov, La conquête de l'Amérique: La question de l'autre (Paris, 1982), esp. p. 191. English translation: The Conquest ofAmerica: The Question of the Other, trans. Richard Howard (New York, 1984). BY NICOLAS STANDAERT, SJ.613 bUe identities are studied in depth by a wide range of methodological means (positive-textual and interpretative-narrative) using both Chinese and Western sources, and if the wide variety of themes they embrace is interpreted from different perspectives, then one can discover how they shape, transform, and define each other. As such the "other" and the "self" come into the light for both sides. This might be a new chaUenge for the study of Christianity in China. CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN RELIGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA BY Erik Zürcher* Introductory Remarks Much has been written about the relation and interaction between Confucianism and the Christian doctrine as preached by Jesuit missionaries in late Ming and early Qing times, and not without reason, for since the Jesuits consciously concentrated their proselytizing effort upon the Confucian elite, they had constantly to define their own position visà-vis that absolutely dominant ideology. It is true that their acceptance in these circles did not depend only upon their reUgious message; many members of the educated elite admired the xiru, the "literati from the West," for their intellectual qualities and their useful new knowledge, without being attracted by their exotic religion. But even so, the first prerequisite was that this doctrine of the Lord of Heaven was essentially compatible with the Confucian world-view—that was a "cultural imperative" from which no minority religion could escape. The Jesuits accepted that imperative and made it the cornerstone of their missionary approach, not only for strategic reasons, but also because most of them sincerely admired what they regarded as the "original teachings" of Confucius and of the oldest Chinese classics transmitted by him. In their view, those teachings were excellent guide- lines for social and poUtical life, and they even were held to contain clear evidence of a Chinese monotheism of the most distant past. Christianity could therefore both "complement Confucianism" (bu ru) by enriching it with a divine revelation, and restore it to its original monotheistic purity. The conclusion was clear and was drawn by all Chinese converts of the educated upper class: one could very well be*Mr. Zürcher is professor emeritus of East Asian history in the Rijksuniversiteit Leiden. [N.B. A list of the abbreviations used in the footnotes follows the article, beginning on page 650.] 614 by Erik Zürcher615 come a Christian and yet remain a convinced Confucian. Other literati disagreed; their reactions varied from mild criticism to utter rejection. Thus, ever since Ricci published his celebrated "Substantial Meaning of the Lord of Heaven" (Tianzhu shiyi) in 1604, a critical dialogue de- veloped between Christianity and Confucianism. On the Christian side, both missionaries and converts have produced a large corpus of apologetic and polemical treatises; the opponents—Confucian scholars and officials (and also Buddhist monks and lay believers, in response to the Jesuits' extreme hostility toward all non-Confucian religious beliefs)— have done the same. It is a fascinating kind of Uterature, but it has one serious limitation: it largely deals with doctrinal and theoretical issues, and it teaches us little about the way in which Chinese converts actually experienced and practiced their reUgion, and how that Christian, personal religiosity related to the religious dimension of Confucianism. This paper is a first attempt to fiU the gap. In our story the Jesuit missionaries will not play the main role, for the subject impUes that we shall have to focus upon the dispersed and fragmentary data found in the testimonies of native Chinese Christians. Statements made in Chinese works written by the foreign missionaries will be used only as supportive information if those texts are known to have had a wide circulation, or if those statements are quoted or para- phrased by Chinese authors. Such a self-imposed limitation is necessary, for quite a number of texts produced by missionaries are normative and prescriptive; in many cases they are free translations of European scholastic textbooks, and we therefore cannot assume that they reflect the reaUty of the reUgious Ufe of Chinese Christians. The Confucian Concept of "Orthodoxy" (zheng) There is hardly any area in which the Confucian and the Christian discourses differ so fundamentaUy from each other as they do in their definition of orthodoxy—the complex of beliefs and practices that are officiaUy established as being true, right, and binding. In the Confucian tradition that nucleus of right thought and action is caUed zheng, "correct, legitimate"; it is contrasted with the "heterodox principles" (yiduari) of non-Confucian reUgious systems, notably Buddhism and Taoism, and with sectarian cults and rituals that are regarded as potentiaUy subverting the moral order, and therefore are considered "heretical" (xie) or "Ucentious" (yin). 616CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN REUGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA At first sight one would be tempted to limit the sphere of zheng to the officiaUy recognized interpretation of the Confucian canon as it had been formulated by Cheng Yi, Cheng Hao, and other Neo-Confucian masters of the eleventh century and systematized by Zhu Xi (1130-1200), for this particular variety of Neo-Confucianism had enjoyed official status since the early fourteenth century. However, this official recognition only meant that the commentaries of the so-caned "Cheng-Zhu School" or "School of Principles" formed part of the uniform curriculum for the state examinations. Of course, the fact that aU male members of the educated gentry who aspired to even the lowest grade in the examination system had memorized these standard commentaries is of great importance. However, the Cheng-Zhu formulation of Confucianism had by no means the status of an unassailable, dog- matic orthodoxy. There were several strongly divergent trends and schools within Neo-Confucianism, and particularly in late Ming times there were influential masters who expounded ideas that differed from the official exegesis on fundamental points, without being branded as heterodox or heretical. It is interesting to note that such points of controversy and diverging opinions precisely concerned metaphysical, ontological, and other theoretical subjects (such as the relation between the eternal metaphysical principles and physical endowment, or the qualities of human nature and the mind) that in a Western context would be essential elements of orthodoxy. The Confucian concept of zheng is of another order than the monopolistic, aU-inclusive, Mediterranean type of orthodoxy, of which Christianity (in its seventeenth-century, Roman CathoUc, post-Tridentine form) was an outstanding example. As has been argued by C. K. Yang, zheng is, first and foremost, a moral and political orthodoxy.1 The ideal moral order is formally categorized as the "Three Bonds," san gang, i.e., the relations between ruler and subject, father and son, and husband and wife; the "Five Human Relations," wu lun: the same, plus elder and younger brother and "friends," i.e., close non-familial relations; and the observance of the "Five Constant Virtues," wu chang: benevolence or human-heartedness (rera); righteousness or sense of duty (yi); sense of propriety and ritual (Ii); wisdom or insight (zht), and good faith (xin). These quintessential relations and virtues, together with their correct and hierarchical ritual expression, form the very basis of the orthodox, zheng way of life and of the social and poUtical order; it was even considered to be the hallmark of Chinese civilization. As K. C. Liu rightly re1CK. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society. A Study of Contemporary Social Functions ofReligion and Some ofTheir Historical Factors (Berkeley, California, 1961), p. 196. BY ERIK ZÜRCHER617 marks: "The Confucian orthodoxy was built on interpersonal relationships, and not necessarily on a transcendent faith."2 However, the scope of zheng reaches far beyond social ethics; it also has an important reUgious dimension. The Confucian values reflect the qualities of the cosmos itself; human beings are part of a moral universe. Heaven and Earth are great and benevolent powers. The Five Constant Virtues also inform the workings of Nature: Heaven and Earth are ren, for they give and sustain Ufe; yi corresponds to the perfect regularity of aU natural processes; Ii has its counterpart in the hierarchical order that reigns in the universe, and zhi is, on a cosmic scale, the supernatural Lntelügence of Heaven. Heaven (tian) is the supreme directive force, majestic yet impersonal; both the universe and human society are subjected to its Mandate (tianming). The perfect sage is not only a person of highest moral standing: he deeply experiences that metaphysical dimension, and in that sense he "forms a triad with Heaven-and-Earth" and "forms one substance with Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things." This conception of a moraUy positive universe directed by the Mandate of Heaven had important ideological and ritual consequences; it formed, in fact, the basis of the Confucian state religion. It served to legitimize the position of the ruling dynasty and of the emperor as chief executor of the Heavenly Mandate, in his sacral role of Son of Heaven. The grand sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, which only the emperor was allowed to celebrate, constituted the apex of a hierarchicaUy arranged system of official rites, as codified in the "sacrificial statues" (sidian), to be performed by (in descending order) the emperor and his representatives, the magistrates on the various administrative levels, local gentry leaders, and individual households. The objects of sacrificial worship included the numinous powers of soil and grain; of mountains and rivers; of waUs and moats; of celestial bodies; the spiritual power (ling) represented by great sages and heroes of the past; domestic deities (notably the god of the hearth) and the manes of ancestors in each household. It was a compUcated, multi-layered complex of officiaUy prescribed or approved cults, intimately related with the idea of legitimate power and authority on every level; taken as a whole it was a powerful element of integration and uniformity in state and society. AU this also belonged to the sphere of zheng (in fact, the word often denotes "legitimate [rule] "); like the social component (san gang, etc.) and the metaphysical one (the beUef in the cosmic dimension), this ritual component was 2Kwang-Ching Liu, "Socioethics as Orthodoxy: A Perspective," in K. C. Liu (ed.), Orthodoxy in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, California, 1990), pp. 53-100 at 54. 618CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN REUGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA part of the common Confucian heritage that was shared by aU schools. It was orthodox, in the sense that the rejection of any part of it would be considered subversive and heretical. Finally, the concept of zheng also comprised an individual component: the Confucian ideal of"self-cultivation" (?:?« shen;xiuyang). As an indispensable part of the individual's effort to become afunzi, a "superior man" of wisdom and high moral standards, the idea of selfcultivation was as old as Confucianism itself, but in Neo-Confucianism it had acquired a deeper and broader significance, probably (but never expUcitly) as a result of Mahâyâna Buddhist influence. Whatever their scholastic affiliation, Neo-Confcians proclaimed that in principle the ideal of Saintliness (sheng), i.e. ,the realization of a state of perfect inner harmony and equilibrium, was open to every human being. Everybody has the innate, spontaneous knowledge (liangzhi) and capacity (liangneng) to reahze the virtues that form part of human nature (xing). According to the Cheng-Zhu Official" interpretation, this nature itself does not directly reveal itself in practical action; it is the deepest nucleus of our being, the storehouse of the metaphysical principles. In practical life, our thoughts and actions are guided by our mind (xin, "heart"), and this xin is morally ambivalent. Its "better part" is pure and morally perfect, for it reflects the principles immanent in our nature. Its "worse part" is contaminated by the selfish desires and impure tendencies that themselves are the result of our contact with things and of our material endowment. However, it is possible to purify the mind and to realize our perfect nature by an arduous process of introspection, selfexamination, study, and moral discipline, and by maintaining an attitude of mental concentration and vigilance (calledfing, literaUy "reverence"). In late Ming times, Confucian self-cultivation had given rise to a type of meditation with reUgious overtones; as regards its outer form (sitting cross-legged, combined with respiratory exercises), it was no doubt inspired by the Chan-Buddhist practice of "sitting in meditation," but its content and purpose were completely different. Such Confucian medi- tation, caUedyrngzwo/'quiet-sitting," was practiced in the early morning or at the end of the day, in a secluded room, sometimes for a considerable time. It was aimed at reaching a state of mental equiUbrium, or of "no-mind"; free from the disturbing influence of emotions—a return to one's inner nature. Just as in Chan Buddhism, the term gongfu, "exertion, labor," was sometimes used for this kind of spiritual exercise. In spite of its Buddhist origin, it is not clear to what extent jingzuo can be considered a religious practice, although it certainly belongs to BY ERIK ZÜRCHER619 the more general category of"spirituaUty." De Bary's characterization of jingzuo as a kind of "examination of conscience" seems to be too lim- ited.3 It has probably been best denned by Busch, as "a restful return of the mind to itself, a passive awareness of its nature, wherein the mind cleans itself from aU selfish desires and the heavenly norm, embodied in it, emerges."4 This brief survey of the scope and content of"Confucian orthodoxy" may serve to highUght the basic difference between the Confucian and the Christian worldviews. In the Confucian conception of zheng, the focus is on social moraUty, poUtical legitimacy, and ritual correctness. The supramundane is there, as a metaphysical dimension, but only to the extent that it is directly related to social and poUtical values and to human nature. "Faith" in the Christian sense, as an unquestioning acceptance of a supernatural revelation laid down in scriptures of divine inspiration, does not play any role. Heaven (or its ancient metaphors like shangdi, "the Sovereign-on-High," or zhuzai, "the Lord-Overseer") is vaguely described as the highest principle and guiding force in the universe, but no attempt is made to define it more closely—tian is important because of its activity in the human sphere (what Chung-ying Cheng aptly has caUed "the worldliness of the reUgious reaUty of Heaven"),5 not as a worthy object of "theological" thought in itself. Confucian orthodoxy does not include any coherent explanation of human suffering, as Buddhism did with its theory of karma and rebirth, nor is it concerned -with the hereafter. It does not include such typicaUy reUgious elements as prophecy, miracles, personified powers of good and evil, sacred spells, and exorcism. Another notable fact is that in the Confucian doctrine about the spiritual aspects of the human being, very Uttle attention is paid to the "soul." The entities caUed hun (made of subtle matter, and lingering on after death) and po (consisting of less refined qi, and falling apart) are regarded as a kind of elementary vital force, quite distinct from the aspects that reaUy count in the here and now: human nature, mind, emotions, and individual physical endowment. The notion of "souls" does play a role in the ancestral cult, but even there those disembodied intelligences remain Ul-defined and almost marginal, if compared to the 'William Th. de Bary, The Unfolding ofNeo-Confucianism (New York, 1975), p. 175. 4Cf. Heinrich Busch,"The Tung-lin Shu yuan and Its PoUtical and Philosophical Significance : Monumenta Serica,XTV (1949-1955), 1-163 at 125. 'Chung-ying Cheng, New Dimensions of Confucian and Neo-Confucian Philosophy (Albany, New York, 1971), p. 456. 620CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN REUGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA absolutely central role played by the human soul in the Christian doctrine. We may conclude that Confucian orthodoxy, defined as zheng, is limited in its coverage. It is most expUcit and demanding when dealing with beUefs, norms, and rituals that are directly related to the social and poUtical order and with individual self-perfection. From that central area it branches out into metaphysics, but there it leaves much room for varying interpretations and speculations, and it hardly contains any binding rules for private religious experience, like faith, hope for release, prayer, devotion, the awareness of sin, and protection against evil and misfortune. And precisely for that reason such "areas of low density" could be fiUed up by religious elements from outside: Buddhist devotion and soteriology, Taoist magic and eubiotics, popular beUefs and rituals—and no doubt also by the doctrine of the Lord of Heaven. Con- fucian orthodoxy generaUy did not stand in the way of such complements, if they did not affect its core area. In this sense, Christianity could indeed be "a substitute for Buddhism" (yifo).6 But the adoption of Christianity actuaUy went far beyond taking the place of Buddhism, for it also pretended to offer its own interpretation of Confucianism itself. It was not, like Buddhism, an external reUgious system in its own right, that was aUowed to operate in the empty spaces not covered by Confucian orthodoxy; as a monopoUstic reUgion, it claimed to cover the whole human experience. By merging with Confucianism, Christianity itself became a part of zheng—in fact, its claim that it had come to purify Confucianism of later superstitious accretions and to restore original monotheism impUed that is was more zheng than anything contemporary Confucianism could offer. Such claims had never been made by any other alien religion in China—in that respect it was a new phenomenon in the history of Chinese thought. Christianity and zheng The fact that the spokesmen of Christianity situated their doctrine and their way of life firmly on the side of zheng had far-reaching consequences. The claim itself is often and very expUcitly made, by missionaries and by converts alike, just as their opponents spared no argument to disprove it. 6Cf. Xu Guangqi's preface to Sabbathino de Ursis, "HydrauUcs," Taixi shuifa (1612), in TXCH, III, 1506: Christianity may serve "as a complement to Confucianism and as a substitute for Buddhism," bu ru yifo. BY ERK ZÜRCHER621 That the doctrine of the Lord of Heaven offers the true interpretation of the Classics, and thereby has penetrated into the very heart of the Confucian scriptural tradition, is most clearly stated by Wang Zheng in his treatise on "Standing in Awe of Heaven and Loving Other People" (Wei tian ai renji lun, 1628). After having heard the explanations given to him by Dídaco de Pantoja (of which he presents a very interesting summary) during one of his visits to Beijing, he realizes the true meaning of the Mandate of Heaven (i.e., in a Christian context, the wiU and intention of the Lord of Heaven), and of aU the passages in the Classics that refer to Heaven or its synonyms. He is elated by this discovery, for suddenly he has found the key to whatever he has learnt so far (a relevant remark, for Wang Zheng met de Pantoja during one of his many attempts to gain the finshi degree, his head crammed with memorized scriptures and commentaries).7 Zhu Zongyuan also describes the contribution of Christianity in terms that belong to the standard vocabulary of zheng: it enriches Confucianism with its detailed "method of cultivating one's spirit and nourishing one's nature" (xiu shen yang xing) and makes us "return to the root" (gui gen); only now have we come to understand the true meaning of the Six Classics and the Four Books; unfortunately, "superficial scholars do not understand this."8 Any Confucian could recognize the key concepts of his own doctrine in the words of the author of an anonymous pamphlet: Christianity is "the right way of preserving the mind, nourishing one's Nature, selfcultivation, and submission to [Heaven's] Mandate."9 If Christianity is "orthodox," it foUows that it shares the Confucian abhorrence of "heretical" and "licentious" beliefs and cults (a point most explicitly made, also because opponents tended to identify it with such subversive movements). Even some sympathetic outsiders were convinced that Christianity should be used as a means to discourage sec- tarianism and to bring the people back to the orthodox way10 Christian publications could serve the same purpose: some Fujian Uterati ur- gently asked Father Aleni to translate many such books "in order to ex7ITCLR1P^. "DKW, pp. 6"-7a. 9XSWB, p. 10*. "The most interesting case is the proclamation issued in 1635 by Lei Chong, prefect of Jiangzhou, in which he extols A. Vagnoni and his doctrine as an antidote against sectarian movements; text appended to Huang Mingqiao's Tianxue chuangai (1639); translation in Erik Zürcher, "A Complement to Confucianism: Christianity and Orthodoxy in Late Ming China," in Norms and the State in China, edd. Huang Chun-chieh and E. Zürcher (Leiden, 1993), pp. 7 1-72. Cf. also the proclamation of Zuo Guangxian, prefect ofJianning (Fujian), 622CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN REUGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA pose heresy and extol orthodoxy" (pi xie chong zheng); the Heavenly Doctrine is "the only public-spirited and orthodox one" (wei yi gong zheng), and a sure remedy against aU heretical teachings and deviant schools."" However, in its opposition to heresy, Christianity was much more radical than Confucianism, which, as we have seen, generally made a distinction between respectable organized Buddhism and Taoism and the "subversive" teachings of uncontroUed sectarian movements. Christian monopoUsm did not (and could not) make such a distinction: any beUef or cult that does not form part of Confucian-Christian synthesis is by definition to be condemned as xie. This wholesale rejection of both institutional and popular Chinese religions (including such "superstitious" practices as geomancy and astrology) created a united front between Christians and orthodox Confucian fundamentaUsts. It is not without reason that the Christian leader Yang Tingyun, when organizing his father's funeral, banned aU superstitious practices, and buried him according to the strict rules of Zhu Xi's "FamUy Ritual" (Jiali).'2 If the Christian message of a single, personal God was to be integrated into the core area of zheng, it could not do so in the Buddhist or Taoist way, by simply adding its own deity as an external complement; the evidence had to be found within the Confucian tradition itself. As is weU known, the integration took place through a daring reinterpretation of some ancient cultic terms (notably tian, "Heaven ") and of a considerable number of key passages in the Confucian canon. The most basic element in this Christianized Confucianism was the personification of the highest cosmic force or principle, the transformation of the abstract, impersonal Heaven into the personal Lord of Heaven. To Chinese Christians the worship of that Tianzhu was the hallmark of their faith; in every exposition of the Christian doctrine this personification of the Confucian Heaven forms the first and most fundamental theme. The beUef of the Chinese converts was, first and foremost, characterized by what may be caUed "Confucian monotheism." extolling Aleni and the doctrine of the Uterati from the West "as a support for the ruler's civUizing transformation" (texts and translation in S. Couvreur, Choix de documents, lettres officielles, edits, mémoriaux, inscriptions. . . . Textes chinois avec traduction en français et en latin (3d printing; Hokien-fou, 1901), pp. 30-35. "KDRCX 10·. '2XQYX, pp. 6'-7", also in LXYf, 1, 26h-27*. BY ERIK ZÜRCHER623 The Lord of Heaven: "Confucian Monotheism" Christianity was rightly denoted by the name "the Doctrine of the Lord of Heaven" and not by any term UteraUy corresponding to "Christianity." One of the most outstanding characteristics of late Ming lay Christianity is that in the writings of Chinese converts only a minor role is played by what in the European perspective always has constituted the very essence of the creed: the Incarnation, Passion, and Resurrection. In their works the absolutely central role is played by the person of God as the creator, the supreme ruler of the universe, the "great Fatherand-Mother," and the righteous but stern judge of souls, even to such an extent that in some of their writings the person ofJesus does not figure at all.13 This one-sided concentration on the theme of monotheism cannot be blamed upon the Jesuit missionaries, for in their own Chinese writings (including ülustrated texts) they have paid ample attention to the Incarnation. And there are some exceptions: the unique "Diary of DaUy Admonitions," Kouduo richao (Li Jiubiao's record of conversations held by Aleni and some other missionaries in Fujian between I63O and 1640) contains several passages that testify to a considerable interest in, and famiUarity with, the themes of Incarnation and Redemption. However, those passages also show that for sympathetic outsiders and even for some converted Uterati, the Incarnation remained a source of perplexity. It was hard to beUeve that the Lord of Heaven was born from a virgin of low social standing; the idea that he had assumed the form of a human being was felt to be a profanation of his majesty, and, above aU, if true Redemption had only been made possible by Jesus' selfsacrifice, what about the fate of the saints and sages of the Confucian tradition, the virtuous rulers of high Antiquity—and of Confucius himself? Another stumbling-block was, understandably, the related dogma of the Trinity. Both the missionaries and some Chinese converts have tried to throw Ught upon that mystery, but we cannot expect their audience to have been satisfied by their explanations. The mystery is described using a style and terminology that must have reminded Chinese readers of the most abstruse Buddho-Taoist "Dark Learning'' speculations of early medieval times. The argument was further obscured by the use of "Notable examples of such "Tianzhu-ist" texts are Wang Zheng's WTAR and RHY, and Han Lin's DS. 624CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN RELIGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA the word ti, which means both "body" and "substance" (in a philosophical sense). One example may suffice:"Jesus' body, soul, and divine nature constituted one and the same substance (tongtt). [The Father] reflected (zhao, another traditional concept) in his own inner being his mysterious omnipotence, perfect goodness, and infinity of his fundamental nature, and from his inner substance he created the image (xiang) of that mysterious omnipotence, perfect goodness, and infinity, and that was the Son. . . ."" So much for Aleni; Yang Tingyun makes a simUar attempt at explanation, using several images and simUes.15 However, it is quite significant that in a key passage in which Yang Usts six points of similarity and resemblance between Confucianism and Christianity, the Incarnation is not mentioned; the main thrust of the argument is to represent Christianity as an enriched and deepened version of Confucianism, and as a revival of original monotheism.16 The image of the personalized Heaven, the divine autocrat, no doubt stimulated the religious imagination. The impression it made upon the Chinese audience must have been deepened by the very frequent use of two powerful metaphors: God is our "great Father-and-Mother" (da fumu), and he is the great Ruler (dajun). No images could have been more significant and rich in associations in a Chinese environment. Since God is our Father-and-Mother, his worship is analogous to the respect and submission that a filial son owes to his parents;17 it foUows that our duties toward God are even superior to the Five Human Relations;18 whoever sins against God's wiU is lacking in filial piety;19 one who does good without serving God is like a son who behaves weU in society but neglects his own parents.20 In Han Lin's Christian exegesis of the Six Maxims of the first Ming emperor (Duoshu), the first maxim, "Be fiUal towards your parents," is explained as the worldly counterpart of the Christian principle of "loving our great Father-and- Mother."21 The God-Ruler analogy is also elaborated, with interesting political overtones. God is the sole legitimate Ruler, and we have to obey his de'4KDRC, III, 31"; cf. also III, 25"-26·; TV, 20"-21b, and SSLX, pp. 24"-25b. "DYP, II, 593-598. "1DYXP, I, 2'-3b; translation of the whole passage in Nicolas Standaert, Yang Tingyun, Confucian and Christian in Late Ming China: His Life and Thought (Leiden, 1988), pp. 206-208; cf. also E. Zürcher,"Jesuit Accommodation and the Chinese Cultural Imperative," in The Chinese Rites Controversy, ed. D. E. MungeUo (Nettetal, Germany, 1994),pp. 42-44. 17WTAR, ppA6b-17'. "LXYf, 1, 8". '•>WTAR,pA&·. 20KDRC, III, 27'-28". 21DS, 1, 1·-3". BY ERIK ZÜRCHER62 5 crees, just as an official serves the one legitimate monarch and acts according to the latter's "orthodox" (zheng) political doctrine; serving the Buddha or other deities amounts to foUowing a usurper or a rebel leader.22 Wang Zheng explicitly relates the worship of Heaven (in the monotheistic sense) to legitimate rule: China adored the one God in Antiquity, when the people recognized the authority of the king of Zhou. In the spring and autumn period he still enjoyed some prestige. But during the era of the Warring States, a time of usurpation and lawlessness, the idea of legitimate rule was lost, as was the knowledge of the one God; as a result, heretical doctrines arose, and false gods "usurped" the position of the Lord of Heaven.23 Elsewhere, in a memorial to the throne of I622 about the necessity of strengthening the national defense, Wang argues that fearing and respecting Heaven is the best way to safeguard the legitimate rule—the emperor is, after all, the Son of heaven; Heaven is like his Father, and father and son "share the same Ufe breath."24 The personalization of the Confucian Heaven also had far-reaching consequences for the way in which the immaterial aspects of the human being could be interpreted. The idea that our nature (xing) is "Heaven-ordained," reflects the virtues of the cosmos itself, and there- fore is "basicaUy good" (benshan) was a fundamental assumption in Neo-Confucian orthodoxy of whatever denomination. How could this very positive image of human nature be aUgned with the Christian conception of the created soul, beset with original sin, and bound to be lost if it is not saved by its conversion and by the grace of God? At first sight the two views seem to be irreconcuable; yet, as we shaU see, some interesting attempts were made to solve the contradiction. Human Nature: Soul and Body The Christian approach to the Confucian view foUowed different paths. In the first place, the personaUzation of Heaven implied that the Confucian idea of a Heaven-endowed" human nature acquired a new meaning: in the Christian perspective, the Lord of Heaven has UteraUy created each individual xing and infused it into the physical body. The 22JCDaC1VI, 2·-3"; SSL, 1, 2b, 3'. 23W7TAR, p. 14". 24Cf. Fang Hao,"Wang Zheng zhi shiji ji qi shuru xiyang xueshu zhi gongxian," in Fang Hao liushi zidinggao (Taibei, 1969), p. 330. 626CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN REUGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA difficult problem of its "basic goodness" (as opposed to the Christian concept of ingrained sin) could be solved by an ingenious reinterpretation of the word ben ("root," hence "basic, original"), taking it not in an ontological sense (benshan = "fundamentaUy good"), but as referring to an original, pristine condition (benshan = "originaUy good", i.e., at the time of creation, before the FaU). In spite of later contamination, something of that original goodness is preserved; after baptism has removed the burden of original sin (yuanzut), that goodness can be restored through moral self-cultivation, devotion, and the performance of good works. In the second place, the concept of the human rational soul (linghun) was given the central role which it naturaUy had to play in a Christian context. As has been noted above, in Neo-Confucianism the role played by the soul is marginal, and in any case it is something quite different from human nature or the mind. In the Christian discourse no distinction is made between soul and nature; occasionaUy we even find the combined form lingxing as a synonym of linghun." By blurring these distinctions, the Confucian concept of Heaven-endowed Nature acquired a whole range of new connotations: a human Soul/Nature, created yet eternal, endowed with rationaUty, and thereby fundamentally different from the lower and destructible souls of plants and animals. How the two approaches were combined in actual practice is vividly illustrated by a curious scene that took place in Fuzhou in 1625, shortly after Giulio Aleni s arrival in Fujian; the episode is reported only in a contemporary western source,26 but it is no doubt authentic. Aleni was invited to a meeting of a local Confucian academy (shuyuan). The theme chosen for discussion is well known and is also often quoted in Chinese writings: it is the opening phrase of the canonical Doctrine of the Mean (Zhongyong), which reads, "What Heaven has ordained is caUed human nature" (tian ming zhi wet xing). As the discussion develops, Aleni is asked to comment, and he naturaUy avaUs himself of this opportunity to present his interpretation before such a learned audience. His argument runs as foUows:"Heaven" must not be taken to mean an impersonal principle or mechanism; it means the Lord of Heaven. "Nature" here does not refer to our present debased state that is beset 25E.g.,SSi,I,5". 26M. Dias,Histoire de ce qui s'estpassé es Royaumes . . . delà Chine, en l'année 1625, jusques en Fébrier de 1626, tirées des lettres addressees au R. Père Général de la Compagnie de fésus (Paris, 1626), pp. 179-180; cf. also E. Zürcher, "The Jesuit Mission in Fukien in Late Ming Times: Levels of Response," in E. B. Vermer (ed.), Development and Decline ofFukien Province in the 17th and 18th Centuries (Leiden, 1990), pp. 432-433; and Daniello Bartoli, DeWHistoria della Compagnia de Giesu.La Ciña, Terza Parte del- l'Asia (Rome, 1663), pp. 81 1-813. BY ERIK ZÜRCHER627 by sin, but to the perfect Nature that God has "ordained," i.e., given to man, before the FaU. That Nature has degenerated, but since it is endowed with the knowledge of good and evU, it can choose the right way, and with God's help be restored to its original perfection. Aleni's interpretation leads to a spirited debate, which, unfortunately, has not been recorded. Here we see the Christian interpretation of the Confucian dogma: the perfect goodness of human nature is narrowed down to its primordial state, the innocence of Paradise. Yet it is not completely lost. According to Aleni, as recorded by Li Jiubiao, God has given to us a "metaphysical light" (chaoxing zhi ming) that transcends the defects of our natural constitution and like the sun Uluminates everything;27 and, elsewhere: wickedness is not innate; how could the perfect God have given us a bad nature? We are not the same as regards character and temperament, but that is due to our physical endowment (qibin); the difference between goodness and evil is mainly the result of "practice"28 (xi, an impUcit yet unmistakable reference to a weU-known passage in the Confucian Analects).29 Even in the worst sinners the spontaneous propensity toward goodness (liangxin, the "good mind," another Confucian key term) is preserved. For Chinese converts the pattern was famiUar: in spite of aU our bad inclinations, we still may be saved by trying to recover our original nature. For them this idea was especiaUy comforting, because it would imply that their virtuous but unbaptized ancestors could have been saved by the "metaphysical Ught" of their nature, and the same would be true of China's ancient saints and sages. To them, the concept of original goodness was not a theoretical issue: it directly concerned the fate of their own departed relatives and moral heroes. Time and again questions are asked about that deUcate topic: What about our ancestors? Can one be saved by virtue alone? Does Confucius reaUy burn in heU?30 The moral conflict is poignantly brought forward by a Christian scholar: how can one enjoy the heavenly bliss while one's own parents are tortured in heU?31 In all such cases, the answer is some21KDRCYl, 27". Cf. TYZD, pp. 1' and 5", where this inner Ught is rendered by the Confu- cian term ming de,"bright virtue," borrowed from the first chapter of the Great Learning. 28KDRCl1IV-W. 29Cf. Lunyu 17.2: "By nature, people are close to each other; it is by practice that they grow widely [apart] ," xing xiangjin ye, xi xiang yuan ye. 5On this deUcate topic see Jacques Gernet, Chine et christianisme. Action et réaction (Paris, 1982), pp. 239-241. ilKDRC, III, 3"-3b. 628CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN REUGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA what ambiguous—the missionaries had to balance between their own theological principles and the existential demands of their Chinese audience. However, to some extent a hopeful answer could be found in the theory of the "three stages of revelation," and that was no doubt the reason why that scholastic construct so often appears in our Chinese sources. According to that scheme, the first stage, caUed "the Natural Teaching" (xingfiao) took place at the very beginning, when God endowed our first ancestors with insight and knowledge of good and evil. The second period started with the revelation of the Ten Commandments to Moses; that was the "Written Teaching" (shufiao); the Incarnation marked the beginning of the third and most complete revelation, variously caUed the "Teaching by Grace" (enjiao, chongjiao), "of Love" (aijiao), or "of Personal [Manifestation] " (shenjiad)?2 It is clear that for the Chinese "concerned scholars" the first phase, that of the Natural Teaching, was of crucial importance. Zhu Zongyuan equates it with spontaneous wisdom and good impulsive capacities (liangzhi, liangneng)P Yang Tingyun goes further (not caring about the Fall and the effects of original sin): according to him, this state of original wisdom corresponds to the perfect virtue and pure monotheism of the Chinese highest Antiquity, when the Natural Teaching was contained in the human mind, and when people were able to avoid evU on account of their liangzhi and liangneng. Saints and sages presented it in their teachings. It is the happy state reflected in China's most ancient classics, the Book ofSongs and the Book ofDocuments. This was already stretching the Christian scheme to the limit; he definitely goes beyond it when he adds: "[In highest Antiquity] people naturaUy stood in awe of Heaven, so there was no need for the Incarnation."34 The unorthodox idea that the Incarnation was not a decisive new beginning but rather a useful complement is also voiced by Zhu Zongyuan: the Chinese who Uved before the arrival of Matteo Ricci stiU could rely upon the Ungering effect of the Natural Teaching to reach Heaven. The "Teaching by Personal [Manifestation] " is more complete, and it is therefore easier to fuUy realize one's Nature" (jinxing) by that way35 In another treatise it is expUcitly said that God has used "the Chinese saints "For a discussion of these Three Phases as interpreted by Yang Tingyun see Standaert, op. cit., pp. 129-130. ^DKW, p. 4T. s<£>yp,p.585. KDKW, p. 48b. For such rather far-going interpretations of salvation by downgrading the necessity of the Incarnation, see also Zürcher, "Jesuit Accommodation,'' pp. 48-49. BY ERIK ZÜRCHER629 and sages of our past" to make his "orthodox instructions" (zhengxun) known to the people.36 Thus, by this mixture of Confucian positivism and Christian ideas about natural theology, China's unbaptized but virtuous souls were saved, as was her face. So far we have been dealing with Christian adaptations of the Confucian concepts of human nature and its qualities. However, as noted above, there also was the Christian preoccupation with the soul Qinghun) as the spiritual entity residing in the material body (rousheri), and here we are faced with a whole range of ideas that had no counterpart in the Confucian tradition, or, indeed, in Chinese reU- gious thought. Starting from a (thoroughly un-Chinese) absolute distinction between a material body and an immaterial spirit, the soul is said to be eternal, indestructible, residing in the body but basically autonomous, a strictly individual moral agent responsible for aU the individual acts of mind, speech, and body, and therefore the object of eternal reward, expiation in Purgatory, or eternal condemnation after death. It was a complex of alien ideas that gave rise to many questions. Since the most important function of the "soul" in Chinese tradition is related to the ancestral cult (the soul of the departed ancestor "descending" into the spirit-tablet on the altar during the ritual, and consuming the invisible essence of the sacrificial food), it had to be made clear that departed souls have left us forever (except in some rare cases, when God aUows them to visit our world as spectres); that, being immaterial, they cannot accept food, let alone superstitious offerings like paper money, and they are unable to confer blessings and to react to prayers.37 Another traditional belief to be refuted was that the soul disintegrates shortly after death: the soul does not consist of "essential ether" (Jingqt), but is whoUy immaterial; unlike the vegetative and sensitive life-force of plants and animals, the human soul is eternal.38 It is clear that in the Christian-Confucian complex the ideas regarding the immaterial aspects of the human being suffered from a certain incoherence. On the one hand.it was a Christian adaptation of the Confucian notion of innate goodness; on the other hand, the "soul" had to play a very prominent role, as it formed the very basis of the Christian (or rather Mediterranean) construct, and this soul could not easUy be integrated into the Chinese tradition. *BfL,p.4\ "E.g.,/CDÄC7,lV,ll"-12-. *>SSLX, pp. 19"-19^ZMCW; pp. 7b-8b; WTAR,pp.38b- 39". 630CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN REUGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA Another consequence of the beUef in the immaterial nature of the soul was the sharp distinction made between body and soul, and the ab- solute superiority of the latter—a Platonic dichotomy that was unknown in Confucianism. We find some clear statements about the body as the source of seduction, lust, and sin: the body is the natural enemy of the soul, for the soul delights in true principles and the body in carnal pleasure;39 like an unwilling horse, the body has to be whipped into obedience.40 This very un-Chinese condemnation of the body forms the background of certain ascetic practices; as we shaU see, such exercises, aimed at "subduing the self" (kefi), played an important role in the daUy life of Christian devotees. Teachers, Priests, and Ritual In regard to Chinese culture as a whole, it is hard to subscribe to C. K. Yang's model of "diffuse religion," a system in which sacral activities are not localized in speciaUzed institutions (like churches) and guided by full-time religious specialists, but are incorporated in social and political institutions (the lineage, the bureaucracy, the guild, etc.) that themselves are not primarily reUgious.41 On the contrary, the large Buddhist and Taoist monasteries were speciaUzed reUgious organizations of great complexity, inhabited by religious specialists who had obtained their status through ordination or initiation rites, and on the popular level China was teeming with full-time experts like soothsayers, mediums, and faith-healers who did not operate within secular organizations. However, as far as the cultic aspects of Confucianism are concerned, the "diffuse reUgion" model certainly applies, in the sense that Confucianism was a system without priests. It did have a whole hierarchy of cultic centers, ranging from the Altar of Heaven to the ancestral altar in the household, but on all levels these cults were integrated into social and poUtical institutions, and the rituals were performed by non-speciaUzed persons, from the emperor down to the famUy head. In that respect Roman Catholic Christianity as an ecclesiastical religion had no way to accommodate itself to Confucianism; the priest simply had no Confucian counterpart. Institutionally speaking, it would have been much easier to integrate the Christian sacerdotal functions into the Chinese Buddhist monastic system, as the Nestorians had done 39KDRC, IV, 7". '"KDRC, VI, 17"-17b. 41Cf. Yang, op cit. , pp. 20-2 1 . BY ERIK ZÜRCHER631 almost a thousand years earlier, but for a variety of reasons that was the last thing the Jesuits wanted to do. They consciously avoided the use of pagan terminology: the Church was not caUed a si or a miao, but tang, "HaU," or, more specifically, Tianzhu tang, "HaU of the Lord of Heaven," and instead of using Buddhist expressions for priest or monk, they mostly referred to themselves by the outlandish term duode, an abbre- viation of sacerdote. Mass was referred to as "the misa sacrifice" (misa fi), or zhanli, "ritual of veneration"; for many cultic terms like "sacrament" and "ecclesia" transcriptions from the Latin were used. The position of the Christian priest and his rituals in a Confucian context as an alien body was enhanced by the fact that the Mass had to be celebrated in Latin, in spite of the Jesuit attempt to get the Pope's permission to do so in Chinese. The priest is clearly set apart from the lay believers; only the duode has the authority to celebrate Mass, to grant the absolution after the confession of sins, and (except in extreme circumstances) nobody but he can perform baptism.42 Unfortunately, we know very Uttle about the actual performance of ritual in the church from texts by Chinese authors; works written by missionaries such as Aleni and Brancati43 describe them in detail, even including the Latin names of every part of the Mass vestments, but such texts are purely prescriptive and probably do not reflect the actual practice. In principle, attendance of Mass (held every Sunday and on other days of observation) was a reUgious duty, but for many believers that must have been impossible. Regular attendance could be expected if a church was within walking distance, but the small churches or chapels that had been set up by local groups of beUevers in distant places were only rarely visited by a priest who could celebrate Mass and administer the sacraments of baptism and confession. According to Fan Zhong, Christians should try to attend Mass as often as possible, armed with a "Mass calendar" (zhanli ridan) for the whole year; but those who cannot do so should fulfill their religious duties at home, privately worshiping God every Sunday44 The texts contain references to private altars and icons kept at home, perhaps often 42Cf. SJXY, pp. 8b-9", and DYP, II, 617-618, about the status of the priest as derived from the authority of the pope, and therefore from the authority of God himself. Zhang Geng (LXGJ, pp. 2b-3") draws an interesting paraUel between the priest who during Mass is the representative of God and the ancient Chinese funerary ritual during which a young boy, caUed "the corpse" (shi), represented the deceased ancestor and therefore was venerated in spite of his youth.____ 45Aleni in his very detailed MSJY and Brancati (especiaUy about the Eucharist and Confession) in his SJSG. ^???,??.?- 10'. 632CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN RELIGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA combined with the ancestral altar; very wealthy converts such as Yang Tingyun and Xu Guangqi could afford to have real housechapels. In a major urban Christian center, where the church formed part of the mission house, the missionaries may have used their own funds for its buUding and upkeep, but the more modest local sanctuaries were buUt by private initiative and kept up by the community. Contributions could also be made in kind, or by voluntary labor: an edifying story teUs us about a pious Christian whose sins were forgiven because he "had decorated the images of the church in Quanzhou, working for forty days and nights without asking for any remuneration."45 AU this belongs to a sphere that is far removed from that of the scholar's studio or the Confucian academy. In a Confucian miheu, the Jesuits, as "Uterati from the West" and as propagators of what I have caUed "Confucian monotheism," conformed to another traditional role, that of the teacher. In the Confucian ideal scheme of human relations, the teacher-disciple relation is a derivative of the father-son role pattern: the teacher (xiansheng) is considered a source of learning and wisdom as well as a moral example, especiaUy by his circle of disciples (dizt) who owe him respect and unfailing loyally. Many testimonies of both converts and sympathizers clearly show that this indeed was their role. Some outstanding missionaries like Ricci, Aleni, and Schall were deeply admired for the way in which they approached the ideal of the Confucian teacher and moral guide. It should be added that this was facilitated by the fact that, as far as we can gather from the sources, the Jesuits did not reaUy inform their Chinese disciples about the real nature and aims of their own organization. From the few vague indications contained in Jesuit texts about Europe, mainly dealing with learning and examinations, they may have gotten the impression that this Society of Jesus (Yesu hut) was some kind of scholarly and humanitarian association (hut), a very famiUar phenomenon in Confucian circles. Thus, in late Ming times the Jesuits had to play two very different roles that typologicaUy belonged to two different spheres; on both scores they performed admirably, but it created an inner tension that never was dissolved. KTZSP; ci. Gernet, op cit., p. 129. BY ERIK ZÜRCHER633 Lay Christianity: "Exertion" and "Merit" In the eyes of outsiders, Christianity was considered a demanding religion; its rules and obligations are "severe" (yan). One of the Fujian scholars declares that he would be prepared to embrace Christianity if its regulations were not so yan;46 another recognizes its orthodoxy (zheng) but stiU hesitates because of its "severity."47 Christian zealotry tends to provoke ridicule: outsiders often sneer at us when they see how we toU at observing the Ten Commandments and performing our reUgious duties like prayer, recitation, thanksgiving, and churchgoing.48 Christians must realize that by their deviant behavior they differ from the crowd; conversion wiU surely lead to ridicule, but the convert should bear that mockery as a wholesome trial.49 We may assume that in such passages an impkcit comparison is made with the practice of lay Buddhism, which indeed was less demanding. From the Christian side we often hear the argument that Buddhists expect to be saved by the mechanical performance of outward rituals like the chanting of scriptures and kowtowing, whereas in Christianity such acts of worship always must be based upon genuine devotion and remorse.50 In the practice of lay Christianity a central role was played by a weU- defined set of spiritual exercises and observances that are subsumed under the term gongfu, "work, labor, exertion"; as we have seen, the same term was also used in Chan Buddhism for the "work" of medita- tion, and in Confucianism for the discipline of self-cultivation.51 How- ever, although Christian Uterati fuUy accepted the paraUel with Confucian xiu shen, the Chan practice of sUent meditation directed toward "gaining insight into one's [true] Mind" (ming xin) was rejected as being too passive. Mere self-reflection apart from practice is useless, like a mirror that does not reflect anything if placed in a dark, secluded room. Christian gongfu must be active, and based upon the constant 46AZWC1VDI1P. 41SSL,!, 15*. «ADAC, VI, 15'-I6". «55?,??,1--2». 50Rg., SS£, 1, 13'-13b;£»yP, V 619-620. 51ADAC, II, 10" ("the gongfu of subduing the setf"); ibid, ("the gongfu of the Seven Victories"); ibid. , III, 5", and VI, 6'-6" ("the gongfu of meditation"); ibid,Will, 3 1"-3 1" (applied to both recitation and meditation). 634CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN RELIGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA practice of self-cultivation and daUy self-examination (ri xing, another Confucian key term).52 In lay Christianity the aim of aU "exertion" is clearly defined: religious discipline and the performance of good works are directed toward the generation of"merit" (gong), a term that is constantly used in that context. Of course, the belief in the salutary effect of spiritual exercises, penance, and good works as a means to "lay up for thyself a treasure in heaven" (Matthew 6:20) was part of the European input. But it is signif- icant that gong is a central concept in Chinese reUgion as a whole, and in particular in lay Buddhism. In Mahâyâna lay Buddhism the primary aim of aU reUgious acts is the production of merit (punya, gong) that by its positive force will eliminate the evil karma, cause weU-being in the present Ufe, and lead to a better rebirth, both for the devotee and for other beings. Such merit can be produced in many ways: by devotion, recitation, prayer, pious vows, self-mortification, pUgrimage, etc., as weU as by rituals performed by priests on the devotee's request. In late Ming times the conception of karmic retribution as a kind of balance of positive and negative acts had given rise to the widespread custom of daUy recording one's good deeds and transgressions (quantified according to a system of positive and negative points) in a so-caUed "ledger of merit and demerit" (gongguo ge, of Taoist origin, but later also practiced in Buddhist and Confucian circles).53 In view of the pervasiveness of the custom, it is not surprising that Christians also engaged in a kind of moral administration, but considering their preoccupation with sin and repentance, it is interesting to note that according to Li Jiubiao Christians kept a register only of their sinful deeds, as a support for critical self-examination and remorse. The "worldly" type ofgongguo ge is condemned, because noting down one's virtuous deeds as weU will only lead to laxity and arrogance.54 However, in spite of its moral rigor, the Christian method of accumulating merit could be criticized by orthodox Confucians as being selfcentered, since it is exclusively aimed at one's own salvation. In a discussion of Aleni with the staunchly Confucian former Grand Secre52ADACVII, 22". The term rixing is derived from Analects 1 .4:"I daUy examine mysetf on three points," wu ri san xing wu shen. "For Aleni's criticism of the traditional Gongguo ge see his interesting conversation with a member of a Taoist association, as reported in KDRC, IV, 1 2*- 1 2". 54SSZ, III, 11". BY ERIK ZÜRCHER635 tary Ye Xianggao (he had been a partisan of the Confucian moral rearmament movement known as the Donglin Party), Yeh remarks that we must do good for its own sake, not in order to be rewarded in the hereafter; we must avoid evil, but not for fear of punishment. We Confucians despise the Buddhists precisely because they are always talking about karmic retribution. Aleni's argument, viz., that the true believer simply acts with the purpose to fulfill the task that God has given him, not in order to be rewarded or to avoid punishment, may have been theologicaUy sound, but hardly relevant for the average Christian. And when Aleni adds that, unfortunately, most people are unable to act so disinterestedly and therefore need reward and punishment as incentives, he comes dangerously close to a "pious opportunism" that sounds Buddhist rather than Christian.55 A typicaUy Christian dimension was added to the concept ofgong by combining it with the theme of the free wUl, a subject that is often mentioned and apparently appealed to the imagination. God has endowed the human soul with the capacity to distinguish between good and evU, and that freedom of choice is his most precious gift. The human being has been created in such a way that he can opt for the good (ke wei shan),"·6 not so that he necessarUy wiU do so (ding wei shan). If man had been programmed, as it were, to do good, his gong would carry no merit, just as the fire does not earn any merit by being hot.57 Gong requires a free choice and conscious effort. Lay Christianity: Baptism and Confession Of aU the sacraments, two appear to have been regarded as most essential to lay Christians: those of Baptism (lingxi) and Confession-andAbsolution (gaofie, a contraction of gaozui and fiezui). It should be noted that our sources do not contain any reference to the sacrament of Matrimony; in Christian communities marriage apparently remained what it always had been—a private contract concluded between the heads of two households. Baptism was essential, as it ritually confirmed one's admission to the Church and to the community of believers. It was the culminating point 55SSZX, pp. 21'-24-. 56ADACV, ll"-12b. 57SSZX, pp. 12b-14b. 636CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN REUGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA of the whole process of adopting Christianity. In his pamphlet "Brief Introduction to the Holy Doctrine" (Shengjiao xiaoyin, 1633), Fan Zhong has given us a brief description of that process, as a standard procedure. It consists of three stages: (1) a preparatory phase expressing the aspi- rant's clean break with the past, foUowed by (2) a phase of study and instruction, and (3) baptism. During the first phase, the aspirant formally abandons his heretical religion (xiejiao); he burns aU his idols and "false scriptures" (wei fing), and solemnly renounces aU superstitious rituals like (pagan) fasting, taboos, worship, and chanting. Whatever possessions he may iilegaUy have acquired, he returns to the rightful owner; if he does not possess them any more, he shaU compensate the owner; if the owner cannot be found or identified, the goods or the money shaU be "offered to God," i.e., given to the poor. During the phase of instruction he memorizes the "Essence of the Doctrine of the Lord of Heaven" (Tianzhu fiaoyao), and especiaUy the five holy texts, viz., the Paternoster (Tianzhu jing), the Ave Maria (Shengmu jing), the Credo (Xinjing), the Ten Commandments (Shi jie), and the Prayer of the Holy Name (Shenghao jing).™ After having memorized these texts he shall ask a missionary or an experienced believer to explain their meaning. The third phase starts with a formal expression of remorse for aU the aspirant's former sins and a solemn promise to observe all the Christian precepts, after which baptism takes place. Normally only a priest has the authority to administer it, but in exceptional situations (like immi- nent death) baptism can be performed by a literate layman who knows the ritual and is able to read the formulary, or even by a non-beUever who can do the same. Only if no man, either Christian or pagan, is avaUable, may a woman confer baptism.59 Outsiders tended to be mystified by the use of holy water. A non58Cf. Aleni's enumeration of the most basic Christian texts, which he compares to the Confucian Five Classics used in the state examinations: (I) the Credo; (2) the Ten Com- mandments; (3) The Fourteen Works of Mercy (i.e.,J. Rho's AJXQ); (4) the Seven Victories (i.e., Didaco de Pantoja's QK); and (5) the Seven Sacraments. However, the texts actually memorized probably were limited to the standard liturgical texts as figuring in the Sym- bolum apostolorum; cf. Wang Zheng's preface to DYP (1621); his faith is based upon the Xingbaolu (Symbolum), and especially upon the Credo, of which D. de Pantoja had made a richly annotated version, posthumously published under the tide Pangzi yiquan. 59SZYF, pp. 7"-8b. BY ERIK ZÜRCHER637 Christian scholar remarks that "aU the water of the sea cannot wash away one's sins" —how could one drop of holy water do so? His sug- gestion that the Christian ritual is akin to the Buddhist sprinkling of water with wiUow-twigs is indignantly repudiated by Aleni: Christian holy water may outwardly look like ordinary water, but it contains a spiritual power (shenneng) that eliminates sin.60 Baptism, though essential, was a one-time experience. For the actual practice of religion, the sacrament of confession-and-absolution was even more important, firstly, because the believer was expected to make his confession at regular intervals, whenever he had the opportu- nity to do so, and, secondly, because it conformed to a famiUar pattern: as is weU known, confession and self-accusation have a long tradition in China, both within and outside the religious sphere. In any case, the fact that the complex of sin, remorse, confession, and absolution looms so large in our texts warrants the conclusion that Chinese Christians regarded it as one of the most essential reUgious obligations. Li Jiugong treats confession-and-absolution as a spiritual exercise in self-purification, almost in a mechanical way. Confession should be performed as frequently as possible. First one confesses the most grievous sins; after these have been forgiven, one turns to the lighter ones. In this way one progresses from day to day, till one is free from sins. It is useful to note down the more serious sins one has committed, and to confess them again.61 Fan Zhong adds that if no priest is available, the believer can also obtain God's forgiveness by self-accusation (zisong) and sincere repentance.62 The obvious resemblance to Buddhist rituals of penance (chan) is disclaimed by Yang Tingyun; according to him Buddhist penance is no more than a routinized outward ritual, not based upon genuine self-examination. He also aptly observes that in Buddhist chan sins are confessed in very general terms, whereas Christian confession relates to specific sinful acts committed by the individual beUever.63 The marked prominence of confession and absolution is, of course, directly related to the Christian preoccupation with the wages of sin: the expectation of divine retribution in the hereafter, and the severity of God's verdict, which is absolute and irrevocable. Outsiders may be e,KDRC,\,&-&. "SSZ, 1,9*- 10'. 62SJXY, pp. 8b-9". 65DFP, II, 624-625. 638CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN RELIGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA amazed at this severity, but both Li Jiugong and Zhu Zongyuan are uncompromising on this point: good is good and bad is bad; there is no intermediate zone. Therefore, reward and punishment are completely separated; unlike worldly justice, there is no gradual scale of rewards and punishments in the hereafter.64 More than anything else, the beUef in sin, expiation, and retribution appears to have colored the religious life of the Chinese Christians. The canonical Confucian expression wei Han, "standing in awe of Heaven," which they used so often, in their case had acquired a much more pregnant meaning—they UteraUy ¦walked in the Fear of God. Meditation, Self-examination, and Ascesis Our texts contain some interesting data about spiritual disciplines to which at least some Chinese beUevers subjected themselves. Here again we are dealing -with a cross-cultural hybrid. There are echoes of the Jesuit Spiritual Exercises, and a clear influence of de Pantoja's work about the "Seven Victories [over the Seven Cardmal Sins] " (Qike, 1614). On the other hand, there also were indigenous Chinese roots: Christian meditation shows some affinity to Confucian "quiet-sitting" (jingzuo); the chanting of sacred texts and the more rigorous forms of Christian asceticism at least formaUy resemble the Buddhist practices of psalmody and self-mortification. Meditation (moxiang) is said to be a "spiritual labor" (shengong) that has to be performed daily as a work of spiritual purification. It is not necessary to do it at dawn or at the end of the day (a clear reference to Confucian jingzuo), but one must select a time when one is not burdened by any business, and when one's thoughts stiU are pure.65 From the texts we can get an impression of the themes that were used as subjects for meditation. One such Ust enumerates the foUowing seven themes: (1) God is your great Father, so serve him with perfect filial piety and sincerity; (2) AU men are your younger and elder brothers, whom you must love and help; (3) Your former sins are a pitfaU, so take care not to faU into it again; (4) Worldly wealth and status are a temporary halting-place that you wiU have to leave soon; (5) Your worldly af64SSZ1III, W-lQh;DKW, p. 16". 65SSZ, 1, 9". "¦Ibid., pp. 8b-9'- BY ERIK ZÜRCHER639 fairs are basicaUy unimportant, so do not burden your spirit with them; (6) Time passes fast, like an arrow or a wave; (J) God's peace is your most precious possession.66 It is useful to combine meditation with reciting sacred texts (song, nian; both terms are very common in Buddhist ritual). According to Aleni, this combination of meditation and chanting has three salutary ef- fects: it IiUs the memory with edifying subjects; it stimulates the understanding of right principles, and it arouses the right emotions.67 The recital of holy scriptures (no doubt the memorized standard texts mentioned above, such as the Paternoster and the Credo) is also an effective way to close off the mind; no evU thoughts wiU arise when one is "chanting facing the Lord" (dui zhu chi song: i.e., in front of an image?).68 This type of meditation was directed toward quiet recoUection. More rigorous forms of discipline are denoted by the term &e/»,"self-control" or "subduing the self," an expression derived from the weU-known Lunyu phrase kejifu Ii, "to subdue oneself and to return to the Rites." It originaUy referred to the Confucian discipline of moral selfcultivation, but in Christian usage it was much more associated with sin and penance, and therefore with acts of abstinence and bodUy mortification. The concept of ke, "subduing," acquires the meaning of "forceful suppression." Aleni says so very explicitly in the statement made in the Doctrine of the Mean that "following human nature is caUed the Way" (shuai xing zhi wei dao); he would like to replace shuai,"to foUow," by ke: the Way consists in rigorously subduing human nature.69 And elsewhere: "Subdue [your nature], again and again!" (ke zhi you ke zhi).70 Much more than in Confucianism where asceticism is mainly associated with deep mourning and not with the expiation of sins, this Christian keji took the form of bodUy abstention and discipline. Fasting (zhai, a weU-known practice in Chinese religion from time immemorial; in Buddhism especiaUy associated with vegetarianism) formed a regular part of Christian reUgious life; if duly combined with the awareness of one's sins and with remorse, it was considered a form of keji. In his Di zui zheng gui, "Correct Rules for the Ablution of Sin," a text which in spite of its prescriptive nature is clearly adapted to Chi67ADACVIII, 31'-31b. 68SZYF1P^. 69ADACH, 10". 10IbId., p. 10'. 640CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN RELIGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA nese circumstances, Aleni not only mentions the regular rules of abstinence to be observed during Lent and on every Friday, but also special and generaUy more severe kinds of fasting, specificaUy aimed at the ex- piation of sinful deeds. They include acts of disciplinary fasting imposed by the priest as a way of penance, as well as voluntary fasting practiced as a form of asceticism, such as abstaining from cooked food or from food altogether for a couple of days.71 Such self-imposed fasting was probably aimed at the fulfillment of a vow (fa yuan), a very common Chinese religious custom. However, as is to be expected, a sharp distinction was made between the Christian practice and the Buddhist one, the latter being branded "superstitious" because it was combined with the belief in rebirth.72 Not infrequently far more rigorous types of asceticism are men- tioned. The Chinese Christians had the examples to foUow near at hand, for the mortification of the flesh was extensively practiced in contem- porary Europe, as well as by some Jesuit missionaries in China. In his Chinese biography, Aleni himself is said to have regularly done so, in the dead of night,"chastising himself with a whip and confessing his sins on behalf of other people, in order to appease the Lord's anger,"73 and some missionaries were especiaUy noted for their asceticism. It was certainly also practiced by Chinese converts. EspeciaUy in Fu- jian, believers are said often to have "indulged in long and bloody disci- plines, carrying iron chains," to such an extent that Aleni had to restrain them.74 He had to do the same with the young zealot Zhang Shi when the latter had made the vow to chastise his body with no less than a thousand lashes during the forty days of Lent.75 Yang Tingyun is praised for having slept in an upright position and having worn a coarse ropebelt for years.76 Not everybody engaged in such feats of bodUy penance: Fan Zhong admits that he himself does not have the will-power or the courage to do so, but he expresses his admiration for some of his "friends in the Doctrine" (zaijiao wu jOw),who"subdue themselves by mortification" (ku shen keji) by rigorous fasting, flageUation, wearing a 1OZZG, IV, 13"- 14". 72DATT, pp. 21'-21". 7,S/AX,p.7b. 74Cf. Aloys Pfister, Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l'an- cienne mission de Chine (2 vols.; Shanghai, 1932-1934), I1 132. 75ZS, p. 3". 76FOFC, p. 9". BY ERIK ZÜRCHER641 horsehair shirt or rags and a bronze girdle (tongdai: chains?); by sitting and sleeping on the floor, eating coarse food, and observing sexual abstinence.77 Even though such acts of chastising the flesh were no doubt confined to a minority among the believers, they must have contributed to the general image of Christianity as a "severe" (yan) religion. Outward Signs of Christian Faith One of the arguments against the aUegation that Christianity was a subversive sect was that Christians did not conceal their faith: both the missionaries and their converts were said to practice it openly. The sources confirm that this was indeed the case. Even from the outside the home of a Christian famUy could be recognized, for Christians shared in the general Chinese custom of marking their front doors with auspicious and protective signs or images: they mostly used the sign of the cross for that purpose,78 but we also hear of Christians marking their doors using "paper-cut characters."79 Inside the house Christians kept one or more icons ("holy images," shengxiang), either separately or combined with the ancestral altar,"on a pure spot in the house," for daily worship, recital, and prayer.80 Several types of religious images were used: God the Father and Jesus in different representations and the Virgin with Child; occasionaUy we also hear of images of angels and patron saints.81 Very little of all this has been preserved, probably as a result of the prohibition of Christianity in 1724; the only late Ming Christian image that has undoubtedly been used as an icon is the curious hybrid (a mixture of the Virgin with ChUd and the white-robed Guanyin) known as the "Madonna of Laufer."82 77SDTF1P^". 18IbId., p. 9". "According to the record of the judicial interrogation of A. Vagnoni and others, Nanjing, 1616; cf. PXJ, 1, 22". "0SZYF, p. 9". 81Cf. DFP, II, 590-592: the Lord of Heaven represented as ruler of the universe, or suffering on the cross, or as one of the Trinity; the Virgin depicted with bambino; LXYf, ?, l'-2", II, 2h-4b and 12'-12b: icons used in exorcism and faith-healing; ibid., 11, 21'- 22' and 47b-49': pictures of guardian angels; ibid. , II, 3 l"-32b: picture of one's patron saint. 82Cf. Pasquale M. d'Elia, Le origini dell'arte cristiana in Cina (1582-1640) (Rome, 1939), p. 51. The painting forms part of the Berthold Laufer collection in the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago. 642CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN REUGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA Several kinds of privately owned, distinctively Christian objects and substances, used in the cult or for magical protection, are mentioned in our sources, and especially in edifying tales and miracle stories. They include holy water, rosaries, amulets (mostly representing the Agnus Dei), and crucifixes. In observing the outward signs of Christian faith, outsiders must have been struck by the custom of making the sign of the cross (hua sheng- hao), described as "touching the forehead, the breast and the mouth"; it was considered a powerful protection against evU of all kinds.85 Li Jiugong teUs us that unbelievers laugh at the Christians who cross themselves "when leaving and entering [their homes], at meals and before lying down [to sleep]";84 Yang Tingyun adds that they also do so before undertaking any important action.85 Yang himself is said to have suc- cessfuUy used it in his home town to subdue a demon who possessed a spirit-medium. As usual, the medium transmitted the demon's messages by writing with the planchette. As soon as Yang had made the sign of the cross, the planchette-hrush stopped writing. After the demon had been asked why he did so, the brush reacted by writing, in large characters, wei tian:"l fear Heaven!"86 Herewith we have entered the sphere of "Christian magic," a twUight zone in which Christian practices merged with those of Chinese traditional religion. Magic and Miracles At first sight, here we are far removed from the so-called Confucian rationaUty and its stated principle of "keeping away from the supernatural." We should, however, keep in mind that although the Confucian orthodoxy, as defined above, did not cover the area of exorcism, faith- healing, and direct communication with the unseen powers, it did not proscribe them either, as long as they did not threaten the moral order. 85DATT, pp. 23b-24". "LXYf, II, 6b. 85DFP, II, 628-630. According to Yang, the Buddhists have plagiarized the Christian cross and changed it into the swastika. "6LXYJ, II, 6". BY ERIK ZÜRCHER643 At aU times Uterati have felt free to make use of reUgious professionals and magical techniques without feeling that they in any way were betraying their Confucian principles. Within the limits of this paper it is impossible to do justice to this aspect of late Ming Christianity. For the general features I may refer to my preliminary paper pubUshed many years ago,87 but the subject deserves a much more extensive treatment. The information is mainly found in a number of quotations from four now lost coUections of Christian edifying and miraculous tales; the quotations have been preserved in a single late Ming manuscript. The first main theme of the stories, most of which are situated in var- ious places in Fujian, is the superior saving power of Christian practices as compared with corresponding traditional Chinese exorcistic and heahng techniques. Demons that possess or terrorize their victims are chased away by the superior spiritual power (ling) of Christian prayer, holy objects, and the recital of sacred texts; patients suffering from grave disease are miraculously cured by the same means; people escape from disasters through divine inspiration or the use of Christian taUsmans. The second main theme concerns the direct experience of supernatural truth, basically in two ways (both of which are deeply rooted in Chinese reUgious lore): the revelation of divine texts or messages, and stories about revival from temporary death, in which a resurrected Christian reports about his experiences in the hereafter, sometimes in remarkable detaU. These materials aUow us a glimpse of what must have been the reality of Christian life outside the narrow circle of the few Jesuits and their scholarly friends. The miheu is purely Chinese; the foreign missionaries play only a marginal role. The stories form the expression of a simple belief in the power of the Lord of Heaven and the efficacy of its rituals, and conversion is not the result of subtle theological reasoning, but of the down-to-earth awareness that "it works." The modern reader is tempted to view these beliefs and practices as characteristic of "popular," non-eUte Christianity, but that would be quite wrong. Also on the level of Christian literati, the supernatural and the miraculous were fully accepted. There are some statements that 87Cf. E. Zürcher, "The Lord of Heaven and the Demons: Strange Stories from a Late Ming Christian Manuscript," in Religion und Philosophie in Ostasien. Festschrift für Hans Steiniger zum 65. Geburtstag (Würzburg, 1985), pp. 357-376. 644CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN RELIGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA show how much value they attached to "faith" (xin), a value that does not rank high in Confucianism. We ourselves do not know what is good or bad, so we must fuUy surrender to God's intentions.88 The attempt rationaUy to understand God's mysteries is like trying to know about the light by looking into the sun—it wül only produce blindness.89 Li Jiugong is most outspoken: we must first believe and understand afterwards, and not the other way round; faith is what leads us (yin) to understanding, and understanding is the reward (bao) of faith.90 Social Values and Social Action As we have seen, the Confucian moral orthodoxy, zheng, had as its core area the ordering of state and society on the basis of the Three Bonds, the Five Human Relations, and the Five Constant Virtues. This was not conceived of as a Utopian ideal to be realized in the distant future (in fact, any kind of miUenarian doctrine was considered highly subversive). In spite of sordid reaUty, it was assumed that these basic social values were already in principle embodied in the hierarchical order of society as it -was. Any doctrine advocating fundamental political or social change would therefore place itself outside the pale of moral orthodoxy. The fact that Christianity was presented as standing firmly on the side of zheng also impUed that it claimed fuUy to conform to Confucian social and poUtical values, and to contribute to their reaUzation. This acceptance of the socio-political status quo is amply borne out by our sources. In the ritual sphere, the converts were aUowed to continue the funerary and commemorative rites in honor of their ancestors; although their intention was changed (prayers and sacrifice no longer being offered to the ancestor's souls, but to God for their benefit), the ceremo- nial remained substantially the same. Converted Uterati could go on performing their ritual duties in the temple of Confucius and, if they were officials, take part in state ceremonials, provided they did so with the right intention: they should honor Confucius as a great man, and re- 88SSZ1I11 2"- 12". '9SSLX, pp. 29*-29b. 90SSZ, 1, 5'. BY ERIK ZÜRCHER645 gard the sacrificial rites of the state religion as actuaUy being directed toward the Lord of Heaven. Of course, the grand imperial sacrifices to Heaven and Earth were accepted as legitimate (and interpreted as an expression of the emperor's "public-spirited," gong, concern for the well-being of the people, and therefore basicaUy different from superstitious prayers that only serve private interests, si). On the other hand, it is stated that the Chinese Christians' worship of the Lord of Heaven is not sacrilegious; it is true that only the emperor is authorized to sacrifice to Heaven, but the Christian cult is an act of gratitude (bao) and not a sacrifice (Ji).91 As regards the hierarchical ordering of society, the Christian values in general conformed to the orthodox pattern. It is, for example, significant that the second part of Li Jiugong's "Record of Reflections" (Shensi Iu, ca. 1670), which deals with social behavior, consists of quite traditional observations without any sign of Christian influence, whereas the content of the first and third sections, "About Heaven" and "About Myself," is distinctively Christian. The degree to which the existing social hierarchy is accepted is aptly Ulustrated by Aleni's explanation of the Fourth Commandment, "Honour thy father and thy mother." The obUgations due to one's parents are here extended to cover all kinds of seniors and superiors; altogether they form a picture of impeccable orthodoxy. The list of sinful acts (you zui) includes, among others, the cases of inferiors not submitting to their superiors; pupUs disobeying their teacher; subjects violating the laws of the authorities (guanfu); slaves and servants lacking in respect toward their masters, etc. On the other hand, the master of the house commits a sin if he maltreats his slaves and servants, and the husband if he does not provide his wife with her daüy necessities.92 In the same way, social inequaUty is not only accepted but most explicitly justified: such distinctions are natural, like the quaUtative difference between head and feet in the human body; if there were no poor, 91ADAC, LTI, 2 lb-22"; DAlT, p. 6'. It is not explained why priests, who do "sacrifice" to the Lord of Heaven (the Mass is called misaji), do not infringe upon the imperial prerogative. 92DZZG,!, 14b-l6'.The important role of traditional social values in Christian life is also clearly illustrated by Fan Zhong's four "rules that must be observed" (SJXY, pp. 5b-7"). Apart from the first rule, which enjoins the worship of the one true God, the other three are (2) obediently serving one's parents, elder brothers, seniors, and teachers; (3) not harming others, in accordance with the impulsive good mind Qiangxiri) that is part of our fundamental nature (benxing), and (4) being frugal in every respect and not abusing one's authority as an official. 646CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN REUGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA who would be wiUing to perform hard and humble labor?, and, with an interesting theological legitimation: if everybody were weU-to-do, how would the rich have an opportunity to gain merit by charity?93 There is, however, one important exception to the general acceptance of the social structure—the absolute prohibition of polygamy, i.e., of taking a concubine. On this point no accommodation was possible; the standard reason for taking a concubine, viz., to get male offspring when the marriage remained chUdless or only produced daughters, was rejected in no uncertain terms, and baptism was conferred only after the aspirant had sent away his concubine(s). We know of several cases in which baptism was withheld from very promising candidates untU they had done so. Wang Zheng, the "piUar of the faith" in Shaanxi, was even for some time excommunicated because at an advanced age he had taken a concubine. He was admitted again only after having sent her away and having written a statement of self-criticism— a curious document that has survived.94 It is possible that in this respect Christianity to some extent has improved the position of women, although in many cases the disposal of the concubine may have only worsened her situation. In any case it may be significant that Aleni's "list of sins" mentioned above does not include female insubordination. As regards polygamy, he also makes some interesting statements: man and woman are absolutely equal as far as their souls are concerned; that women are less intelligent than men is only the result of their physical endowment; being chUdless has nothing to do with lack of filial piety; and, most surprisingly, if being childless is caused by the man's physical condition, would the woman then be entitled to take a second husband?95 Thus, with the exception of concubinage, Christianity did not represent a threat to the existing social order and to Confucian moral ortho- doxy. On the contrary, Christianity, being zheng, actively contributes to its realization. This argument is often used by spokesmen of Christianity and occasionaUy even by sympathetic outsiders: Christianity furthers the "civUizing influence" (jiaohua); it teaches people to be fiUal, loyal, '3ADAC, I1 20"-21b, and LV, 4'-5b. 94It is appended to Adam Schall's (Tang Ruowang) collection of edifying tales, "Daily Record [made at] the Chongyi Church," Chongyi tang riß suibi (Xi'an, 1638). 95ADAC, II, 28'-29S and IV, 22b-23'. Cf. also DKW, 37"-39": Mencius' statement that "hav- ing no posterity is the most grievous form of lack of filial piety" refers to one particular case and cannot be generalized. BY ERIK ZÜRCHER647 and law-abiding, and to fulfill all their social and ritual obUgations. It can support the government in its fight against subversive sectarian movements. The argument that Christianity is a civiUzing force is often backed up by referring to the European situation, as it had been described by the Jesuits in Utopian terms: ever since its conversion to Christianity, Europe had been a region of peace, prosperity, and perfect social order.96 And as far as western social ethics ("the Study of Norms,"yili zhi xue) are concerned, the basic categories are identical with those of the Confucian Great Learning: self- cultivation (xiu shen), regulating the famUy (qijia), and pacifying the AU-under-Heaven (ping tian .?/a). "Thus western scholars have found all the right procedures, in every detafl,for [the implementation of] the Three Bonds, the Five Constant Virtues, and the Five Human Relations."97 The argument sounded convincing and promising; Xu Guangqi even proposed "to try it out" in one township— you'U see that it works!98 The most remarkable manifestation of Christian principles used to disseminate Confucian orthodox values is the "Book of the Warning BeU" (Duoshu, 1641) by Han Lin, the leading Christian scholar in Jiangzhou (Southern Shanxi). It is a Christian (or rather "Confucian monotheistic") explanation, written in semi-vernacular language, of the six moral injunctions proclaimed by the first Ming emperor and known as the "Six Maxims" (Uu yan) or the "Sacred Edict" (shengyu). They were universaUy used as an instrument of elementary Confucian indoctrination, to be memorized by the whole population. In the late Ming the Six Maxims had to be recited and explained every fortnight at the meetings of the "Community Covenant" (xiangyué) in every district and township in the empire. Han Lin's Christian exegesis of the Six Maxims was not just a private initiative: he had been invited to write it by the prefect ofJiangzhou to improve the morals of the local population, and its pubUcation was 96FOr the acceptance of this idealized image of Europe see E. Zürcher, "A Complement," esp. pp. 77-80. Zhu Songyuan's positive reaction to this glorified Great West (Taixi) is re- flected by a lengthy passage in DKW, pp. 50b-51b, which may be unique in premodern Chinese literature: the West is superior to China on seven points, ranging from noble customs and universal peace and order to technology and international commerce. 91XXF, pp. 40-41. ^"Letter to a fellow-villager," Da xiangren shu, in Xu Mouxi, Zengding Xu Wending gong ß (Taibei, 1962), chap. 1, p. 13; not in XGQf, since the compiler Wang Zhongmin questions its authenticity, on rather flimsy grounds. 648CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN REUGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA sponsored by no less than eighteen officials and literati, none of whom is known to have been Christian. Their patronage clearly indicates that they indeed appreciated Han Lin's Christian principles for their "civiUzing influence." It is not possible here to treat the content of Han Lin's "Warning BeU"; I may refer to the summary I have published elsewhere.99 Han Lin extensively Ulustrates each maxim with a mixture of arguments and examples taken from Christian and Confucian lore. Irrespective of the question whether it ever actually was used in xiangyue meetings (it probably was not), it remains the most explicit expression of Christianity bolstering traditional values—here it has become integrated into the very heart of Confucian orthodoxy. But Confucian orthodoxy did not stop at moral indoctrination. "Car- ing for the people" had at least ideaUy always been one of the objectives of the Confucian order. Organized charity had started in Buddhist circles, and remained an important area of Buddhist activity, but it was partly taken over by non-Buddhist pManthropists, and especially in late Ming times there were many "Societies of Doing Good" (zuoshan hut) of Confucian inspiration.100 Also in this respect Christianity created its own varieties of existing practice. Almost from the start, the Jesuits had encouraged their converts to set up lay congregations (hui) after the European model, and this foreign seed no doubt found fertile soil in an environment that was teeming with clubs, societies, and associations of every description, most of which also had a religious dimension. We have many references to Christian associations, set up by pious Christians, also at their own initiative. Sometimes, as in the rather well-documented case of Yang Tingyun, a former Buddhist charitative society would be transformed into a Christian one after the leader had been converted.101 In aU known cases, the inspiration for the Christian element in charitable activity was provided by the "Seven [Corporal] Works of Mercy," as described in Jacobus Rho's "Explanation of the Practice of Mercy" (Aijin xingquan, 1631). The information about most of such voluntary associations is frag- mentary, but in one case—the "Humanitarian Society" founded by Wang 99Cf. Zürcher, "A Complement." '"'Cf. Joanna E. Handlin-Smith, "Benevolent Societies: The Reshaping of Charity during the Late Ming and Early Ch'ing,"JAOS, 45 (1987), 309-337. 101Cf. Standaert, op. cit. , pp. 74 and 84-90. BY ERIK ZÜRCHER649 Zheng in Xi'an—the complete statutes have been preserved (Renhui yue, 1633). The program of activities is formally derived from the Seven Corporal Works of Mercy as expounded by Rho, but in actual practice it is limited to the three main functions of traditional Chinese charity: feeding the hungry, attending the sick, and the burial of abandoned corpses. Membership is open to aU classes, including simple peasants, merchants, and artisans; women may contribute but cannot become members, and Buddhist and Taoist monks are excluded. Wang Zheng reaUzes that his society is a modest local initiative, but in the last paragraph of the statutes he develops a grand vision. In due time more and more renhui of this (Christian) type wiU be set up in all the provinces; the authorities wUl come to recognize their exceUence and grant financial support, and in the end the network wiU even be highly appreciated by the emperor. Thus the renhui will serve the twofold purpose of spreading the message of Christian charity and contributing to general weU-being and public morality.102 Conclusion: The Two Faces of Late Ming Christianity In the course of the last thirty years, the study of the early Chinese response to Christianity has largely been concentrated upon what here has been caUed "the critical dialogue with Confucianism." The focus is understandable and justifiable, but it has produced a somewhat unbalanced picture. It has highlighted the role played by the Jesuits as xiru, "literati from the west," and their most prominent scholarly converts, their attempts to accommodate Christianity to the Confucian worldview, and the positive and negative responses. This is, of course, an essential aspect. The dialogue produced a sophisticated and highly original hybrid: a monotheistic and puristic version of Confucianism, strongly opposed to Buddhism, Taoism, and popular "superstition." In some parts of this paper I have tried to do justice to the importance of that scholarly dialogue. However, that is by no means the whole story—the conventional image is incomplete and has to be filled in by highlighting the other face of early Chinese Christianity. The Jesuits were not only "Uterati from the west," they also were duode "sacerdotes"; their converts were '2AZZF, p. 9". 650 CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN RELIGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA not only Confucian disciples but also devotees; Christianity was not just an inteUectual construct but a living minority religion, a complex of beliefs, rituals, prayer, magic, icons, private piety, and communal celebra- tion. In that whole sphere of religious practice Christianity was by no means a semi-Confucian hybrid; in fact, in all respects it came much closer to devotional Buddhism than to Confucianism. Thus, in the Chinese elite environment, Christianity had to combine two roles that were almost incompatible. As a doctrine, expressed at a high level of phüosophical and theological articulation, it could act as a "complement to Confucianism"; as a religion, it was bound to show close analogies to precisely those indigenous beliefs and practices which they rejected as superstitious. It could not confine itself to one of those two spheres as Confucianism and Buddhism did; true to its nature as a monopoUstic Mediterranean religion, it had to encompass both. The two faces of early Chinese Christianity constituted an internal contradiction that never was solved, and that no doubt has contributed to its final breakdown in the early eighteenth century. Abbreviations AJXQ = Aijin xingquan, "Explanation of the Works of Mercy," by Giacomo Rho (Luo Yagu), 3 j-, 1633. BJL Bian jiao lun, "On Distinguishing the [True] Doc- DCWX = Tianzhujiao dongchuan wenxian, "Documents concerning the Spread of Christianity to the East," Zhong- trine," short (6 fols.) apologetic treatise by Duan Gun and Han Lin, Jiangzhou, c. 1630. guo shixue congshu (Taibei, 1965). DKW DS = Da kewen, "Answers to a Guest's Questions," by Zhu Zongyuan, c. 1631 (the edition used dates from 1697, with a preface by Lin Wenying). Duoshu, "Book of the Warning BeU," by Han Lin, Jiangzhou, c. 1640; modern edition by Chen Yuan, based upon the Zikawei copy, Beijing, 1919- DYP Dai yi pian, "Instead of Doubting," apologetical trea- tise by Yang Tingyun; preface by Lin Qi dated 1621. Reproduced in DCWX, pp. 47 1 -63 1 . BY ERIK ZÜRCHER DYXP = 651 Daiyi xupian, sequel to DYP, also by Yang Tingyun, 2 j., revised by Zhang Geng, 1635. Manuscript copy, BibUothèque Nationale (Courant no. 71 1 1). DZZG = Di zui zheng gui, "Correct Rules for the Ablution of Sins," by Giulio Aleni (Ai Rulüe), Aj.; first edition c. 1627; the edition used is a reprint of 1847. fujie, "Memorial of Apology," by Dídaco de Pantoja JJ (Pang Diwo) and Sabbathino de Ursis (Xiong Sanba), I6l6. Manuscript copy, Bibliothèque Nationale (Courant no. 7321). KDRC = Kouduo richao, "Diary of Oral Admonitions"; sermons and conversations of GiuUo Aleni and three other mis- sionaries, recorded by Li Jiubiao, 8/.; prefaces dated 1631, 1632, and 1633, but covering the period 16301640. LXGJ = Ling xi gao jie yao gui, "Essential Rules for Baptism and Confession," short (10 fols.) treatise by Zhang Geng. Manuscript, Bibliothèque Nationale (Courant no. 7249). LXYJ = Li xiu yi jian, "A Mirror Exhorting to [Self-] cultivation," compUed by Li Jiugong, 2 j.; the second juan known only from a single manuscript copy (Courant no. 6878). Compiler's preface dated 1639. MSJY = Misa ji yi, "The Meaning of the Mass Sacrifice," by Giulio Aleni (Ai Rulüe), 2j.; first edition Fuzhou, 1629; the edition used is a reprint of 1843. Po xieji," Collected Documents for the Destruction of Heresy," coUection of anti-Christian materials com- PXJ pUed by Xu Changzhi, 8j., 1639/1640. Japanese edition of 1855. PZYQ = Pangzi yiquan, "Posthumous Explanations by Master Pang," extensive explanation of the Credo by Dídaco de Pantoja (Pang Diwo), published shortly after his death in 1618. QK Qi ke, "The Seven Victories," by Dídaco de Pantoja (Pang Diwo), 1624; in TXCH (1624; Taipei reprod.Vol. Ill, pp. 689- 11 26). 652CONFUCIAN AND CHRISTIAN RELIGIOSITY IN LATE MING CHINA RHY = Renhui yue, "Statutes of the Humanitarian Society," by SJAX = SijiAi xiansheng xingji, biography of Giulio Aleni by Wang Zheng (Xi'an, 1634). Li Sixuan, shortly after 1640. Two slightly different manuscript copies from Bibliothèque Nationale (Courant nos. 1016 and 1017-1). SJSG = Shengjiao si gui, "Four Rules of the Holy Doctrine" (viz., Mass, Fasting, Confession, and Eucharist), by Francesco Brancati (Pan Guoguang), c. 1662. SJXY = [Tianzhu] shengjiao xiaoyin, "Brief Introduction to the Holy Doctrine," a short (1 1 fols.) treatise in vernac- ular by Fan Zhong (Hangzhou, first edition 1633). SSL = Shensi Iu, "A Record of Reflections," by Li Jiugong, posthumously coUected and published by his son Li Yifen, 3 j. (Fuzhou, c. 1670). SSLX = Sanshan lun xue ji, "Record of Discussions on Learning [held in] Sanshan (= Fuzhou)," by Giulio Aleni (Ai Ruliie); first edition shortly after 1627; the edition used here is the reprint (Macao, 1847) reproduced in WXXB, Vol. I, pp. 419-493. TXCH = Tianxue chuhan, "First Portfolio of [Texts about] Heavenly Studies," collection of texts about Christianity and European science, compUed by Li Zhizao, 1628; photographic reprint, Taipei, 1965 (Zhongguo shixue congshu), 6 vols. TZSP = WXXB = Tianzhu shenpan mingzheng,"'Clear Evidence of Di- vine Judgment," brief pamphlet (6 fols.) recording the experience of the revived Yan Doubin m the hereafter, noted down by his son Yan Weisheng, 1640. Tianzhujiao dongchuan wenxian xubian, continua- tion of DCWX, 3 vols., Taipei, 1966 (Zhongguo shixue congshu). WTAR = Wei Tian ai ren ji lun, "On the Highest Principles of Fearing Heaven and Loving Human Beings," by Wang Zheng; preface by Zheng Man dated 1628. Manuscript, BibUothèque Nationale (Courant no. 6868). BY ERIK ZÜRCHER653 XGQJ = Xu Guangqi ji, "CoUected Works of Xu Guangqi," edited by Wang Zhongmin (Beijing, 1963)· XXF = Xixuefan, "General Survey of Studies in the West," by GiuUo Aleni (Ai Rulüe); first edition 1623; included in TXCH (1628); reprint, Taipei, 1972 (Zhongguo shixue congshu). YQYX = Yan Qiyuan xiansheng chaoxing shiji, "The Transcendent Facts Concerning Master Yang Qiyuan"; Christian biography of Yang Tingyun (1557-1627), by Ding Zhilin, c. 1630. Manuscript, BibUothèque Nationale (Courant no. 3051-C). XSWB = Xing shi wen pian; polemical tract containing twentysix critical questions about aU kinds of superstitious ideas and practices. Anonymous. BibUothèque Nationale (Courant no. 7100-11). ZP= [Shengchao] zuo pi, "An Aid to Exposure"; an antiChristian treatise by Xu Dashou, c. 1624; in PXJ, j. TV. ZS= Zhang Shi; the hagiographie account of the life of "Michael" Zhang Shi, who died c. 1624, aged 19; by Xiong Shiqi and Zhang Fu. Manuscript, Bibliothèque Nationale (Courant no. 1098). TYZD = Tui yuan zheng dao lun, a short tract by A. Vagnoni, edited (jiao) by Xu Guangqi (before I6l6 because here Vagnoni is StUl caUed Wang Yiyuan; after the persecution he caUed himself Gao Yizhi). Bibliothèque Nationale (Courant 7100-1). BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NATIONS: SHIFTING MODELS OF MISSION AMONG JESUITS IN CHINA BY Jean-Paul Wiest* Introduction From the late nineteenth century on, one of the striking differences between the work of Protestant and Roman CathoUc missionaries in China was the greater emphasis placed by Protestants on developing Christian institutions of higher education. For the CathoUc Church, the legacy of the condemnation of the Chinese Rites by Rome in 1742 had been the forsaking of Matteo Ricci and his Jesuit companions' efforts to convert China from the top down. CathoUc missionaries became mostly interested in the masses of China, not in its inteUigentsia. It was not until around the time of the First Plenary Council held in Shanghai in 1924 that the hierarchy of the Catholic Church again began to attach importance to higher education, but by then rising nationaUsm made the opening of schools under western auspices very difficult. There had been, however, one major exception. Since their return to China in 1842, the French Jesuits professed that Ricci's methods of evangelization, although "indirect" in nature, were stiU "the most effec- tive of aU because they aüowed missioners to influence the highest circles of the Chinese society."1 This led, in 1903, to the launching of Zhendan University in Shanghai. The Jesuits aimed at providing Chinese youth with a first-rate higher education in a Christian environment and, by the same token, at providing Chinese society with an eUte that would be CathoUc or at least weU disposed toward Christianity. *Mr. Wiest is Research Director of the Center for Mission Research and Study at Maryknoll, New York. 'Joseph de la Serviere, Histoire de la Mission du Kiang-Nan (2 vols.; Zikawei, Shanghai, 1914), 1, 41. See also Lettres des Nouvelles Missions de la Chine, 1841-1868 [hereafter cited as LNM] (Lithograpy, n.p., n.d.), II, 317, letter of Poissemeux, January 30, 1850. The term "indirect evangelization" refers to means, other than direct preaching, used by missionaries to draw non-Christian people's attention and interest. 654 BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST655 Yet, as this paper wiU show, the (indirect) missionary approach adopted by the Jesuits of Zhendan was based on an understanding of mission substantiaUy different from that of their confreres of the six- teenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries in China. The disparity of missionary styles between the two groups is striking. What was the significance of these shifts in the Roman CathoUc Church's understanding of itself and its mission and how did they affect the coming of age of an indigenous Chinese Catholic Church? I. Models and Images of Mission Over the centuries, missionaries have been motivated by different perceptions of their role and have used countless means and ways to expand the influence of Christianity. A closer look at these various understandings and styles of mission reveals, however, that they are aU variations or refinements of three basic models associated with three distinct images.2 The model most prevalent during the Middle Ages was that of the crusader. The crusades were special armies dispatched outside the frontiers of Christendom by the pope and the European kings to confront, repel, and subject by force people labeled as infidels. The conquistadors of the sixteenth century were just a later version of the aUiance between the cross and the sword to push further out the frontiers of the non-Christian world. Linked to the military aspect of this model was its very hierarchical structure. The crusaders and the conquistadors were carrying out orders that came all the way down to them. The basic image for this model is that of a pyramid with the bulk of those at the bottom being sent out. Mission was a one-way activity. In this context, to suggest that non-Christian reUgions could bring something to Christianity would have been preposterous. The geographical division between a Christian and a non-Christian world lasted weU into the first part of this century. As for the confronta2My approach to the topic of mission is different from the one adopted by David Bosch in his masterpiece book, Transforming Mission:Paradigm Shifls in Theology ofMission (Maryknoll, New York, 1 99 1). While Bosch analyzes the various shifts in theological thinking on mission, I consider changes in styles of mission as exemplified by the ways in which missionaries carry out their task. Some of my insights were triggered by a lecture entitled "Mission to the Nations" given by Donald Dorr of the St. Patrick's Missionary Society at the Center for Mission Research and Study at Maryknoll, New York, on November 2, 1995. 656BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NAnONS tional element, it stUl survives but for the most part evolved into a miU- tary imagery and vocabulary that was appropriated by the next model. In the Roman Catholic Church the period from 1850 to about 1965 marks the heyday of the frontier model. The missionaries are those who work beyond the frontiers of Christian faith and Western civUization among people often labeled as pagans and uncivUized. As in the preceding model, these non-Christians have to be conquered for Christ, but this time through spiritual weapons and with the help of the real or imagined benefits of westernization. Mission is stUl understood as a conquest in geographical terms with the missionaries being a special breed of heroic persons bringing Christ to foreign lands. They are admired for their ruggedness, their willingness to risk their Uves, and their endurance in the midst of adverse cUmatic and cultural conditions. Thanks to them, the frontiers of the Church are pushed farther and farther away. The image that comes forth is not just that of heroic persons being sent out, but also of gatherers and civUizers -who founded faith communities3 patterned after those of the CathoUc Church in Western societies. These missionaries, however, rarely settle for long in one place, for their training and calling are more that of lone rangers who, once law and order has been estabUshed, move on to new locations beyond the frontiers of Christian faith and civilization. The apostoUc letter Maximum Mud of November 30, 1919, was the first of a series of attempts by the Holy See to denounce the dangers of such an understanding of mission. While praising western missionaries for their commitment, zeal, and audacity to take on great chaUenges, the papacy begged them to practice humility and to discard aU müitant, condescending, or culturaUy imperialistic attitudes.4 It was not until the time of Vatican CouncU II, however, that changes began to happen in earnest and on a large scale. Today the frontier model still lingers on in the attitudes and mentaUty of some missionaries for whom it is hard to let go of their mUitant theology. It also hampers the transformation of missionary groups whose structures and institutions were set up to support such a model. The Greek word for church used in the New Testament is e????s?a, which means a gathering, an assembly. This document was reinforced by the encyclical letter Rerum Ecclesiae of Pope Pius XI released on February 28, 1926. Both letters not only pointed to flaws in the attitudes of many western missionaries but also affirmed the rights of "natives" to govern their own local church. BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST657 CathoUc missionaries nowadays are caUed upon to be more like patient and respectful messengers and witnesses of the good news to all people. This model is certainly not new. The early church after aU was born in a cross-cultural mUieu and, throughout the first centuries, its success came from its abUity to adapt to many contexts, letting indigenous people express their faith in a wide variety of liturgies—Syriac, Roman, Coptic, Armenian, Ethiopian, Maronite, and so forth. The advent of Constantine marked a major watershed in understanding mission, because for the first time the Christian religion became the reUgion of the establishment. The early model of mission gave way to more triumphaUstic models, emphasizing the Church as the bearer of culture and mission, as an outreach movement from the civüized to the non- civiUzed, from the superior culture to the inferior cultures. Only in the past thirty years or so has the style of mission practiced in the first centuries become prevalent again, and the fuU impUcations of this change for the CathoUc Church are as yet far from being whoUy understood. The key aspects of this style of mission can be described as foUows. CathoUc missionaries are people whose special vocation is to go beyond the existing frontiers of the Christian faith to dialogue -with people of other reUgions or with no religion. These boundaries are not understood any more as a geographical division between western and non-western countries for it has become too obvious that western civUization can no longer be identified with the Christian message. As messengers, missionaries are not passive carriers but active witnesses who in their daUy Ufe interpret the Christian message the best way they can. They retain thenown cultural and reUgious identity whUe becoming as much as possible one with the people they have been sent to; they have to share the Ufe, appreciate the culture, the values, even the reUgion of these people, and yet be firm and steadfast in opposing what is contrary to the Christian message. This is not possible without being sensitive to the myriad ways the spirit of God has already been at work beyond the frontiers of the Church, long before missionaries themselves got there. The Christian message, however, never becomes translated—contemporary theologians would say inculturated or contextuaUzed5—until the local people make it theirs, not just by deciphering it accurately but also by enhancing its meaning with precious spiritual gems already present in thenown cultural and reUgious heritage. In this process, missionaries are not 'For more on the theology behind these terms, see Bosch, op. cit., pp. 420-432, 447-457; and Lamin Sanneh, Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture (Maryknoll, New York, 1989). 658BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NAnONS just one-way transmitters of the Christian message; they in fact receive it back—the same and yet different—from the people they have evange- Uzed. Homebound missionaries then, in what has been described as re- verse mission, become also harbingers of this enriched message to their culture and church of origin. Today mission encompasses the five continents and entaüs a continual reciprocal evangeUzation and enrichment between peoples aU around the world. The image that comes to mind with this messenger model and global understanding of mission is that of a complex of interconnecting circles, symboUzing on the one hand the diversity of cultures and reUgious expressions and on the other hand mutual enrichment, human soUdarity, and unity of faith. ?. The Missionary Style of the FirstJesuits in China Matteo Ricci has been heralded by many historians and theologians as a pioneer for his efforts to integrate Christianity and Chinese culture by foUowing a poUcy of cultural accommodation. The richness of the research avaUable on the early Jesuits' brUliant but controversial apostolate of science, phUosophy, and Christian faith makes it easy to identify four key elements in Ricci's missionary style. Two account for his success, and two point to flaws in his approach to China. 1. Respect for the Chinese Cultural Heritage First of aU one should recognize that Ricci's method of evangeUzation was not something that he came up with aU by himself. His missionary approach was shared by a distinct group of people raised and nurtured in what Andrew Ross described as "the cultural golden age of a specificaUy CathoUc humanism."6 Indeed, when one considers the key figures in the initial period of the Jesuit presence in China, they were aU ItaUans who, like Ricci, were imbued with the ideas of the ItaUan Renaissance and were inteUectuaUy prepared in the Roman CoUege of the Society ofJesus, the future Gregorian University. Foremost among them was Alessandro VaUgnano, whom the General of the Society in 1573 appointed Visitor to the East. As the person in charge, he was the one whose insight and determination set the tone and held the course of the Jesuit missions in 'Andrew C. Ross, A Vision Betrayed: The fesuits in fapan and China, 1542-1742 (Maryknoll, New York, 1994), p. 206. BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST659 China for more than thirty years until his death in Macao in 1606. Con- vinced that the Chinese culture contained elements that could be a foun- dation for the upbuüding of an indigenous Christian church and a new Christian culture,VaUgnano entrusted the task to Ricci, and every new initiative that Ricci took was done with his full agreement. Ricci's style of mission resembles in many ways that of the early church and prefigures its modern revival. He carefully avoided the pitfaUs of cultural confrontation and instead followed a poUcy of cultural accommodation, hoping to reconcile two disparate systems of faith and thought. He was thus reviving the theological tradition of the Greek Fathers who, like Clement of Alexandria, knew how to bring the heritage of Homer and Plato to the service of Christian thought.Just as his use of the science and instruments he brought with him from the West dazzled Chinese inteUectuals, so did his mastery of the Chinese language and cultural tradition. His patience, tolerance, understanding, and respect for the Chinese people and culture, combined with his outstanding scholarship, enabled him to adapt himself to the Chinese environment and to gain the confidence and friendship of many. Ricci knew how to gain people's hearts, and it showed in his treatise On Friendship (Jiaoyou lun),7 and in his kindness and good manners. Many Chinese were drawn to him and to the Christian message he brought. 2. Independence from Western Political Powers and Yet Respect for China's Political Order Another aspect of early China Jesuits' style of mission was the striking contrast between their relationship to the poUtical order of Europe and that of China. When, in 1534, the Society of Jesus was created specificaUy as a reUgious group at the exclusive service of the pope, free from poUtical interference and not bound by traditional ecclesiastical structures,8 it was a first attempt to replace the Christian missionary activity under the authority of the Holy See. This was a sharp departure from the attitude of the popes of the last decades of the fifThe/i'eor-OM lun or De Amicitia was published in Nanchang around the year 1595. 8In addition to the three regular vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience to their superiors, the Jesuits take a fourth vow of service to the pope in whatever form he sees fit. Regarding this vow, the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus read, "The vow which the Society made to obey the pope as the supreme vicar of Christ without excuse, meant that 660BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NAUONS teenth century who had issued a series of buUs entrusting the evangelization of newly discovered lands to Spain and Portugal. At first, the traditions of medieval Christendom prevailing in the Iberian peninsula and dominions with its close aUiance of throne and altar, the throne being always the senior partner, were too strong for the young society to oppose and, like the rest of the Church, it bowed to the aU-embracing royal authority. The same conquistador spirit fueled the growth of the Spanish and Portuguese spheres of influence and the Christianization of the world. And yet almost from the beginning, Francis Xavier, the Society's foremost missionary, rejected this coUusion between European colonial expansion and conversion to Christianity. As early as 1548, he wrote to King John III of Portugal to denounce an evangeUzation conducted at the point of the sword along the western coast of India.9 This forced Christianization was in total opposition with his own approach based on respect between different cultures. The main motivation behind his move to Japan and his preparation for entering China was to Uve in countries where people would be free to accept or reject his preaching without outside interference or threat. From what was said previously about Valignano, it is not surprising to find him espousing Francis Xavier's practice of distancing mission work from the secular powers of the Iberian peninsula. One of Valignano's outstanding accomplishments, beginning with his appointment as Visitor in 1573, was precisely to assert his spiritual authority above the poUtical control of the Portuguese Padroado and the Spanish Patronato, and by the same process to achieve a measure of independence for the Jesuits in China. From the start, his insistence on recruiting ItaUan Jesuits for his missions indicated a commitment to find missionaries not deeply affected by the conquistador understanding of Christianity and the world. From experience, he knew that the Italians of the period were free from this infection. This, however, did not mean that Ricci and his ItaUan confreres lacked poUtical shrewdness. Born in the century of MachiaveUi in a members were to go to any place whatsoever where he judges it expedient to send them for the greater glory of God and the good of souls, whether among the faithful or the infidels." See G. E. Ganss, Ignatius of Loyola: The Spiritual Exercises and Selected Works (New York, 1991), p. 307. 'Letter of Francis Xavier to John III, King of Portugal, Cochin, January 20, 1548, in Henry James Coleridge, The Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier (London, 1927), II, 6-15. See also Georg Schurhammer, Francis Xavier: His Life, His Times (Rome, 1980), III, 346. BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST661 country fuU of rivalries between princes, Ricci displayed, during aU his years in China, an art for observing political trends and choosing the kind of people capable of forwarding the success of his enterprise. He secured the friendship of high-ranking, upright officials who opened for him, step by step, the way to Beijing and ultimately the forbidden city, residence of the Wanli emperor. Ricci thought that, just as the West following the conversion of Constantine had gradually evolved into a Christian empire, so would China after the conversion of its emperor. Yet when it came to proclaiming the core of the Christian message of God's universal and salvific love and every person's vocation to become a child of God, Ricci and his companions stood firm in what was a challenge to the Chinese rituaUzed order and way of thinking. Although many literati were able to see in these teachings a pledge of greater fidelity to the emperor and to the country, others, especiaUy after the death of Ricci in 1610, accused the Jesuit missionaries of undermining the imperial order by preaching the cult of the Lord of Heaven and the equal dignity of all men before God. 3. Debating Technique and Interpretation of Chinese Classics The method of cultural accommodation implemented by Ricci and his companions aimed first at proving that no irreconcilable differences existed between Chinese culture and Christian message and secondly at dressing up this message as much as possible in Chinese garb. The of- ficial patronage bestowed by the Kangxi emperor in 1692 on the Catholic Church in the empire attested to the success of the Jesuits' approach to evangeUzation. This success nonetheless had at least two serious flaws. The first one can be traced to the confidence of the Jesuits in themselves as carriers of God's truth and in the power of their reasoning to persuade others to submit to this truth. Ricci for instance, behind the facade of Chinese courtesy, was a militant, relentless interlocutor committed to stripping of their errors Buddhist and Taoist monks as well as Confucian scholars. His western logic, codified in the rigid laws of scholastic argumentation, aimed at proving the absurdity of the adverse positions.10 He "The matter was further complicated by the fact that although Ricci's mastery of the Chinese language was superb, the structure of the discourse and the words he used to 662BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NATIONS seemed to have, for the most part, ignored the Chinese literati's own conception of the dialogue which, on the contrary, aimed at reconcUing contradictions and always kept a door open for the adversary to bow out gracefuUy. Although this aspect of Ricci's approach led to much confusion and misunderstanding, one should keep in mind, as mentioned previously, that his usual demeanor, far from being confrontational, placed great emphasis on harmonious relationships. Through his kindness, his good manners, and his profound knowledge of Chinese customs he won the hearts of many Chinese people. Ricci made another mistake when, in his eagerness to root the Chris- tian faith into the Chinese cultural mUieu and traditions, he embarked on a misconstrued interpretation of the Chinese Classics. Eager to reject the neo-Confucian metaphysics of his time as a deviation while keeping the ethical Confucian principles which, for the most part, conformed to the Christian teachings, Ricci claimed to have found the Christian concept of God as a personal being in the original Confucian thought. To find traces of the Christian revelation in an allegedly pristine form of Confucianism, he submitted the Chinese Classics and Confucius him- self to many distortions. In this futile attempt, Ricci and his companions succeeded only in embarrassing their supporters among the literati and in giving fuel to their adversaries who accused them of knowing nothing about Confucian thought. m. The Return of the Jesuits to China When Hubert Cousin de Méricourt arrived in Beijing in January, 1773, he became the last European Jesuit to set foot in China for almost seventy years. The causes of this long interruption are complex and stem, in part at least, from the protracted Chinese Rites Controversy of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that crippled the Roman Catholic Church in China and almost destroyed the Jesuit order.11 Westconvey his concepts resulted in significant misunderstandings with his Chinese interlocutors. For an excellent treatment of this topic, see Jacques Gernet, Chine et christianisme:Action et réaction (Paris, 1982). "Briefly stated, the Chinese Rites Controversy had to do with the translation of the term "God" into Chinese and the permission given by the Jesuits to Chinese Christians to continue the performance of honors rendered to Confucius and ancestors in accordance BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST663 ern missionaries in that country were then divided into two camps that expended much energy in denouncing each other to the Holy See. At the core of the dispute was the accommodating attitude toward the Chinese cultural heritage championed by most Jesuits but opposed by other missionary groups. By the early eighteenth century, the papacy repeatedly ruled against the Jesuits' position. The Qing court was outraged by what it considered an interference by the Holy See in its internal affairs and an affront to its ancient ceremonial and customs. In 1724 a revengeful Yongzheng emperor banned Christianity and ex- peUed aU western missionaries from China. Only a few Jesuits employed at his court as scientific advisors were allowed to remain. Thereafter, the steady flow of Jesuits coming to China feU to a trickle and finaUy dried out with the suppression of the order in 1773. Over the years, the Qing government did not always strictly enforce the ban against Christianity. In fact, several missionary groups continued to secretly send some of their men into the provinces of China. Yet, they could not send many because the Jansenist crisis -within the Catholic Church and the antireUgious climate prevafling in several European countries had sharply depleted their ranks and was threatening their very existence. In contrast to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which had been times of great spiritual renewal and missionary activity for the Roman Catholic Church of Europe, the eighteenth century was a time of lassitude and retreat. The dawn of the nineteenth century, however, brought a religious revival that was particularly strong in France. Some outstanding figures rose to boost this movement. In 1802 François Chateaubriand in his Génie du Christianisme appealed to the aesthetic and emotional values of CathoUcism. Frédéric Ozanam organized the Société de Saint Vincent de Paul to promote apostoUc zeal among the CathoUc youth. In 1822 he took an active part in the founding oî L'Oeuvre de la Propaga- tion de la Foi. This organization developed into the primary fundraising institution of the Catholic Missionary estabUshment and through its magazine, Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, became an with the customs of the country. For a good historical study of the question, see George Minamiki, The Chinese Rites Controversyfrom Its Beginning to Modern Times (Chicago, 1985); for an in-depth analysis of the positions of the different principals and the longlasting impact of the controversy, see David E. Mungello (ed.), The Chinese Rites Controversy:Its History and Meaning ("Monumenta Sérica" Monograph Series,Vol. XXXIII [Nettetal, Germany, 1994]). 664BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NATIONS effective tool for popularizing the missionary cause. In the 1830s the Dominican Henri Lacordaire preached at Notre Dame of Paris his Conférences, which contributed immensely to the revival of Catholicism among French intellectuals. Other Catholic apologists, like Louis VeuUlot, linked patriotism, colonialism, and missionary enterprise by appealing to the Gesta Dei per Francos tradition and to the sense of mission civilisatrice newly gained from the industrial revolution.12 In this context of revival, religious congregations began to flourish again in France. One of them was the Society of Jesus re-established by Pope Pius VII in 1814, as the last Jesuit advisor in Beijing was on his death bed. The success of its recruiting efforts are impressive. By 1858 there were 1 ,500 French Jesuits; twenty years later, they had passed the 3,000 mark and accounted for almost one-third of the order's total size.13 As they grew in number, the French Jesuits assumed a predominant position in the field of education. In 1878, with twenty-nine exceUent secondary schools and a bright student body of 1 1 ,000, the Jesuits controlled the formative years of 55% of the student population not attending public schools. Moreover, by successfully preparing adolescents for the entrance examinations to the Grandes Écoles such as the École polytechnique, the Saint Cyr military officer school, and the naval academy, they put in place a network of devoted supporters among future leaders in the civil and miUtary administrations at home and overseas.14 These efforts came to a sudden, but only temporary, halt with the anticlerical reorganization of education promulgated in 1879 by Jules Ferry, the minister of education. The measure, which denied most Catholic orders the right to teach in France, further reinforced the missionary impetus of the French Jesuits, already a majority among Jesuit missionaries. Their number rose to 630 in 1879 and reached 1,000 by the turn of the century. MeanwhUe the Holy See had received several letters from Chinese 12Jean-Paul Wiest, "Catholic Activities in Kwangtung Province and Chinese Responses: 1848-1885" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 1977), pp. 29-30, 33-35. 15Jean LacoutureJésuites: une multibiographie, Vol.11: Les revenants (Paris, 1992), pp. 206, 296. 14For instance, from 1871 to 1879, the Jesuit Collège Sainte Geneviève in Paris gradu- ated 316 students who gained entry to the École Polytechnique and 669 to Saint Cyr; see also Lewis Pyenson, Civilizing Mission: Exact Sciences and French Overseas Expansion, 1830-1940 (Baltimore, 1993),pp. 12-13. BYJEAN-PAUL WIEST665 CathoUcs and from Bishop Louis de Bési, vicar apostolic of Shandong and administrator of the Nanjing diocese, begging the Jesuits to return to China and resume their missionary and scientific works. 15 It comes as no surprise that when Cardinal Giacomo FUippo Fransoni, prefect of the Propaganda Fide, decided in 1841 to respond favorably to these let- ters, the choice of Jan Phüip Roothaan, superior general of the Society of Jesus, fell on the French, the stronger group within the Society. The timing was almost perfect. On the one hand, within the foUowing decades, the French Jesuits, as we have seen, would be able to provide a steady flow of missionaries. On the other hand, the opening up of China and the need for reforms and western science would provide the Jesuits with another opportunity to bring Christianity to an educated Chinese eUte. IV. The FrenchJesuits at Zhendan: Their Understanding of Mission and Their Missionary Style In AprU, 1841, three French Jesuits, Claude Gotteland, François Estève, and Benjamin Brueyre, left the port city of Brest in France for China. After a IuU of sixty-nine years, they were the first contingent of a new generation of Jesuits sent to revive the splendor of their 622 pre- decessors who, since 1 582, had come in the footsteps of Francis Xavier to bring the knowledge of Christ to the Chinese people.16 But these new Jesuits and their French confrères who for more than a century would come to Shanghai, were in many ways unlike a Matteo Ricci, a Lazzaro Cattaneo, or a Niccolo Longobardo. Their conception of China, their attitude toward the Chinese people, and their understanding of civilization differed sharply from that of the earlier Jesuits.17 A study of "Louis Wei Tsing-sing, La Politique missionnaire de la France en Chine, 1842-1856 (Paris, 1957), pp. 45-53, 82-84, 91-92; LNM, 1, 34-36, letter of Gotteland,July 22, 1842. See copies of two letters by Chinese Christians in Serviere, op. cit., Vol. I, appendices 1 and 2. 16LNM, 1, 7, letter of Gotteland, May 6, 1841. Joseph Dehergne, Répertoire desfésuites de Chine de 1552 à 1800 (Paris, 1973), pp. 397-407. Among those Jesuits, seventy-eight were native Chinese. "For a study of the images of China presented to the European society by the French Jesuits of the nineteenth century, see my paper entitled "Les Jésuites français et l'image de la Chine au XLX' siècle" to appear in Actes du Huitième Colloque International de Sinologie de Chantilly (1995). 666BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NATIONS the Jesuits at Zhendan reveals that although the strategy of concentrating on the educated class remained the same, changes in motivation and viewpoint precluded the reviving of Ricci's policy of cultural accommodation and led to a different missionary style and understanding of evangeUzation. The form might have been the same, but the spirit behind it was not. 1. Continuing Matteo Ricci's Legacy of Working among the Educated The three French Jesuits landing near Shanghai in 1842 carried clear instructions from their provincial in Paris. Estève and Brueyre were assigned to the traditional missionary tasks of preaching, baptizing, and estabUshing parishes among the masses. But Gotteland, the superior of the group, had brought along crates fuU of scientific instruments for the estabUshment, among other things, of an observatory. His orders were to resume the scientific and educational work of his predecessors and, prior to his departure, he had perfected his knowledge of astronomy under one of the most renowned astronomers of the time, Charles Louis Largeteau. But the pressing demand of responding to the needs of the 70,000 Chinese Christians spread out in the huge diocese of Nankin delayed the launching of the scientific program he had conceived.18 The correspondence of his successors clearly reflects the same resolve on the part of the leadership of the reborn Jesuit order to emulate the work begun by Ricci and to convert China from the top down. In 1849 Joseph Gönnet wrote in anticipation: When will at least a few of us share some of the prestige that surrounded the early Jesuits? Until that day comes, we will never convert the bulk of the Chinese people. . . . Our confreres understood that the conversion of the highest civU servants in the empire would necessarily be foUowed by that of the entire nation, and experience has proved them right.19 FinaUy, the foUowing year, Augustin Poissemeux had enough manpower at his disposal to assign five Jesuits to work among China's educated and influential eUte. The goal he set in front of them was unequivocal: Once we gain more freedom to follow in the footsteps of our famous predecessors in China, and once we know enough Chinese literature to earn "Archives françaises de la Compagnie de Jésus [AFCJ] , Fichier 2 1 7, letter of Gotteland to T.R.P Général, September 22, 1842. LNM, 1, 425, letter of Gotteland, December 3, 1846. "LNM, 11,307, letter of Gönnet, October 22, 1849. BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST667 the respect of the literati, we will then reach for the higher stratum of the society and not only cater to the Christians and the poor. ... AU efforts should lead to grasp this great people by the head; we wUl never conquer it as long asjtëe are satisfied with grabbing it by its feet.20 In the pursuit of this goal, the French Jesuits were relentless. Shanghai rather than Beijing became their new center, and their efforts developed along two lines, scientific research and academic teaching. The results were impressive. Their first pubUshed scientific notes began to appear in 1855, and by 1873 they had already buUt a permanent meteorological observatory. This was foUowed by the opening of an astronomical observatory in 1894 and a magnetical observatory in 1908.21 They also began as early as 1868 to assemble coUections which achieved world fame under the names of Heude Museum of Natural History and Museum of Chinese Antiquities. In the field of education, their efforts aimed first at putting in place a system that would channel students from elementary to high schools, and prepare the most talented ones for official examinations and more advanced studies. By I860 they were already responsible for the educa- tion of 5,600 students in 224 primary schools for boys and eighty-nine for girls in the Jiangnan mission territory.22 In Xujiahui, they ran the CoIlège Saint Ignace, a secondary school with ninety boarders.23 The creation of an establishment of higher learning for the Chinese youth took a longer time. Finally, on February 28, 1903, they joined with Ma Xiangbo, a former Jesuit and a renowned scholar, to open an institution which was given the symbolic name of Zhendan, which means dawn.24 The French designation Université l'Aurore was chosen as its 20LNM, 11,317-318, letter of Poissemeux, January 30, 1850; Serviere, op. cit.,\, 165. "The meteorological observatory was located in the garden of their main residence in Xujiahui, a suburb of Shanghai. The astronomical and the magnetical observatories were both situated a short distance away from the city, the first one in Sheshan and the other in Lujiabeng. 22In 1856 the Propaganda Fide had entrusted to the Society ofJesus the two provinces of Jiangsu and Anhui, commonly known under the name of Jiangnan. 23LNM, II, 238-239, letter of Gotteland, January 22, 1849; ?, 331-333, letter of Poisse- meux, April 23, 1850; III (part 1), 72, letter of Languillat, June 4, 1854; III (part 3), 255, statistics. Serviere, op. cit., 1, 171-173. In French, the school was always officially known as Collège Saint Ignace; in Chinese, however, the name Xuhui Gongxue (Xujiahui College) rapidly replaced the awkward transliteration Sheng Yinajue Gongxue (St. Ignatius College). 668BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NATIONS other legal name and appears on all the official documents. Over the years, Aurore developed into an excellent academic institution with unique characteristics, earning the double-edged reputation of being a French university on "Chinese soil. Entering students with a limited knowledge of French were required to take a special one-year course in that language. The structure and curriculum evolved over the years but remained closely modeled on the French system of education. By 1949, just before the Communist takeover, the university comprised four faculties: law, science and engineering, medicine and dentistry, and Uterature. In July, 1951, the government asked all the Jesuit professors to leave the campus and declared Aurore closed. There is ample evidence that the high professional and scholarly standards in the various subdisciplines of science, law, and medicine produced Zhendan graduates who made significant contributions to China's modernization.25 Even today, alumni of the last graduating classes, in spite of their advanced age, stUl play an influential role as educators and professionals in Taiwan and on the mainland. 2. Mixing Missionary Enterprise with French Civilization Throughout the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth, a phenomenon of convergence took place abroad between French missionaries, including the Jesuits, on one side, and the various French governments and their representatives on the other side. Putting aside the often antagonistic attitude opposing them on the home front, both 24For details on the events leading to and the people involved in the creation of Zhendan, see Ruth Hayhoe, "Towards the Forging of a Chinese University Ethos: Zhendan and Fudan, 1903-1919," The Chinese Quarterly, 94 (June, 1983), 323-341;Jean-Paul Wiest,"A Clash ofVisions:The Beginnings ofAurora University, 1842-1905," paper presented in Oc- tober, 1992, at the alumni meeting of Aurore Mondiale Association held in Shanghai and at the Second International Conference on the Historiography of the Catholic Church in China held in Taipei. For publications in Chinese, see the sections on Zhendan and Ma Xiangbo in Fudan daxue zhi, diyijuan, 1905-1949 (Shanghai, 1985); and Gu Yulu,"Zhendan daxuedi zhuangjian he bianqian," Zhongqiao wenti tansuo, 1987 nian wenji (Shanghai, 1988), pp. 140-150. "See for instance, Gu Changsheng, Chuanjiashi yu jindai Zhongguo (Shanghai, 1981), pp. 364-367;Joseph de la Servière,"Une Université française en Chine, L'Aurore de Shanghai," Relations de Chine, 2 (April, 1925), 15-19; "Le Rayonnement de l'Aurore en Chine et à l'étranger," Bulletin de l'Université l'Aurore, 33 (1936), 8-11. BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST669 sides coUaborated in combining the two notions of Gesta Deiper Fran- cos and Mission civilisatrice. The French missionaries beUeved that their country's civilization had a very special role to fulfill in the divine plan of evangelization of the world; the governments of France too often equated the French civUizing role with colonial and economic expansion and regarded missionaries as agents of their political interests abroad. Otherwise, why would an anticlerical government such as that of the Third Republic continue to promote abroad the French protectorate over all CathoUc missions—formally ended with the French Act of Separation between state and church of 1905 —and finance their schools and hospitals? Among missionaries, this blend of patriotism, colonialism, and missionary enterprise resulted in attitudes -which sometimes departed sharply from Ricci's policy of cultural accommodation. Even the Jesuits at Zhendan who claimed to foUow in the footsteps of Ricci were affected. Their approach differed from that of their early mentor on two major counts: they were imbued with a strong sense of superiority in their own religion and civilization and they expected the backing of the French government. a. Emphasis on French Culture For the Jesuits at Zhendan, Ricci and his successors of the eighteenth century had gone too far in their attempts to root Christianity in the Chinese mUieu and to find traces of the Christian God in the most an- cient Chinese books. The condemnation of the Chinese Rites by the Holy See had closed the case. Moreover, the China they found was not the civilized country described by Ricci. They saw a backward country run by an inefficient and corrupt government, torn apart by rebellions, weakened by famines and plagues. They thought that by bringing their system of education and the Christian faith to China they would form an elite who would spearhead the rebuilding of the country on a new base. Zhendan in a sense epitomized such an effort. In the pursuit of this goal, the French Jesuits at Aurore never felt a strong necessity to excel in the knowledge of the Chinese language.26 Some could speak the 2Tt should be made clear that we are writing only about the Jesuits at Zhendan and not the Jesuits in China in general. The Chinese linguistic works and dictionaries of other 670BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NATIONS Shanghai dialect rather weU; yet few could handle Mandarin, the official national language. But, after aU, their purpose was not so much to acculturate themselves to China as to bring the best of French education to China. So French, not Chinese, became the language used for teaching, and all students had to learn it. When the Jesuits realized that Ma Xiangpo, the founder of Aurore, was developing an academic institution that did not correspond to their norms, they forced him to resign in March, 1905. What is often known as the first Aurore had barely existed for two years.27 Ma had in mind a school that -would combine the Chinese system of Shuyuan with a curriculum mostly borrowed from American and French educational systems. He preferred to gather young adults al- ready well-educated in Chinese classics. The curriculum stressed the learning of Latin and several modern foreign languages and offered students the choice of specializing in Uberal arts or in the sciences. Ma did not believe that a rigorous lecture system of teaching was necessary with mature students beyond the learning of the basic elements and rules. Then, following this traditional way of learning from the master in a closely knit group, he aimed at guiding students to apply the theory learned in class to the more complex elements of their study untU they could completely proceed on their own. As for the day-to-day administration of the school, he left it in the hands of the students. At the root of the disagreement between Ma Xiangpo and the French Jesuits lay a completely different view of what China needed and what Aurore should become. Whereas Ma dreamt of creating something new, the Jesuits envisioned an université that -would match those in France. The structure of the latter called for a strong authority at the top, a weUdefined course of studies, and a homogeneous and obedient student body. The Jesuits, therefore, blamed Ma for his lack of firm authority. They blamed the student self-government body for interfering with the direction of the school and for distracting students from their studies. As for the curriculum, the Jesuits considered it to be too broad and ambitious. They also felt it reflected too much the whim of students and French Jesuits such as Aloys Pfister, Léon Wieger, and Séraphin Couvreur are proof of their excellent command of the language. "7Ma Xiangpo with a group of students opened another university which he thought would restore the original idea and spirit of Zhendan, and named it Fudan, short for Fu Zhendan, the restored Aurore. BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST671 not enough the consensus of the faculty. FinaUy, they strongly opposed the participation of Aurore students in anti-government activities and faulted Ma for harboring revolutionaries on campus. They thought the reputation of the school had been compromised and, as one remedy, favored the enrollment of a younger, more malleable, less politicallyminded student body.28 Beginning with the fall of 1905, the French Jesuits developed a curriculum that espoused the aims and goals of the French educational tradition and never became the meeting point between Chinese and western culture that Ma had dreamt to foster. Most teaching was done in French, with an emphasis on lecturing and laboratory work. The study of Chinese Uterature was never successfuUy implemented. The faculty of Uterature, offering courses on the important books and authors of both Chinese and French cultures, failed several times for lack of students, and in 1949 it was still on very shaky ground. From the beginning the Jesuits had to defend the "French first and always" rule that they enforced at Zhendan. Their justification for not using EngUsh was as foUows: The Chinese people like to go back to the origins of things and they know that, in matters of science, French owes much to Latin and is its main scion. . . . They trust teachers such as [French Catholic] missionaries whose knowledge of Latin and Greek make them versed in the etymology of the scientific vocabulary of all disciplines. . . . They know that French represents a good half of the world civilization, and that it is the key to disinterested higher studies, in short to science.2' As Aurore celebrated its twentieth anniversary, three letters addressed by the rector to his superior in Paris revealed the intrinsic relationship the Jesuits saw between promoting the French language, contributing to China's development, and advancing the cause of the Catholic religion. In the first letter, Father Pierre Lefebvre insisted that French was unique to Zhendan and essential for its survival: If you plan, within a few years, to have all the courses taught in Chinese, please stop aU projects of construction and development. This measure "Zhendan daxue ershiwunian xioashi (Zikawei, Shanghai, 1928), p. 2. Gu YuIu, op. cit., p. 142. See also Ruth Hayhoe, "A Chinese Catholic Philosophy of Higher Education in Republican China," Tripod, 48 (December, 1988), 51-53. 29AFCJ, Fichier 2-51 complément, "l'Aurore, Université française de Lo Kawei, près Changhai" (ca. 1907), p. 4. 672BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NAnONS would indeed be the death warrant of Aurore, because students would not apply here to find what is already well provided by other institutions.30 In the second letter, Lefebvre vented his strong displeasure for having been ordered to use Chinese in religious education classes: When the apostolic delegate asked what we did [in catechetical classes and in our sermons], I explained to him we did it in French because it seemed more useful for our students and for promoting the holy cause. Now that things have been decided against us, I wash my hands of the whole business if results are not as good as those we obtained before.31 The third letter showed that replacing French by English as the classroom language had been to the detriment of The Institute for Commerce and Industry, the other Jesuit institution of higher learning, run in Tientsin by the Jesuits since 1922. Hidden behind the terse and sarcastic tone lay Lefebvre s own analysis of the faUure to enroU more students: the switch to English had made it much harder for Chinese adolescents taught French in missionary schools to apply to the Tientsin institute; and in the mind of Chinese Catholics, English meant Americans, thus Protestants. There has been no substantial increase in the student population, and the recruitment among Christians [i.e., Catholics] has dried up. One of the Fathers was teUing me that we should hand the school over to the Americans! Those who advocated that we should abandon this poor French language are probably not so triumphant any more.32 A symbolic but very telling sign of this French pride can also be found in the modification made to the original logo of Zhendan. Until 1918, it was fittingly enough that of a morning sun rising from a stylized Oriental countryside. In 1919, however, the Jesuits added to the design an enormous rooster crowing lustily at the shining orb of the rising sun.35 The hidden meaning of the new logo becomes obvious when one 50AFCJ, Fichier 323, letter of Lefebvre to R.P F. Mollet, April 21, 1928. "AFCJ, Fichier 323, letter of Lefebvre to R.P Provincial, September 28, 1928. The apostolic delegate at that time was Archbishop Celso Costantini. 32AFCJ, Fichier 323, letter of Lefebvre to R.P Provincial, October 22, 1929. "There is a possibility that the addition happened earlier, in late 1912, when Aurore changed its Chinese name from Zhendan Xueyuan to Zhendan Daxue. The earliest oc- currence of the new logo I have come across, however, is in school catalogues beginning with the year 1919· BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST673 remembers that the cock or rooster had been one of the most cher- ished and ancient symbols of France. When the place was known as Gallia and its inhabitants the Gauls were known as Galli— Gallus being the singular form—the name for a rooster was also gallus. Because of this similarity between the two names, the rooster became the embodiment of how the people saw themselves. Above all, like the rooster whose song made the sun rise, the French have long considered that their mission was to let the rays of civUization shine upon the world. It would be a mistake, however, to infer from the above that the Jesuits at Zhendan -were so engrossed in their own sense of cultural superiority that they faUed to develop a close relationship with the students. On the contrary, they displayed that same deep respect of the "other" as a person, which has been a constant trademark of the Society of Jesus. As Zhendan grew, one of the recurring complaints found in the correspondence and school diaries of the successive rectors was that they had to rely more and more on a lay faculty who did not provide an around-the-clock care of the students. The rectors always wished for an increase of Jesuit professors—preferably young—who would be entirely devoted to the students and develop a close relationship with them.34 The Jesuits at Zhendan were keen to infuse this spirit of service and dedication into their students. For instance, during the trying period of 1937 to 1939 which transformed Shanghai alternatively into a war zone or a refugee zone, the Jesuits often responded in ways that would in- volve their students. On campus some students helped to provide basic medical attention in a temporary Red Cross hospital installed in one of the buildings; others attended to the reUef of refugees in a camp set up on their soccer field. Outside the campus third- and fourth-year medical students served in neighboring hospitals or accompanied their professors to more distant locations as volunteers for a couple of months at a time. Others helped another professor, Father Jacquinot, to dispense relief in a "special security zone for refugees" he had set up on the outskirts of Shanghai.35 Then, years later, when other difficult times arose with the implementation of the Communist regime, the Jesuits at ZhenMSee for instance, the entry made by Father André Gaultier in the school diary on Feb- ruary 2, 1935. 55AFCJ, Zhendan diary 1937-1939. See also G. Germain, "L'Aurore et la guerre," Bulletin de l'Université l'Aurore, 6/3 (1945), 569-577. 674BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NAnONS dan showed the same dedication to teaching and to their students. They stayed at their posts in spite of many difficulties and humiliating circumstances. They left only when they were forced to do so prior to the closure of the university. This care for others and dedication of the Jesuits to their task never resulted in massive conversions among the student population. There were none until 1919 and never more than three per year until 1933 when eleven students were baptized. The number of baptisms remained around ten annually untU 1939, when it climbed to above twenty and reached an average of about twenty-five per year until 1949. At the same time, while the total student population rose from twentyone in 1903 to 1,600 in 1949, the number of CathoUcs reached 30% in 1940 and thereafter remained steady.36 There is no doubt that the French Jesuits imparted to their students, Catholics and non-Catholics alike, a legacy of deep commitment to their compatriots and their country. In my personal contacts with alumni, I found that whatever political option they took, the regime they chose to support or the country they opted to live in, they all attributed their sense of care and service to their Jesuit professors. As a whole, Zhendan alumni are a group of people proud of their university and grateful to the Jesuits for teaching them to be better persons, intellectually and moraUy b. Relying on the Support of the French Government to Zhendan One might be tempted to describe the French Jesuits in China as poUtical chameleons because of their abUity to adapt to the changing governments of France and China. On the home front, they gained for theneducational pursuit the backing of the July Monarchy, the Second Republic, the Second Empire, the Third Republic, the Vichy Government, and the Fifth Republic. In China, Zhendan was welcomed under the imperial government, received official recognition from the Nationalists in 1912, remained open under the Japanese occupation of Shanghai and 3'These figures do not include students enrolled in the Zhendan secondary school begun in 1933 by the Jesuits, but include those of the Aurora College for Women begun in 1939 by the Dames du Sacré Coeur. BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST675 the Wang Jingwei puppet government between 1937 and 1944, and then regained full recognition from the NationaUsts. A closer look at the situation revealed that the French Jesuits had no deep poUtical commitment. They certainly would not be strong supporters of French governments that often vehemently opposed the presence, let alone the work, of the Society ofJesus on French soU. They took no part in Chinese poUtics either and did not want their students to become involved. Those who did were quickly dismissed. We recaU that one of the reasons that led to the closing of the first Aurore was precisely the Jesuits' opposition to poUtical activities among students. The Jesuits viewed political manifestations and upheavals as a nuisance that deterred students from studying. On October 27, 1911, the rector, Jacques de Lapparent, wrote in the school diary, The revolution that started on the 12 or 13 of October in Wuchang has spread to several provinces. . . . Those among our students whose famines live in these areas are worried. . . . This situation is not conducive to schoolwork but teaching will continue however as if nothing happened.37 Eight years later the viewpoint was stiU the same. FoUowing the out- break of the May 4th Movement, Yves Henry, the new rector, wrote in praise of the students who opted to return to class and prepare for examinations rather than continue participating in the movement: It was not that these students liked their country less than the others. But they understood that their first duty as a citizen was to be [well] trained in order to later on lead others by their science, loyalty, and dedication, and that the greatest evU one can inflict upon a country is to disrupt education.38 Like a chameleon -which adjusts its color to any background for pro- tection and for catching prey, the French Jesuits blended into the polit- ical context to protect and further their mission of education and conversion; but they never considered participating in the transformation of the political context as part of their mission. They foUowed Chinese rules and regulations on education to the letter and adjusted to the changes. Thus as early as 1912, they obtained official recognition of the university and the degrees it conferred; and in 1931, in accordance with a new law, they appointed a Chinese civUian, Dr. Hu Wenyao, as presi37AFCJ, Zhendan diary, October 27, 191 1 . ^Université l'Aurore, 1 6' année scolaire, 1918-1919 (Shanghai, 1919), p. 7. 676BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NATIONS dent of Zhendan. But for them, Dr. Hu was nothing more than a figurehead chosen to satisfy Chinese authorities; the real control of the university remained in the hands of the Jesuit rector.39 When the Sino-Japanese war engulfed the country, they chose to keep Zhendan open and to foUow the directives of whatever political power was in charge of Shanghai. As a result they were accused by some Chinese patriots of being opportunists or turncoats. A close look at their correspondence and school diaries, however, reveals that in reaUty they had to fend off suspicions of being a hotbed of anti-Japanese sentiments, had a low opinion of Wang Jingwei, and did not agree with his pro-Japanese stance.4" There is ample evidence that the French Jesuits thought of manipulating their government to the benefit of Zhendan by relying on the French protectorate over Catholic missions and promoting the notion oí Mission civilisatrice. From the beginning, the Jesuits were successful in enrolling support for the development of their educational enterprise from French civil and military officials in Shanghai and Beijing. The list includes Charles de Montigny, first consul in Shanghai in 1850, and his successor, Victor Edan; Baron Jean-Baptiste Gros, French plenipotentiary to China in 1857; General Cousin-Montauban, commander of the French ex- peditionary corps in I860; Count Louis de Rochechouart and Jules Patenôtre, who between them occupied the post of ambassador in Beijing for most of the time between 1868 and 1885. These people contributed to the excellent reputation of the Shanghai Jesuits among French governmental circles, so much so that in 1898 Stephen Pichón, the ambassador in Beijing, received instructions from the French Foreign Ministry to facUitate the opening of a school of higher education to be run by the Society ofJesus. Through Pichón, the French government was thus involved in the early negotiations that led to the opening of Zhendan and has ever since felt obligated to support that institution.41 "AFCJ, school diary, three typed pages included at the end of year 1932. "See, for instance, AFCJ, Zhendan diary, entries for January 14 and the month of December, 1936; April 24-25 and May 10-26, 1937; January 8 and March 29, 1938; Septem- ber 25, 1939; March 29 and September 26, 1940; May 16 and November 11, 1942; January 14 and 30, February 2, March 2, July 2-4 and 30, October 30, and November 29, 1943; March 10, August 24, September 15, and November 13, 1945. ^'Archives of the French legation in Beijing (kept in Nantes, France), carton 72: Ecoles françaises en Chine— 1898. It is interesting to note that even today the French govern- BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST677 The Jesuits were able to provide Zhendan with the protection, the academic recognition, and the financial support of their government. Protection was constantly shown in subtle ways such as the frequent calls of the rector to the consulate, the many visits of French naval and civil officials to the campus, and the customary participation of the consul in graduation ceremonies. More overt displays such as flying the French flag or posting French sentries at the entrance of the university happened very rarely. Academic recognition was something that the Jesuits relentlessly pursued from very early on. Their first victory came in 1918, when the diplomas delivered at the end of the Cours préparatoire (Preparatory Course)—which later on became Zhendan secondary school—were granted equivalency to the French Baccalauréat by the French Ministry of Public Education.42 Steady improvement in the depth and breadth of the curriculum in the departments of each faculty finaUy paid off. By the mid-thirties, a significant proportion of Zhendan graduates going to France for advanced studies gained access to the doctoral programs at the Sorbonne and other prestigious French institutes. Financial support from the French government and other nonreUgious French sources was also considered crucial to the survival and growth of Aurore. While seeking for funds, the Jesuits always made sure to emphasize the role of Zhendan in defending the honor of France and its civUization and in counterbalancing the influence of the German, British, and American institutions of higher education. By 1913 the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs began allocating a small subsidy of 1,000 francs to Zhendan. In 1916 the ministry reached an accord with the Jesuits guaranteeing major financial support to Zhendan from the French government; but in return the Jesuits agreed that the direction and the administration of Aurore, whUe remaining autonomous, would retain a specifically French character. Teaching would be conducted in French; the director and the totality, or at least the majority, of the professors would be French citizens.43 ment continues to provide assistance to Shanghai Second Medical University, which was established on the grounds of Zhendan in 1952. "Université l'Aurore, 16' année scolaire, 1918-1919, p. 2. 43AFCJ, Fichier 2-55, letter of Stephen Pichón, foreign minister, to the Jesuit procurator in Shanghai, February 19, 1919- After 1939 the French government stopped requiring that 678BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NATIONS As a result the subsidy for that year increased to 15,000 francs and to 25,000 in 1917, plus a one-time gift of 5,000 francs from the Ministry of Education. In 1919 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs began to aUot its subsidy to three categories: laboratories and library, salaries and trips of lay professors, and student scholarships; in 1 92 1 two more categories were added—for salaries of missionary professors and purchase of scholarly magazines. These subsidies were adjusted annuaUy to reflect inflation, additions to the teaching staff, and the increase in the number of scholarships. Between 1919 and 1945, they grew from a total of 128,000 to 1,600,000 francs a year. In addition, the government made generous special one-year alloca- tions to cover costs of construction or new instruments. In 1919, for in- stance, the university received an additional amount of 450,000 francs for the purchase of land and the erection of new buUdings.44 This by itseU" could explain why in that year a proud GaUic rooster began to adorn the school emblem. Some fifteen years later, this now traditional symbol of Zhendan would be enshrined in a large tesselated translucent window set on the south waU commanding the main entrance of the new library and administration buUding.45 The other important non-religious and politically motivated patron of Aurore was the municipaUty of the French Concession of Shanghai. In 1915 it contributed 300,000 francs for new construction and for re- location to the university grounds of the Jesuit observatory of Sheshan and the natural history museum then at Xujiahui. UntU the concession was returned to China in 1945, the municipality remained a generous supporter of Zhendan and handled the yearly transfer to the university of its share of the money coming from the Boxer indemnity, an amount which by the late 1930s was worth 30,000 Chinese doUars which amounted to about 180,000 French francs.46 a strict majority of the professors be French. The roster for the school year 1948-1949 lists some 1 10 faculty: 26 were French Jesuits, 26 were non-Chinese lay professors (but not necessarily French citizens), and the rest were all Chinese: Université l'Aurore, Catalogue des professeurs et étudiants, No. 37, 1948-1949. "AFCJ, Fichier 2-51, "Rapport de 1920 à Monsieur le Député," pp. 1-5; Fichier 2-55, "Subsides et allocations accordées à l'Aurore"; School diary, January 6, 1945. 4,"Aurora University of Shanghai," The Far Eastern Review, 9 (September, 1936), 390-391. 46AFCJ, Fichier 2-51, "Rapport de 1920 à Monsieur le Député," pp. 1-5; School diary, February 8, 1938, and January 6, 1939. BYJEAN-PAUL WIEST679 Conclusion We can now attempt to answer the question raised in the beginning about the significance of these shifts in the Roman CathoUc Church and how they affected the coming of age of an indigenous Chinese Catholic Church. Alessandro Valignano and Matteo Ricci were part of a smaU movement that fought against the main current to revive an understanding of mission and a vision of church based on the respect of aU human beings. The vision they brought to China, other Jesuits of the same generation carried to other countries, Robert de NobUi to India and Alexandre de Rhodes to Vietnam, for instance. I suspect that as novices, these Jesuits must have resonated to the stories of pioneers in that movement: the Dominicans Antonio de Montesinos and Bartholomew de Las Casas, who, a few decades earUer, had denounced the ruthless methods of the Spanish conquistadors in the Americas. The model promoted by Valignano and Ricci resembled that of the first missionaries who preached Christ around the Mediterranean and aUowed indigenous people to express their faith within their own culture. But for the western powers, motivated by a conquistador view of the world, the Jesuits' attitude of accommodation toward China and aloofness toward them was suspicious. Accused by their missionary detractors of confusing pagan and Christian rites, the Jesuits failed to gain the support of the Holy See. Not only did this missionary vision of the early Jesuits not prevaU, but it was a major cause of the suppression of the Society in 1773· The vision did not die, however; it lay dormant until the turn of the twentieth century. The Vincentian Vincent Lebbe was the first to revive it in China; then a generation of Jesuit thinkers, led by Pierre Charles, professor at Louvain and pioneer of the theology of Lnculturation, began to expand its horizon.47 Since Vatican CouncU II this vision has become again the main guide for the Catholic Church's missionary effort. Did Ricci reaUy believe that he had found God in the sacred books of Confucianism, or was it pure missionary strategy to chaUenge and transform the Chinese world view? The debate is stiU open. Some modern 4TFather Pierre Charles taught theology and missiology at the Catholic University of Louvain for forty years until his death in 1954. It was one of his disciples, the Jesuit the- ologian J. Masson, who first coined the term "inculturation" in 1962. 680BRINGING CHRIST TO THE NATIONS scholars affirm that it was indeed a strategy and that Ricci's ultimate goal might have been in fact to get rid of Confucianism altogether.48 Others continue to uphold Ricci in finding God in the Chinese traditional culture and wisdom. In my opinion, Ricci went astray only because he tried too hard to do something he was not qualified to do. The inculturation of Christianity—which is not only a process of insertion into a culture but also a unique and distinct expression out of that culture—is a slow process. What Ricci claimed to have accomplished is something which, in other cultures, has always taken generations or centuries and has never been done by an outsider but by the indigenous people themselves. As gifted as he may have been, Ricci was bound to fail. But his faUure is a reminder of -what stiU needs to be ac- complished. Just as much as it was the Greek Fathers such as Clement of Alexandria who brought the heritage of Homer and Plato to Christian thought, only the Chinese themselves can mold together their own traditional heritage and the Christian faith. The French Jesuits who taught at Zhendan during the first part of the twentieth century were motivated by a totally different model of mission from that of Ricci, although they saw themselves following in his footsteps. The mistake they made was to take what was just a strategy in Ricci's view, that is, the conversion from the top down through indi- rect means, as the core of his method. What animated Ricci's method was the conviction that the success of Christianity in China depended on the missionaries becoming Chinese with the Chinese and on the Gospel becoming part of the Chinese culture. The Jesuits at Zhendan believed in the benefits of French civUization and Christian faith for China. They were not interested in fitting themselves into the Chinese society; they had no sympathy for the students' poUtical aspirations; they never mentioned adapting the Gospel to China. In a sense the French Jesuits at Aurore were very much the products of their time and displayed many characteristics of the frontier model presented earUer. Even among those who arrived after 1920, there seems to be no evidence that they were influenced by the missiological approach of their contemporary, Pierre Charles. For the most part, they came to China as bearers of French civUization which they beUeved would draw the Chinese to Christ; but it is equaUy true that they did not intend to promote the political, economic, and colonial ambitions of 48See, for example, John D. Young, "Some Reflections on the Significance of Matteo Ricci in China," Tripod, 14 (April, 1983), 37. BY JEAN-PAUL WIEST681 the French government. And yet, by cultivating the protection and the financial support of that government, they chose to ignore the fact that the French government was manipulating them for its own interests abroad. They also faUed to recognize that any association with such am- bitions was in the end counterproductive to their dream of converting China's intellectual eUte. Interestingly enough, the coming of age of a truly indigenous Chinese Catholic Church was made possible with the victory of the Communist atheist regime which shook China loose from its subservience to the West. 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Zhu Zongyuan^. ^ 7C Zhuo XingpingÍ- $f -f" zhuzai¿ $ zibu-J- $5 zisongIl e& Zuo Guangxiani ?rj & Zuoshan hui?& #· "#¦ Zürcher, Ericft S Í" SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POUTICS OF SATNT-MAKING E\ COUNTER-REFORMATION EUROPE BY L.J.Andrew Villalon* OnJuIy 2, 1588, with the Spanish Armada poised to sail against England, Pope Sixtus V (1585-1590) ushered Diego de Alcalá (also known as Diego de San Nicolas del Puerto) into that exclusive company of men and women regarded as saints by the Roman Catholic Church. In so doing, Sixtus created the first saint of the Counter-Reformation period.1 It was no accident that sainthood came at the hands of this particular pope or at the precise historical moment when PhUip II of Spain was preparing to launch his Enterprise of England. It was the politics of saint-making2 which gave the Spanish king what he would reckon as one of the great achievements of his reign; and which, incidentaUy was to supply the sixth largest city in the United States with its name. After exploring briefly the poorly documented career of a none-tooremarkable fifteenth-century Franciscan friar, this article wUl examine in detail the events of the foUowing century which would lead the Church to declare him a saint. For Diego de Alcalá was one of those saints whose canonization resulted not so much from what he had done in his lifetime, but instead from circumstances arising long after his death—in his case almost exactly a century thereafter. *Mr. Villalon is an associate professor of history in the University of Cincinnati. Research on which the present article is based was partially financed through a grant from the University of Cincinnati Research Council. An earlier version of the article was presented in October, 1994, at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference in Toronto. Special thanks are owed to Dr. Sander Goodman of the University of Cincinnati. 'The last canonization before Diego's had been that of Antoninus of Florence in 1523. The great historian of the papacy, Ludwig von Pastor, is in error when he states,"In 1586 the Pope [Sixtus V] celebrated the canonization of the Dominican, Louis Bertrand, and in 1588, that of the Franciscan lay-brother, Diego de Alcalá." St. Louis Bertrand did not die until 1581, and was not canonized until 1671. Pastor, The History of the Popesfrom the Close of the Middle Ages, Vol. XXl: Sixtus V, ed. Ralph Francis Kerr (London, 1932), p. 138. Donald Attwater, TheAvenel Dictionary of Saints (New York, 1981), p. 220. The political nature of the process is explored in Kenneth L. Woodward's Making Saints (New York, 1991). 691 692SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POUTICS OF SAINT-MAKING I The only near-contemporary source dealing with the life of San Diego, the Latin form of whose name is Didacus, is a collection of short depositions taken by the church authorities in Alcalá during the years immediately foUowing his death (1463-1467).3 Although more than 150 persons testified, primarily concerning miracles brought about by the friar's intercession, only about a score of these witnesses had known him personally, and fewer still could contribute any meaningful information about his activities. This single source, of which the original seems to have disappeared in the fire that destroyed the Archivo Central de Alcalá de Henares in 1939, exists in a sixteenth-century copy preserved in the Escorial. It formed the basis of the vitae sanctorum composed for the canonization proceedings.4 Working almost entirely from these vitae, several later hagiographers have also produced accounts, principal among them a Spanish Franciscan named Antonio Rojo, whose Historia de San Diego de Alcalá appeared in 1663, on the bicentenary of the saint's death.5 The sources agree that the future samt was born in the small village of San Nicolas del Puerto, near Seville, around the year 1400. At a young age, he retreated to an isolated hermitage in the neighborhood, where he practiced a life of evangelical poverty.6 Eventually, having decided to join the Franciscan Order, Diego approached the friary of Arizafa, several kilometers from Córdoba, where he applied for entry as a lay brother. After completing his novitiate, he spent some years Uving there, then moved to the larger Franciscan establishment in SeviUe, known as the Convento del Casa-Grande. ^Catálogo de los Manuscritos Castellanos de la Real Biblioteca de el Escorial (3 vols. ; San Lorenzo de el Escorial, 1929), 1, 271, item and II. 14. 4Pietro Galesini, Sancti Didaci Complutensis canonizatio quam Sixtus V Pont. opt. max. . . . (Rome, 1588). Ambrosio de Morales, Vita B. Didaci Complutensis (written ca. 1567) in volume three of Morales' collected works entitled Opuscula histórica quorum exemplaria in R. D. Laurentii Bibliotheca vulgo del Escorial custodiuntur, edited by Francisco Valerio Cimentes (Madrid, 1793). 'Fra Antonio Rojo, Historia de San Diego de Alcalá. Fundación y Frutos de Santidad que ha Produzido su Convento de Santa María de lesús (Madrid, 1663). The twentieth century has seen at least one entry in this hagiographie tradition—a 99-page pamphlet by Antonio Hernández Perrales, entitled Breve compendio de la vida defray Diego de San Nicolas del Puerto vulgarmente conocido por San Diego de Alcalá (Seville, 1964). Unfortunately, this work is little more than a modernized condensation of Rojo. 'Based on his early seeking after a religious life, Donald Weinstein and Rudolph Bell would categorize Diego as a "child saint," one of several categories which they establish in their important work, Saints and Society (Chicago, 1982). BY L J. ANDREW VILLALON693 Not until around 1440 did a break occur in what had until then been the very ordinary pattern of Fra Diego's existence.7 He and another Franciscan brother,Juan de Santorcaz, were dispatched to the Canary Islands, which had in recent decades come into the possession of Castile, there to assume direction of the order's small monastery on the island of Fuerteventura. Although some hagiographie accounts of the saint's career extol his evangelizing efforts, other evidence indicates that the conversion of Fuerteventura's native population had probably been largely accompUshed before his arrival. Diego eventuaUy decided to shift his attention to the as yet unsubdued island of Grand Canary, where efforts at conversion might win him a martyr's crown.8 However, upon arriving off the coast, his intentions were thwarted by the sudden onset of a storm and the reluctance of the ship's crew to leave him alone on such an unfriendly shore. Consequently, he returned to Fuerteventura, where he continued to serve as guardian of the monastery until recaUed to Spain around 1449.9 In 1450 the CastiUan branch of the order named Fra Diego to assist its principal representative, Alonso de Castro, at a general conclave in Rome. The pair joined pilgrims from all over Europe flocking to the Eternal City in that Holy Year. While a few were Franciscans scheduled to attend the same meeting, the vast majority came to celebrate both a Jubilee Year and the canonization of a recently deceased member of the Franciscan Order, Bernardino of Siena. When, in the hot summer months, Alonso de Castro contracted a disease which was raging through the overcrowded city, Diego took over his care, later attending other victims in the convent where he was staying. Only with the return of cooler weather and Brother Alonso 's recovery did the pair begin their long journey homeward.10 Upon his return to Spain, Diego moved north from Seville, living for a time in several different convents, untU finaUy settling in the Franciscan monastery of Santa Maria de Jesús in Alcalá de Henares, recently founded by one of Spain's most famous "warrior clerics," the archbishop of Toledo, Alonso CarriUo. Here, the lay brother spent the closing years 'Sources differ as to the precise date of this episode in Diego's life. One tradition has him returning to Spain as early as 1444; another places his recall in 1449"Rojo, op. cit. , p. 97. 'Several modern sources suggest that Diego's recall may have resulted from conflict with the civil authorities over treatment of the native population. Bibliotheca sancto- rum, rv, 606. Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Géographie Ecclésiastiques, XW, 436. '"Later historians would dub 1450 the Jubilee of Six Saints, due to the fact that six of those who attended, including four Franciscans, would eventually achieve sainthood. 694SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POUTICS OF SAINT-MAKING of his life, in the city from which he takes his name and in which he died on November 12, 1463." According to the later hagiographie accounts, at the end, Diego displayed many of the typical signs associated with sanctity. He maintained an unshakable patience in the midst of adversity. He endured without complaint the painful infection of his left arm, which ultimately caused his death. When the wound was drained, the suppurations are said to have emitted a pleasing smell (buen olor), "against all nature."12 Diego begged the community to provide him only the humblest of burials. He died clutching a smaU wooden cross and praying in Latin— "something worth noting since he had never before in his life been heard to utter a word in that language."13 After death, the body was said to have defied decomposition. Marvelous lights were seen in the chapel where it rested overnight. As the population of Alcalá filed past the coffin, some kissed the corpse or its habit, others actuaUy tried to cut off pieces of the habit or pluck hairs from the head. Although the body was at first buried in the Franciscan cemetery, it was almost immediately disinterred by order of the monastery's guardian, who placed it in a wooden coffin and then had it displayed over a period of several months to visiting luminaries, including Arch- bishop Carrillo and King Henry IV (1454-1474). It was apparently the king who ordered that a chapel be built to house Diego's remains. Miracle stories soon began to circulate. These are the basic facts of a career not unUke that of many late medieval members of the mendicant orders. While its most noteworthy feature—the friar's involvement in overseas evangelizing—served as precursor to the coming age of European expansion, such service was not without its medieval precedents. During the later Middle Ages, Franciscans worked in many non-European settings including the Crusader Kingdoms of the Near East, the empire of the Great Khan, and, most recently, in the lands discovered by the Portuguese during their voyages down the west coast of Africa. Many of these assignments involved far greater hazards than those encountered by Brother Diego in the Canary Islands; and some of the friars undertaking them won the crown of martyrdom which had eluded him. "At the time of canonization, the church declared November 12 to be the saint's feast- day. '2RoJo, op. cit., p. 128. "Ibid, p. 131. BY L.J.ANDREW VILLALON695 What is more, stories involving great humility, heroic suffering, exemplary death, non-decomposition of the corpse, and supernatural prodigies (in particular, the performance of miracles) not infrequently grew up around holy men throughout Christendom. By the fifteenth century, Diego's veneration as a "local samt" in the region around Alcalá would have placed him among those whom the Church officiaUy recognized as beati (blessed).14 The closing centuries of the Middle Ages had witnessed two opposing trends. On the one hand, the papacy had increasingly monopolized canonization. At the same time, there was a notable proliferation in the number of local saints, whose only authentication derived from popular piety. To reconcile these trends, later medieval popes erected a distinction between sancti—those few who had come through the official, papal-dominated process—and beati—the many who had not. In order to move up from the latter category to the former required the kind of powerful patronage which few local saints could muster. Such was the case with Diego until, ninety-nine years after his death, fortuitous circumstances brought his remains into contact with the gravely injured Prince of Spain, Don Carlos. ? The "real" Don Carlos, as distinct from the mythic figure one encoun- ters in Schüler and Verdi,15 was born in 1545, the eldest son of PhUip II and his first wife, Maria of Portugal. Early in life, the prince, who was plagued by poor health, began to show signs of mental instabUity. As the years passed, his actions became increasingly violent and bizarre, finaUy forcing his royal father to take drastic action.16 In January, 1568, King Philip and several trusted officials burst into the young man's chambers "Diego may also have won a following around Seville, in the region of his birth. '5In a monograph tracing the literary impact of the Carlos myth, Frederick Lieder lists 105 different versions of the myth. See: Lieder, The Don Carlos Theme ("Harvard Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature,"Vol. 12 [Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1930]). "Four Venetian ambassadors have left reports detailing the prince's odd behavior dur- ing the decade before his arrest—Federigo Badoaro (1557), Antonio Tiepolo (1563 and 1567), Giovanni Soranzo (1565), and Sigismundo Cavalli (1568). Le Relazioni degliAmbasciatori Veneti al Senuto, ed. Eugenio Albéri (Firenze, 1861), Series I1VoI. 5, pp. 74-75. L. E Gachard, Carlos Vy Felipe II a través de sus contemporáneos (Madrid, 1944), pp. 52-54, 109-111, 144-145. James C. Davis (ed.), The Pursuit ofPower (New York, 1970), pp. 87-95. Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe Segundo, Rey de España (2 vols.; Madrid, 1876). 696SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POLITICS OF SAINT-MAKING and placed him under house arrest. Six months later, at the age of twenty-three, Carlos died under what many regarded as "mysterious circumstances."1" Before the end of the sixteenth century, a formidable myth began to emerge, converting this sickly and unstable Hapsburg princeling into the Don Carlos of legend, whose tragic love for his stepmother, Elizabeth of Valois, and opposition to Spain's bloody policies in the Low Countries led to his death at the hands of his own father. '8 While the imprisonment and death of Don Carlos overshadow the rest of his life, the young prince did appear briefly on the historical stage on a few other occasions, usually as a result of his eccentric behavior or his unsuccessful forays into the royal marriage market. The most important of these appearances began on April 19, 1562, when Carlos, during a visit to Alcalá, tumbled down a staircase and struck his head against a closed door. Despite a rise in temperature and some swelling of the glands in the neck, doctors did not at first consider the injury serious. Then, on the morning of AprU 28, matters took a decided turn for the worse as the wound began to fester. The infection spread rapidly, engulfing the patient's face, gluing both eyes shut, and then moving downward across his neck and upper torso. On May 5, with the infection still spreading, Carlos lapsed into a delirium, which would continue on and off for five days and nights. A team of physicians, which eventually reached ten in number and included the great anatomist, Andreas Vesalius, did what it could. The doctors washed, cupped, and bled their royal patient. They gave him potions and anointed the wound with various ointments. They pared '"Some contemporaries hinted at the possibility of poison, among them the English ambassador, Dr. John Man. Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series [CSP/Foreign] , (Elizabeth, 1566-1568) (London, 187I)1V1 513. "When rumors began to circulate almost immediately after the arrest, Spanish ambassadors at Vienna and London informed Madrid that the Protestant camp was having a field day, spreading the word that Carlos had been imprisoned for his Protestant sympathies— a totally unfounded claim which later became part of the myth. Despite these warnings, the king, adopting the view that this was a personal matter, became stubbornly uncommunicative. Even his Austrian cousins, who had hoped to arrange a marriage with the Spanish prince, complained that they were not being told enough. Although interest in the affair waned after the prince's death, it resurfaced in 1 580 when William the Silent, in his famous Apology, accused Philip II of infanticide. L. P. Gachard, Don Carlos et Philippe II (2 vols.; Brussels, 1863), II, 572-576. Colección de Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de España [CDlHE] (112 vols.; Madrid, 1842-1895), XXVII, 10. Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas [CSP/Spanish] (Elizabeth, 1568) (London, 1892), II, 6-8, 21. BY LJ. ANDREW VILLALON697 away damaged tissue and even began to driU through the skuU (though fortunately for the prince, they did not complete this procedure). AU their efforts were unavaUing. In the absence of the three things which might really have helped their patient—sterile surgical instruments, sterile dressings, and massive doses of antibiotics—most of what the doctors did was at best, useless, and at worst, harmful.19 Meanwhile, the concerned people of Spain had ideas of their own about how to restore their presumed future ruler to health. Philip II's subjects prayed and fasted in hopes of encouraging divine mercy. They removed relics from the churches and paraded them through the streets. FlageUants often accompanied these solemn processions, whipping themselves until their blood flowed. Major shrines and monasteries throughout Spain heeded royal requests that they pray for the stricken prince.20 Citizens of Alcalá added their voices to the appeal for divine mercy. In the weeks following the accident, both the town and the university organized religious processions on Carlos's behalf. Then, on the afternoon of May 9, they made their supreme effort. Either the patient himsetf or one of those charged with his care had asked for the remains of Alcalá's "local saint" to be brought to the sickroom. This request was deUvered and the transfer accomplished with aU the formaUty common in sixteenth-century Spain.21 A member of the royal councU, armed with what amounted to an order of "habeas corpus" from the king, arrived at the monastery for a meeting with various local officials, including the "For a detailed account of the accident, the medical treatment which ensued, and the implications for the Don Carlos myth, see my article, "Putting Don Carlos Together Again: Treatment of a Head Injury in Mid-Sixteenth Century Spain," Sixteenth Centuryfournal, XXVI (Summer, 1995), 347-365. A valuable summary of medical practices in Spain during this period and the royal attempt to exercise greater control over the medical profession can be found in: David Goodman, Power and Penury (New York, 1988), pp. 209-260. 20Jean Ebrard, Seigneur of Saint-Sulpice, replaced the Bishop of Limoges as French ambassador in time to witness and report back to his government the remarkable concern displayed by the Spanish people. Ambassade en Espagne de Jean Ebrard, Seigneur de Saint-Sulpice de 1562 à 1565 et Mission de ce Diplomate dans le Même Pays en 1566 (Albi,1903),p29. 21In accordance with instructions laid down by the officials who effected the transfer, a complete record of the event was made by the three notaries present: (1) Sant Juan de Sardeneta, a scribe in the prince's household; (2) Baltasar Pardo, the apostolic notary at the university; and (3) Juan de Antequera, a notary in the service of the archdiocese. The resulting document is reproduced in Fr. Lucio María Nuñez, "Documentos sobre la cu- ración del príncipe D. Carlos y la canonización de San Diego de Alcalá," Archivo Ibero- Americano,! (1914), 424-446; II (1915), 374-387;V (1918), 107-126,421-430. 698SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POUTICS OF SAINT-MAKING rector of the university, a representative of the vicar general of the Franciscan order, and the local vicar. In the presence of iUustrious witnesses and of three scribes charged with keeping a detaUed account of the proceedings, they unlocked the stout outer casket of heavy wooden planks covered in iron and then opened the small inner coffin in which Diego lay. Members of the order transferred Diego's remains to a bier decorated for the occasion with sUk hangings. Taking up their burden, the friars marched out of the church and, with the dignitaries who had been present at the exhumation, took their place at the head of a procession. As they marched solemnly up the main street, they were joined by reUgious contingents from the city's other churches, citizens from aU levels of society, and much of the student body of the university. Upon arriv- ing at the palace, the bier, accompanied by leading members of its escort, entered the sickroom. In the presence of their monarch, who was kneeling in prayer, the friars lowered their burden next to the prince's bed, and folded back the Franciscan robe which was covering Diego to expose part of his face to view. Although only semi-conscious and blinded by infection, Carlos reportedly asked for his eyes to be forced open, so that he might see the blessed remanís. The chief steward, hoping to spare the young man the further agony which forcing open his eyes would entail, refused to aUow it. Nevertheless, at the prince's request, the corpse was transferred to his bed, and Carlos who, despite his weakened state, had rallied enough to pray, reached over to touch it, after which he drew his hands across his diseased face.22 Afterwards, the corpse was returned to the bier and began its journey back to its resting place. As the procession wound its way through Al"Dionisio Daza Chacón and Diego Santiago Olivares, the two royal physicians who have left detailed accounts of the injury and its treatment, insist that Carlos had little or no idea of what was happening around him. By contrast, others who were present in the sickroom, including a third physician, Cristóbal de Vega, remembered matters differently. Dr. de Vega told of the patient having touched the corpse. He also informed the commission that Fra Diego's remains had been brought to the sickroom at the personal request of Don Carlos. Another witness, Alonso de Mendoza, a master of arts and doctor of theology at the University of Alcalá, told of the prince's request to have his eyes opened. Mendoza went on to say that the prince tenjendo puestas sus manos sobre el cuerpo y rostro del dicho fray Diego, levantó las manos y se las puso en su mesmo rostro del dicho Príncipe, y ojos, y boca; y esto hizo dos veces, rezando en este tiempo algunas devociones. BY L.J. ANDREW VILLALON699 cala, it entered each church along the route where prayers were recited and services conducted. At journey's end, Diego was replaced in his coffin which was fitted with five locks, the keys to which were entrusted to five different men. Late that night (May 9) came the crisis. Despite the medical team's around-the-clock ministrations, the visit of Diego's remains, and the unceasing prayers of the Spanish people, Carlos appeared to be at death's door. Around midnight, the usuaUy phlegmatic monarch, Philip II, who had watched his son's deteriorating condition with growing despair, gathered a few of his closest advisors and rode out into the stormy night. Rather than wait for the young man to die by inches, the king headed for a Jeronymite monastery near Madrid, there to pray and await the inevitable.23 The doctors, who had no choice but to stay and treat their patient, held out Uttle hope that he would survive the night. They had also to fear for their own safety, since a public outcry had arisen over their treatment of the prince, fueled by a number of physicians who, despite an absence from the scene, had not hesitated to criticize their colleagues.24 Just as things seemed darkest came the first real break in the case. Despite predictions that death was imminent, Carlos managed to raUy and survive the night of May 9, during which he enjoyed the first hours of peaceful sleep he had had in quite some time. By morning, his pulse seemed stronger, and his delirium had lessened. Thereafter, the prince steadüy improved. When Philip rode back to Alcalá on May 13, he found Carlos fuUy conscious and in his right mind. The story told by Mendoza and de Vega agrees with the prince's own account, contained in the will which he drew up two years later. Dionisio Daza Chacón,"Relación Verdadera de la herida de cabeza del Serenísimo Príncipe nuestro Señor, de gloriosa memoria, la cual se acabó en fin de julio del año de 1562" (hereafter abbreviated "Chacón") in CDIHE, XVIII, 549. Diego Santiago Olivares, "Relación de la enfermedad del Príncipe D. Carlos en Alcalá por el Doctor Olivares medico de su cámara" (hereafter abbreviated "Olivares") in Cö/#£,XV, 562. Nuñez, oj5.c«., 1,431-434."The Last Will and Testament of Don Carlos (1564)," in CDIHE, XXIV, 523. 25In the words of the surgeon Chacón, the king departed "with a pain that we could all understand." Chacon, pp. 549-550. See also Olivares, p. 562. "According to the doctors, the medical team realized full well "the danger in which they all stood as a result of the rabble's indignation." Chacón, pp. 550, 560. See also Olivares, p. 572. Several ambassadors, including the French bishop of Limoges and Thomas Chaloner of England, reflected this public mood in their dispatches. In a letter of May 10, the Bishop of Limoges recorded his belief that the doctors had erred. Chaloner was even 700SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POUTICS OF SAINT-MAKING As the days passed, the young man regained his appetite, and his temperature approached normal. On the sixteenth, the doctors felt confident enough to begin draining the abscesses which had closed their patient's eyes; and by the twenty-first, they were able to pronounce the right eye fuUy healed and the left well on its way to recovery. On May 19, the fever had disappeared for good. On June 14, Carlos left his bed for the first time, and, three days later, he walked through the palace to the king's quarters. Late m June, he ventured outside, and on the twenty-ninth, attended a special Mass held in Fra Diego's chapel. Afterwards, the prince asked to view his benefactor's body. Since the five key holders were present, the keys were quickly produced and the coffin again opened. Once more, the Franciscan robe was folded back to show Carlos parts of the corpse, including those exposed during the visit to the sickroom. The coffin was then closed and sealed.25 The prince continued to improve rapidly. He began taking afternoon walks in the fields around the city. On July 5, he again attended Mass, after which he stroUed into the main plaza to watch the bullfights and young men jousting with canes. Finally, on July 17, with the wound completely healed over, he left Alcalá and proceeded by easy stages to Madrid. m Even before Carlos had fully recovered, the debate began over who deserved the credit. While a few contemporaries looked to the doctors, most appear to have joined the English ambassador, Thomas Chaloner, more graphic. In a report to the queen, he referred to members of the medical team as "bunglers" who "not searching the hurt deeply had promised all good hope to the King, and made untimely haste to the healing up of the incision, whereby the bone putrefied." Although the king had brought Vesalius from Madrid, his "better learning the Spanish medicins make not account of." Another of Chaloner's communiqués assured the English secretary, William Cecil, that "there is great fault ... in the negligent cure by his surgeons." Chacón, pp. 550, 560. Gachard, Don Carlos et Philippe II, Vol. II, Appendix, p. 634. Chaloner to the Queen (May 11, 1562), CSP-Foreign/Elizabeth (1562), pp. 26-30. Chaloner to Cecil (May 12, 1562), CSP-Foreign/Elizabeth (1562), p. 32. 2,Acting on instruction from several churchmen involved in the event, including Alonso Ferrete, the commissary general of the Franciscan Order in Spain, a notary named Baltasar Pardo made a record of these proceedings which was reproduced in Nunez, op. cit., 1, 436-444. BY L. J. ANDREW VILLALON701 in dismissing their efforts as ineffectual. Spaniards, including both the patient and his royal father, believed that they saw the hand of Providence at work.26 Since the king had implored all major shrines to pray for his son, and communities throughout the country had paraded their local saints, many now claimed at least partial credit for influencing the divine intervention. Nevertheless, attention soon focused on the remains of Fra Diego. When first hearing of their visit to the sickroom, Ambassador Chaloner had astutely predicted that "if God sende the prince to escape, that fryer is not unlike to be canonized for his laboure."27 Upon regaining his senses, Carlos greatly increased the likelihood of such an outcome by reporting an apparition which he had seen whUe still very near death.28 According to the prince, on the night of May 9, a figure, dressed in Franciscan habit and carrying a smaU wooden cross, had entered the sickroom. The prince remembered asking the visitor if he were Saint Francis and, if so, why he had appeared without his stigmata. Although Carlos could not remember any specific reply to his questions, the shrouded figure had assured him that he would recover. Later, having concluded that Diego rather than St. Francis had visited him in the night, both the prince and his father vowed to work for the friar's canonization.29 The reaction of Carlos's doctors sheds important light on the contemporary debate over his recovery and whether it should be ascribed to medical skill or divine intervention. C. D. O'Malley, author of several modern works which touch on the prince's injury,3" states that the miracle theory was opposed by the physicians, "who understandably felt that their contribution to the prince's recovery was being over- 26In mid-June, the French ambassador expressed the general view when reporting that Don Carlos "est venu à telle extrémité que l'on l'a tenu pour mort, sans poux ny parolle, mais depuis, quasi comme par miracle, il est revenu en bonne santé et convalescence." Ambassade deJean Ebrard, p. 29. 27Gachard, Don Carlos et Philippe II, II, 640. 2"For an account of apparitions seen by other Spaniards at about this time, see William A. Christian, Jr., Apparitions in Late Medieval and Renaissance Spain (Princeton, New Jersey, 1981.) »Chacón, pp. 558-559. J"C. D. 0'lAa\\ey,Andreas Vesalius ofBrussels 1514-1564 (Berkeley, 1964);Don Carlos of Spain:A Medical Portrait (Los Angeles, 1969). 702SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POUTICS OF SAINT-MAKING looked. "" In fact, the situation was not so simple: the medical team split dramatically on the question of whether the cure had resulted from their efforts or from divine intervention. Among eighty-three witnesses who opted for a miraculous cure were Cristóbal de Vega and Hernán López 'el Portugués,' both physicians ¦who had treated Don Carlos. De Vega went so far as to impugn the motives of several of his coUeagues who had argued the case for medicine, by telling an ecclesiastical commission investigating the event, "these physicians were saying this in order to make their role in the cure seem greater than it was."32 Whether or not de Vega numbered Dionisio Daza Chacón, the prince's personal surgeon, among these erring physicians cannot be known, for Chacón, who wrote the principal account of the injury, "played it safe." On the one hand, he praised the physicians for their tireless efforts and courage in the face of popular hostility; on the other hand, he acknowledged that God's mercy had ultimately made recovery possible, and he extoUed any supernatural beings (including Fra Diego) who may have interceded on the prince's behalf. At the same time, he carefuUy avoided saying anything which might draw him into a debate between the relative role of medicine and the miraculous in effecting a cure.33 By contrast, the prince's personal physician, Diego Santiago Olivares, stated unequivocally that the cure of Don Carlos was due primarily to medical skiU rather than divine intervention. His account of the injury raises a defense of medicine by one who had labored hard to effect a cure, only to see his efforts severely criticized and then virtuaUy dismissed. In OUvares, we detect an intimation of the future—of a world governed by science rather than religion, in which medicine and the patient's own recuperative powers would count for more than intervention by the deity. OUvares did not go so far as to dismiss entirely the workings of Providence and was even wUUng to concede (albeit somewhat patronizingly) that Brother Diego may have played a role. "This statement, which appears in Vesalius (p. 300), as well as a similar one in Don Carlos of Spain (p. 1 1), were made despite O'Malley's familiarity with the article by Fra Lucio Nuñez which reproduced the "pro-miracle" testimony of both Dr. de Vega and Dr. Portugués. Nuñez, op. cit. , I1 433-434. ,2Ibid. »Chacón, pp. 558-562. BY L. J. ANDREW VILLALON703 I do believe . . . that God showed special favor to the prince and came to his aid, due principally to the intercession of . . . the Holy Virgin, and to the public prayers, processions . . . and fasting offered up all over Spain and in many foreign places. One can also piously believe in the intercession ... of the blessed Brother Diego, to whom his Highness . . . has paid such devotion.34 Nevertheless, he disputed the claim that a long-dead friar or anyone else had wrought a miracle. In his opinion, the medical effort had saved Prince Carlos, and he bridled at any attempt to dismiss or belittle that ef- fort. The cure was of natural origins. As a result of the remedies which were administered, the prince recovered; and only those [cures] are properly called miracles which are beyond the power of all natural remedies. . . . People cured by resorting to the remedies of physicians are not said to have been cured by a miracle since the improvement in their health can be traced to those remedies. . . ." In retrospect, we can see that OUvares vastly overstated the case for sixteenth-century medicine. The prince appears to have survived m spite of, rather than because of, the medical procedures practiced upon him. Ironically, his fervent belief in Fra Diego may indeed have played a greater role in his survival than the best efforts of his physicians. What is more, those like OUvares who were inclined to make the case for medicine soon fell sUent. It would have taken no Uttle courage to go on denying the miraculous nature of the cure once it became clear that both the royal famUy and the Spanish people firmly believed that a miracle had taken place and the Church was ready to endorse their belief. As a royal physician, OUvares depended upon the crown for his livelihood. If pressed too vociferously, his denial of the miraculous, which ran counter to his employers' desire for canonization, might well cost him his position. For most men, probably including OUvares, such a threat to their career -would have been enough to secure their süence. As if this were not enough, lurking in the background was a danger far greater than mere loss of employment. By 1562, Europe was caught in the throes of the Counter-Reformation. In Spain, more than anywhere else, the forces of a resurgent Catholicism were gearing up to fight the Protestant menace. When efforts to purge the homefront of Protestant 'OUvares, p. 570. "Olivares, pp. 570-571. 704SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POLITICS OF SAINT-MAKING sympathies could bring down even an archbishop of Toledo and former confessor of Charles V, no one was safe.36 Throughout the Reformation, the cult of saints was a hotly debated issue. Catholics strongly reaffirmed their traditional belief in the efficacy of saintly intercession, while Protestants just as strongly denied it. In this highly charged atmosphere, the doctor's denial that Brother Diego had worked a miracle might have laid him open to the very real danger of being considered a Protestant sympathizer. Olivares apparently recognized this. In the immediate aftermath of the prince's recovery, he had written to Cardinal GranveUe and perhaps to others, stating his belief that the cure was natural rather than mirac- ulous; thereafter, as the movement to canonize Diego de Alcalá picked up momentum, the doctor fell süent. It may be that OUvares had too much integrity to soft-pedal his objections to the miracle theory, but too little courage to press home the claims of medicine. He had before him a chilling example of what could happen in the prevailing atmosphere of intolerance to a physician who meddled too deeply in religious af- fairs. In 1564, Miguel Servetus,the most important Spanish-born doctor of the period, had fled from his home in southern France to escape the Papal Inquisition only to be burned at the stake in Protestant Geneva! TV The campaign to have Diego de Alcalá officially recognized as a saint began even before the prince had completely recovered. Late in May, 1562, Alcalá and the neighboring villages wrote to Rome on the friar's behalf. Before the summer was out, other voices sweUed the chorus, in- cluding the leader of the Franciscan order in CastUe and the rector of the University of Alcalá. Many Spanish grandees who had been present in Alcalá as the drama unfolded added their letters. On February 28, 1563, the crown formally entered the campaign when both Philip and Carlos petitioned Rome on Fra Diego's behatf.37 The king clearly stated his belief that his son's survival had been "an obvious miracle." "Archbishop Bartolomé de Carranza, who had delivered the last rites to Emperor Charles V, endured a seventeen-year heresy trial before the Spanish Inquisition (15591 576) from which he emerged a broken man. "Philip's correspondence with Rome is preserved in the Archivo General de Simancas (Sección de Estado) [hereafter AGS, Estado] . The letters which he and Carlos sent to Rome in 1563 can be found in AGS, Estado, legajo 901, fols. 10 and 11. BY L. J. ANDREW VILLALON705 With the prince in the final stages [of the disease] , beyond any sort of human remedy, our Lord saw fit to preserve him, due as we piously believe to the merits and intercession by that saint. And in order to recognize this and to give God the thanks which we owe him for so singular a favor, we wish and desire that Your Holiness canonize the sainted Brother Diego for His greater glory.38 Philip went on to raise other arguments in favor of canonization: The life which he [Diego] led while in this world and the many . . . miracles that he performed and has continued to perform after his death supply proof of his sanctity and how he is treasured by God. Moreover, it would redound to your [referring to Pius IV] service and glory and to the confusion of the many heretics living in these times.3' Throughout his long fight to win sainthood for Diego de Alcalá, the king would continue to stress the inspirational value of a canonization in the on-going struggle against Protestantism, thereby linking his personal desires to the greater good of the embattled CathoUc faith. On May 1, 1564, nearly two years after the injury, the reigning pope, Pius IV (1559-1565), responded to the deluge of correspondence from Spain by establishing a commission of five cardinals—Alessandrino (Ghislieri), Araceli, Morone, Saraceno, and Vitellio—to examine the evidence and then draft a summary of Diego's career. Since the evidence would have to be gathered in Spain, the cardinals delegated the actual investigation to three local prelates—Diego de Covarrubias, Bishop of Segovia, Pedro de la Gasea, Bishop of Sigiienza, and Bernardo de Fresnada, Bishop of Cuenca. The bishops accepted their charge in December, 1564, then moved with surprising celerity—the only example of such expedition throughout the entire process. In January, 1 565, they journeyed to Alcalá, where they concluded their preliminary investigation before the end of the month and immediately forwarded the results to Rome. MeanwhUe, in May, 1564, Prince Carlos had taken what would turn out to be a farsighted precaution when he inserted into his wUl a clause, imploring his father never to abandon the canonization effort, even if he himself were to die before it could be accompUshed. "Ibid. mIbid. 706SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POLITICS OF SAINT-MAKING Being in the grip of this sickness, despaired of by the doctors and left for dead by my lord father, and with the instructions for my interment having been given, the body of the sainted Brother Diego was brought to me. And when ... I touched it, I felt the improvement which our Lord God saw fit to bestow upon me. Since then, having had good reason to believe that I owe [my life] to [Brother Diego's] merits and his beneficent intervention with our Divine Majesty, I have had the intention of doing everything in my power to procure his canonization. . . . And I beg my lord, the king, that as a particular favor to me, he will procure this end which he too desires.40 Despite the ultimate estrangement between father and his son, Philip honored this last request, for he was as firmly convinced as Carlos concerning Fra Diego's sanctity. Diplomatic correspondence preserved in the Archives at Simancas bears witness that in the two decades foUow- ing the young man's death (1568), the king continued to pressure and cajole three successive popes—Pius V (1566-1572), Gregory XIII (1572-1585), and Sixtus V (1585-1590). The death of Pius IV at the end of 1565 brought to the papal throne a Dominican friar, Michèle GhisUeri, who, upon his elevation in January, 1566, took the name Pius V The election of this zealous inquisitor and future saint absorbed (as papal elections always did) the attention of the cardinals, side-tracking for a time the canonization process. There followed a period of some months when matters progressed hopefuUy Philip II, who had strongly supported Pius Vs candidacy, had his ambassador in Rome, Luis de Requesens, vigorously press the cause of Diego de Alcalá.41 In response, the new pope, who as Cardinal Alessandrino (so called from his native place, Alessandria) had been a member of the investigating commission, now named as his replacement the Cardinal of San Clemente; after which the commission began to con- sider seriously the materials it had received from Spain. After drawing up a summary for the pope, the cardinals initiated a second stage in the proceedings when, late in October, 1566, they instructed the three Spanish bishops to go to Alcalá and administer a carefuUy prepared interrogatory to aU those who beUeved they had witnessed a miracle at the time of the prince's injury. Meanwhüe, PhUip named as his personal representative to these proceedings Ambrosio de Morales, a priest from Córdoba who had become 40CDIHE, XXTV, 523-524. 41AGS, Estado 901 (January and February, 1566). BY L ). ANDREW VILLALON707 something of a royal "troubleshooter" in religious matters.42 The king also charged Morales with composing in Latin the spiritual biography of Diego de Alcalá (referred to as the leyenda) which would be required in the canonization process.43 In February, 1 567, Morales, the three bishops, and Dr. Pedro Martinez, a procurador fiscal named by the Holy See, returned to Alcalá, where they took testimony from eighty-three witnesses.44 Typical was that sup- plied by Alonso de Mendoza, a member of one of Spain's most powerful noble houses, who was rapidly rising through the ecclesiastical hierar- chy. Mendoza described Ui detail the grave state of the prince's health on May 9, the scene he witnessed in the sickroom, and the spectacular recovery which followed the visit of Diego's remains. He did not hesitate to say that he believed and held it as certain that the improvement in the prince's health was the work of Our Lord, inspired by the merits of the said holy Brother Diego and that it was publicly held to be so throughout the realm. . . .·" AU eighty-three of those interviewed, including the two physicians who had treated Carlos, apparently testified that the cure was indeed miraculous and that the miracle was due to the intercession of Diego de Alcalá. The diplomatic correspondence which passed between PhUip and his ambassador in Rome during the mid-1 560's was guardedly optimistic. Although questions were raised concerning how much the can- onization would cost and how many months it might require, neither "Correspondence appointing Morales as royal representative in the proceedings and commissioning him to write a life of Diego de Alcalá appears in Volume 3 of the collected works (pp. 190-205). It is followed by his Vita B. Didaci Complutensis (pp. 206-211) and a second piece entitled Officium recitandum infesto B. Didaci Complutensis alias del S. Nicolao confessons nonpontiflcis (pp. 212-232). 43ZbU1III1 190-232. The official name for such a history, the leyenda or "legend," does not, in this context, signify a myth. "Córdoba, op. cit., I1 348-349. According to Fra Nunez, who printed various selections from the proceso in his article on the canonization of Diego de Alcalá, a copy still existed in 1915 in the Archivo Central de Alcalá de Henares (Leg. ° 20: 471.) Nuñez, op. cit., L 426-427. Unfortunately, those archives fell victim to fire in 1939- A preliminary search in the Archivio Segreto Vaticano has failed to turn up the copy of the proceso which had been forwarded to Rome. A copy, however, does survive in the Biblioteca Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo de el Escorial, Catálogo de los Manuscritos Castellanos, I1 271, item and 11.15. "Nunez, op. cit. , 1, 433. 708SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POLITICS OF SAINT-MAKING the king nor Requesens expressed any fear that it might encounter a serious obstacle. In March, 1567, Don Luis informed Philip that the powers he had been given were indeed adequate to carry through the canonization process. He strongly approved the king's decision to have Ambrosio de Morales write up the official account of Diego's life. He also approved the king's suggestion that a Latin translation of the inves- tigation be composed in Spain, but reminded the king that care should be taken to have any such translation, as well as the CastUian original, signed by the three bishops. What is more, Requesens asked that arrangements be made as soon as possible for paying the canonization expenses.46 The proceso accompanied by Morales' leyenda arrived in Rome in August, 1567, at which time notice was given to the pope and the documents were turned over to the commission of cardinals. Apparently, PhLUp had changed his mind about having a Latin translation made, for the cardinals immediately handed over the documents to "un doctor español" who was given the task. The ambassador informed Spain that, given the length of the document and the fact that only one person was working on its translation, no further progress could be expected before late autumn. Requesens promised that he would try to hurry matters along, but cautioned PhUip that they would be fortunate if the rest of the canonization process could be completed in as little as six months. He sent the king information concerning what he thought (incorrectly) had been the most recent canonization undertaken by Rome47 and warned his majesty that the costs this time were going to be a good deal higher.48 The ambassador's estimate of six months turned out to be an ex- treme case of wishful thinking. Late in the 1560's, the canonization process apparently lost papal support and ground to a halt, not to move forward again for nearly twenty years. In March, 1569, PhUip wrote to his new ambassador in Rome, Juan de Zuñiga, indicating his great disappointment at the recent turn of events: What you have told me about his Holiness not being inclined to the canonization of the sainted brother Diego de Alcalá displeases me very much; and I am amazed to hear it for I have been told that the case was so well 46AGS1 Estado 905 (March 17, 1567). ^'Ambassador Requesens was mistaken. Francis of Paola, whose documentation he sent Philip, had been canonized in 15 19, four years before Antoninus of Florence. 48AGS, Estado 905 (September 15, 1567). BY LJ. ANDREW VILLALON709 substantiated and the information so complete that there would be no dif- ficulty whatsoever. And I strongly charge you not to let the matter drop, but to go forward with such zeal that if this blessed man deserves to be placed in the catalogue of saints, he not lose that honor due to human negligence."' Without papal backing, all such exhortations from Madrid would prove fruitless.50 Although the papacy of Pius V yielded in 1572 to that of Gregory XIII, the movement for canonization did not resume. In fact, the diplomatic correspondence singled out Gregory as an even more intransigent barrier to progress than his predecessor. Just why the papacy for almost two decades opposed Diego's canonization remains a mystery. The hagiographie accounts fail to indicate that such opposition existed, and instead convey a distinct impression that aU delays in the process can be traced either to the press of business or bureaucratic red tape. Our knowledge that two popes dragged their heels comes instead from the diplomatic correspondence be- tween Rome and Madrid in the years 1568- 1585; and even this consid- erably more candid source fails to explain just why Pius and later Gregory balked at conferring sainthood upon the Spanish Franciscan. Ironically, the first signs of papal opposition begin to appear toward the end of the 1560's, at a moment when Philip's domestic and interna- tional policies could only have pleased a hardliner like Pius V These were the years when the king moved decisively to solve the problem of the Moriscos, descendants of men and women who earlier in the century had converted from Islam to Christianity rather than face expulsion from their homes in southern Spain. By the 1560's, the Moriscos had come to be regarded as a potential fifth column in Spain's on-going struggle against the Ottoman Empire. In an attempt to end the danger and to break their remaining ties with Islam, Philip uprooted them, moving thousands northward to be resettled among the towns and villages of Old Castile. Equally pleasing to Pius would have been the fact that by the late 1560's, the Spanish Inquisition had finished eradicating aU vestiges of »AGS, Estado 910 (March 12, 1569). '0In May, 1569, Philip reiterated his instructions to the ambassador in Rome to keep raising the issue of canonization with the pope. In September, the king, having been informed of the pope's anger at being reminded of the matter, praised his ambassador's ef- forts:'^ vos hizistes muy bien en dezirle Io que a [ejste proposito le dixistes." AGS, Estado 910 (May 26, 1569), (September 18, 1569). 710SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POUTICS OF SAINT-MAKINCi Spain's nascent Protestant movement. Outside the peninsula, Philip's great general, the Duke of Alba, was rigorously suppressing heresy in the Low Countries. What is more, at the pope's behest, Philip had joined Venice and the Papacy Ui an anti-Turkish coalition whose campaign in the eastern Mediterranean would culminate, in 1571, in the great naval victory at Lepanto. Relations between Philip and Pius did eventuaUy cool, due primarily to the pope's decision to excommunicate the EngUsh monarch, EUzabeth. Nevertheless, the excommunication did not occur until 1 570, long after the new Spanish ambassador in Rome, Juan de Zuñiga, had detected papal opposition to Diego's canonization.51 In the absence of significant policy differences between king and pope, other explanations must be sought. Perhaps Pius originally withheld his support to spur PhUip to even greater efforts in behalf of papal policy, and during the ensuing period, momentum for canonization was lost. Perhaps as a Dominican, Pius V could not bring himself to preside over the canonizing of a member of the rival mendicant order. It may be that neither Pius nor his successor considered the friar's accomplishments sufficient to merit Christianity's highest accolade. Whatever the case, the issue of papal opposition clearly warrants further research. Even in the face of papal indifference (or hostility), Philip continued his efforts. In September, 1583, he seized the occasion afforded by a church councU in the Province of Toledo to remind the pope once again of the report which had been in Rome "for many years" and urge that His Holiness act upon it.52 At the same time, he wrote to his newest ambassador in Rome, Enrique de Guzman, Count of OUvares, asking whether anything remained to be done Ui Spain. He also forwarded letters from the archbishop, the canons, and the rector of the University of Alcalá, aU favoring Diego de Alcalá's cause, to be turned over to whoever now had custody of the case.53 In February, 1585, the beleaguered ambassador wrote back to Philip, explaining that he had done everything m his power. He had spoken three or four times to the pope and an infinite number of times to other important officials. He had explored "a thousand means" of bringing the business to a successful conclusion—aU to no avail. Although the count had won a papal commitment to revisit the matter, he admitted to "Pastor, op. cit., XVIII, 217-220. Geoffrey Parker, Philip II, 3d ed. (Chicago, 1995), pp. 75-78,96-111. 52AGS, Estado 944 (September 12, 1583). » Ibid. BY LJ. ANDREW VILLALON711 Philip that this seemed to have been made "more in the spirit of providing comforting words, than executing them."To help excuse his faUure, OUvares reported a mysterious rumor sweeping through Rome that the first pope who undertook a canonization would immediately die. Although OUvares promised to continue his efforts in Fra Diego's behalf, he indicated that he must do so cautiously, so as not to disrupt other negotiations.54 The turning point came several months later, with the elevation in AprU, 1585, of Felice Paretti to the throne of Saint Peter. Born of humble parents, Paretti had risen through the Franciscan order to become its vicar general under Pius V Consequently, as pope, he would be predisposed to favor a sainthood which would add glory to the Franciscan tradition, a predisposition which would not have characterized either Pius V, a Dominican, or Gregory XIII, a secular. Sixtus also came to power with the express intention of completing tasks left undone by the predecessor whom he despised, and Diego's canonization feU under that heading. Sensing the changed climate at Rome, PhUip quickly contacted his ambassador, who reopened the matter with the new pope. For the first time in nearly two decades, the response was rapid and favorable. In May, OUvares was able to report back to Madrid that Sixtus had already appointed three judges from the Roman Rota, the court that handled ecclesiastical appeals, to review the case, a thing which Pope Gregory, who "had proceeded so unwillingly,'' had not accomplished in the preceding two years.55 A sense of urgency now pervaded the diplomatic correspondence. AU efforts had to be made to bring the matter to a successful conclusion whUe Sixtus still occupied the papacy. In the words of OUvares: Your Majesty should command that [things] be done quickly, because it is a matter which will require time, and if (may it not please God) this pope should die . . . the matter might fall to another who does not wish to consider it, as I have written to your Majesty was the case with Pope Gregory.56 54AGS, Estado 946 (February 25, 1585). 55AGS, Estado 946 (May 21, 1585). '"Ibid. 712SAN DIEGODE ALCALÁ AND THE POUTICS OF SAINT-MAKING The ambassador suggested that Philip convene the Cortes of Castile and have the representatives of the cities forward to Rome a letter indicating "the great fame" in which the blessed Brother Diego was held throughout the realm. He also pointed out that the process might be expedited were the king to provide as soon as possible a sufficient amount of money to cover the necessary expenses. In November, 1586, Olivares reported to Philip that the auditores of the Rota were wrapping up their deliberations and would, within the week, issue a recommendation favoring canonization. The ambassador indicated his belief that "from this point forward, it will be just a matter of form and will go forward so easily that nothing wUl stop it."5' Once again, he reminded the king that money to cover the expenses, several of which would come due at any moment, should be forwarded to Rome without delay. To give a better idea of the sums involved, Olivares included with this dispatch a seven-page document entitled "Memorandum of what it costs for a canonization— more or less."58 The document listed eighty-six separate payments, ranging from a high of 3200 ducats to purchase hats for each of the forty cardinals who would attend the ceremony down to six ducats for the bellringers of St. Peters. Nine hundred ducats would be required almost immediately to reimburse the auditores of the Rota. The five cardinals who would compose the new commission soon to be appointed by Sixtus were to receive 500 ducats for their work and a further 280 ducats to help defray the cost of outfitting them on the day of the ceremony59 The dispatch of papal buUs would cost 600 ducats. A wooden grandstand large enough to accommodate not only the cardinals, but also the many ambassadors, prelates, and Roman nobles in attendance could be erected for 300 ducats. The outfitting of the pope alone would consume hundreds of ducats, the decoration of the city and church, hundreds more. Five hundred ducats would be distributed among the many monks, nuns, and secular clerics throughout Rome who were caUed upon for their prayers thanking God for Brother Diego's miracles. The canonization would prove a windfaU for members of the papal court and household who would together receive several thousand ducats. Fifteen hundred would be earmarked for incidental and unan57AGS, Estado 947 (November 2, 1586). 5"AGS, Estado 947 (undated). 5'Sixtus actually appointed more than five cardinals to the commission, thereby increasing this particular cost. BY LJ. ANDREW VILLALON713 ticipated expenses. The total came to 20,954 ducats. Not included in this figure (although mentioned in the memorandum) was the cost of outfitting the ambassador and his household for the ceremony. OUvares left this amount blank, tactfuUy entrusting it to his sovereign to decide how much he was willing to pay to have his representatives cut a splendid figure on the aU-important day. On December 1 1 , within a week of having received OUvares' dispatch, PhUip wrote back, sincerely thanking his ambassador for having "guided through the canonization of the holy Brother Diego" and indicating that the Count of Miranda had been ordered to provide immediately any sums up to 20,000 ducats which Olivares might require "in order that nothing be left undone for want of the necessary money"60 MeanwhUe, as predicted, the auditores issued a favorable report, stating that aU necessary evidence had been gathered. Consequently, in Jan- uary, 1 587, Sixtus chose a new group of cardinals to conduct the official examination, "all those named by Pius IV at the beginning of the process having died."61 The reconstituted commission was led by Cardinal Marco Antonio Colonna and included Cardinals Farnese, BoneUo, Santorio, Carrafa, Sarnano, de Medici, and Mateo.62 Their deliberations consumed another year and a half, but by the early summer of 1588, they too had returned a favorable verdict.63 That the timing was purely coincidental seems highly unlikely. Not long after becoming pope, Sixtus V confronted the chain of events which inexorably and with escalating rapidity led up to the Spanish Armada.64 From the moment his reign began, the new pope urged upon PhUip the enterprise of England, only to hear that unending reprise— that such an enterprise would demand extensive financial backing from MAGS, Estado 947 (December 11, 1586). "'Rojo, op. cit., p. 193. '2RoJo states that six cardinals were appointed to the commission, but immediately goes on to list eight: op. cit., pp . 193-194. This appears to have been the last ad hoc commission of cardinals to oversee a canonization process. On January 22, 1588, Sixtus V issued the bull Immensa Dei, reorganizing the Roman bureaucracy into fifteen permanent congregations, each ofwhich was to exercise a distinct administrative jurisdiction. One of these, the Congregation of Rites and Ceremonies, was entrusted with responsibility for preparing papal canonizations as well as the authentication of relics. However, since the canonization process for Diego de Alcalá was already in its final stages, it was left in the hands of the cardinalitial commission appointed a year earlier. Pastor, op. cit., XXl, 245-257. Woodward, op. cit. , p. 75. "'Parrales, op. cit. , p. 57. "The best and most readable account of this prelude to the invasion is still to be found in the early chapters of Garrett Mattingly's classic work, The Armada (Boston, 1959). 714SAN DIEGO DE ALCALÁ AND THE POUTICS OF SAINT-MAKING the papacy. However, when it came to advancing money for the project, Sixtus balked. He was already heavUy committed in the bunding pro- jects which would restore and modernize the city of Rome, and he had no intention of throwing papal gold into a project which might never come to fruition. The pope pubUcly promised a miUion ducats once Spanish soldiers had landed on the heretic island, but not before.65 On the other hand, a consummate politician like Sixtus must have recognized that in Diego's canonization he had the perfect means for rewarding Spanish efforts and spurring on the often dUatory king without advancing any papal gold. He could satisfy PhiUp and provide inspiration to the Catholic 'world in a time of conflict, at no cost to his treasury, since the Spanish monarch was eager for an opportunity to pay the canonization expenses, despite the enormous costs he was already incurring for the Armada. And so, as Europe surged forward toward a critical moment in its religious struggle, Diego de Alcalá came ever closer to joining Christendom's most elite company. In the summer of 1588, with the Spanish fleet gathering in northern ports for the attack on England, the canon- ization process reached its climax. On June 20, in a secret consistory, Cardinal Colonna brought a favorable report from the commission of which he was the senior member. Five days later, a public consistory heard Philip's representative deliver a lengthy oration about the candidate, followed by a gracious reply from the papal secretary. On June 27, a second public consistory witnessed the unanimous vote m favor of canonization. The crowning moment came on July 2, 1588, during a dazzling ceremony conducted in Michelangelo's great basUica and attended by the pope, forty cardinals, numerous archbishops, bishops, and abbots, the diplomatic corps, and scores of Roman luminaries. In response to the formal petition, Sixtus entoned the crucial words: For the honor of the Holy Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit . . . and the exaltation of the Catholic Faith and by the authority of the said Holy Trinity, and the blessed apostles, Peter and Paul, we have determined with the common consent of our venerable brothers, the cardinals of the Roman Church and all of the patriarchs, archbishops, and bishops resident in our curia, to inscribe the blessed brother Diego of San Nicolas, a Spaniard from the province of Andalucía, and member of the order of friars minor ... in the catalogue of saints.66 «Ibid., p. 54. 66Ro]O, op. cit., p. 202. BY LJ. ANDREW VILLALON715 After twenty-six years of patience and perseverance, Philip had his saint, just three weeks before his Ul-fated Armada would saU against Eng- land. vm FoUowing the ceremony, Sixtus sent PhUip the altar on which it had been performed.67 The king also received a very special reward from his O-Wn church -which recognized the vital role he had played in obtaining sainthood for Diego. Early in AprU, 1589, the court arrived at Alcalá for ceremonies celebrating the event. Once again, the remains of Diego were removed from their resting place and marched through the streets in joyous procession. This time, however, when the coffin was closed, less of the saint remained within. The left hand had long since been removed to a separate reUquary, kept in the sacristy. Now, a lower leg bone, stUl containing some flesh around the knee, was detached and turned over to a royal secretary for deUvery to the king. PhUip had not only his saint, but also a fine reUc to add to his extensive personal coUection.68 Together, the canonization and the relics given PhUip by the pope and the Franciscan Order provided him some comfort during the dark days "which foUowed the disastrous defeat of the Armada. Although Philip eventually surrendered the altar to the Franciscan monastery where the saint lay buried, he retained the leg bone. Not surprisingly, it still resides today Ui the Escorial, the great monastery Ui central Spam which Philip buUt and which became the resting place for both himself and his son, Don Carlos.69 67AGS, estado 950. Rojo, op. cit. , pp. 240-247. The altar was placed in the keeping of the Franciscan monastery of Santa María de Jesús, where San Diego was buried. "Nunez, op. cit. , V, 1 19- 122. Rojo, op. cit. , p. 230. "The Escorial still possesses the relics of San Diego which were surrendered to the king in 1589, including not only the leg bone, but also fragments of both the Franciscan habit and the shroud. Also residing in the collection of relics is the heart of Juan de Santorcaz, Diego's companion in the Canary Islands, which was presented to Philip II. Of greater significance from the historian's perspective, the Escorial preserves important documentation relevant to the canonization. This documentation can no longer be found in Alcalá de Henares due to the 1939 fire which destroyed the Archivo Central. Nor have I been able to uncover in the Archivio Segreto Vaticano the copy which was sent to Rome. Rojo, op. cit., pp. 98-99, 246-247. Inquiry from L. J. Andrew Villalon to the Biblioteca Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo de el Escorial (July 22, 1994) and the library's undated response. FATHER DEMETRIUS A. GALIJTZIN: SON OF THE RUSSIAN ENLIGHTENMENT Daniel L. SchlaflyJr.* Father Demetrius Augustine Gallitzin (Dmitrii Dmitrievich Golitsyn) (1770-1840) cut a striking figure in early American Catholic history. He was born into one of Russia's most prominent families on December 22, 1770, in The Hague, where his father, Prince Dmitrii Alekseevich Golitsyn, was serving as Russian minister to The Netherlands. There, as in his previous diplomatic post in Paris, the senior Golitsyn avidly pursued the broad intellectual interests that earned him a distinguished reputation in the Russian and European Enlightenment.1 His mother, Amalia von Schmettau, was the daughter of a Prussian field marshal. She, too, was devoted to culture and learning and, after separating from her husband in 1774, continued her own studies and carefully supervised the education of young Mitri and his sister Marianne in a Rousseauvian spirit which sought to develop the heart and the body as well as the mind. In 1786 she returned to the CathoUc Church into which she had been baptized, led both her children to the faith in 1787, and went on to play a leading role in German pre-Romantic CathoUc circles.2 *Mr. Schlafly is an associate professor of history in Saint Louis University. 1A friend of Voltaire, Diderot, and Helvétius, Golitsyn published studies on geography, mineralogy, electricity, politics, and other subjects. See Nina I. Bashkina et al. (eds.), The United States and Russia.The Beginning of Relations, 1765-1815 (Washington, D.C, 1980), for the text of a letter he wrote in 1 777 to Benjamin Franklin discussing theories of lightning and electricity, pp. 41-43. Golitsyn so admired Franklin that he corresponded with the American although it was inappropriate for a Russian diplomat to have contact with the as yet unrecognized representative of the rebellious American colonies. N. N. Bolkhovitinov, Rossiia otkryvaet Ameriku, 1 732-1799 (Moscow, 1991), p. 32. For Golitsyn's life, see G. K.Tsverava, DmitriiAlekseevich Golitsyn: 1 734-1803 (Leningrad, 1985). Also see N. N. Bolkhovitinov, The Beginnings of Russian-American Relations, 1775-1815, trans. Elena Levin (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1975), pp. 16-17 aadpassim, in addition to his Rossiia otkryvaet Ameriku. Unfortunately, Golitsyn's personal papers, preserved in Braunschweig, Germany, where he died in 1803, which undoubtedly contained material on his son's life, were destroyed in World War II. The little that Tsverava and Bolkhovitinov have on Demetrius is taken from sources already used by Gallitzin s earlier biographers. 2On her life and career, see, in addition to Tsverava, Pierre Brachin. Le Cercle de Mün- 716 BY DANIEL L. SCHLAFLY1JR.717 Mitri arrived in Baltimore in 1792 for what was to be a stop on a grand tour of the United States and the West Indies but instead presented himself to Bishop John Carroll as a candidate for the priesthood. He was ordained in 1795 after studies at the new St. Mary's Seminary in Baltimore, the first priest to receive aU of his minor and major orders in the United States. Named pastor of a tiny settlement in the wilds of western Pennsylvania in 1799, GaUitzin worked tirelessly and effec- tively there until his death on May 6, 1840. He founded a flourishing Catholic community, still bearing the name of Loretto which GaUitzin gave it, spending over $ 1 50,000 of his own, his family's, and his friends' money to realize his dream, going deeply into debt in the process. He eagerly embraced his adopted country, becoming an American citizen in 1802, even raising and training a militia company in the War of 1812, although this indirectly aided the Napoleon he loathed for invading Russia.3 GaUitzin also was an early and eloquent apologist for Catholicism, publishing a number of tracts responding to Protestant charges of Roman errors, immorality, and anti-Americanism. His A Defence of Catholic Principles, for example, which was published in 1816, enjoyed great success both in Europe and America for its erudition and tolerant tone, as well as for the author's appreciation of the political liberty and religious freedom of his adopted land.4 ster (1779-1806) et la pensée religieuse de F. L. Stolberg (Lyon, 1952), and Ewald Reinhard, Die Münsterische "famila sacra": Der Kreis um die Fürstin Gallitzin: Fürstenberg, Overberg und ihre Freunde (Münster, 1953). Also see Mathilde Kohler, Amalie von Gal- litzin: ein Leben zwischen Skandal und Legende (Paderborn, 1993), and Siegfried Sudhof (ed.), Der Kreis von Münster: Briefe undAufzeichnungen Fürstenbergs, der Fürstin Gallitzin und ihrer Freunde (Münster, 1962). 'Albert Parry,"Prince Golitsyn: Apostle of the Küeghenies" Russian Review, TV (Spring, 1945), 31 . In a letter to Bishop Carroll written July 4, 1814, Gallitzin called Napoleon's defeat "so great a blessing" and sang a solemn Mass for the occasion. Parts of the letter are reprinted in The United States and Russia, pp. 1084-1085. American public opinion was sharply divided, however, during the War of 1812, with some expressions of hostility to Napoleon and sympathy for Russia. See Bolkhovitinov, Beginnings, pp. 434-448. "The best biography of Gallitzin is the account by Gallitzin's faithful disciple and coworker in his last years, the Reverend Peter Henry Lemcke, Life and Work of Prince DemetriusAugustine Gallitzin (New York, 1941), which includes additional material and careful notes by Lemcke's translator, the Reverend Joseph Plumpe. A good popular account is Daniel Sargent, Mitri: or the Story of Prince Demetrius Augustine Gallitzin (New York, 1945). Also see Parry, op. cit. , pp. 18-37; Lawrence Flick, "Gallitzin,'' Catholic Historical Review, XIII (October, 1927), 394-469; and various short pieces and docu- mentary material, Vols. XII, XIV, XVII-XX, XXII-XXTV XXVI, and XXVIII of the American Catholic Historical Researches. Also see Mary Wendelin Geibel, "Demetrius Augustine Gallitzin, Prince, Priest, and Pioneer'' (Unpublished master's thesis, St. Bonaventure University, 1956). Two older biographies which include a number of excerpts from primary sources are Sarah Brownson, Life of Demetrius Augustine Gallitzin (New York, 1873), 718FATHER DEMETRIUS A. GALUTZIN: SON OF THE RUSSIAN ENUGHTENMENT It is no wonder, then, that GaUitzin has fascinated biographers. His missionary achievements, pastoral zeal, apologetic skiUs, and, not least, his personal piety and asceticism would have been more than enough to ensure his prominence, aside from his exotic heritage and unusual previous life. Then there was the appeal of a man who gave up wealth and privilege for a life of hardship and privation, "the prince who gave his gold away" as a twentieth-century children's biography labels him.5 And at a time when Irish and other Catholic immigrants were attacked as wild, ignorant, and un-American, Gallitzin was an obvious model of one who was law-abiding, educated, and patriotic. Thus John O'Kane Murray included a profile of Gallitzin in his catalogue of such New World Catholic heroes as Columbus, Champlain, Rose of Lima, and John Barry.6 Recently Gallitzin has even been claimed by LithuanianAmericans, since the Russian Golitsyns were descended from the medieval grand dukes of Lithuania.7 GalUtzin's contemporaries and biographers were fascinated by the notion of the "Russian prince," a term inevitably used when GalUtzin's name came up; in 1840 Bishop Francis Patrick Kenrick composed an epitaph for his tomb which began "Dem[etrius] Augustinus] E[x] Principibus GaUitzin (Demetrius Augustine of the Princes GaUitzin)."8 Fascination, and Thomas Heyden,/! Memoir on the Life and Character of the Rev. Prince Demetrius A. de Gallitzin (Baltimore, 1869), the latter by another co-worker of Gallitzin. A recent popular biography which emphasizes the Lithuanian origins of the Golitsyn family is Stasys Mazilauskas, Pioneer Prince in USA (Troy, Michigan, 1982). Good summary accounts are the profiles by Richard J. Purcell in the Dictionary of American Biography, VLT, 113-115, Ferdinand Kittell in The Catholic Encyclopedia, VI, 367-369, and Daniel L. Schlaflyjr., in the Modern Encyclopedia ofRussian and Soviet History,Xn,71-74.Thete is a short entry on him in the Entsiklopedicheskii Slovar' F. A. Brokgauza i I. A. Efrona, XVIII, 52. The volume of the Russkii biograficheskii Slovar' that might well have included a comprehensive article on Gallitzin never appeared, since publication of the RBS was halted midstream by the 1917 revolutions. For a collection of Gallitzin's writings, see Grace Murphy (ed.), Gallitzin 's Letters:A Collection ofthe Polemical Works ofthe Very Reverend Prince Demetrius Augustine Gallitzin (1770-1840) (Loretto, Pennsylvania, 1940). 'Sister Mary Fidelis Glass, The Prince Who Gave His Gold Away:A Story of the Russian Prince Demetrius Gallitzin Toldfor Boys and Girls (St. Louis, 1938). "'Demetrius A. Gallitzin," in John O'Kane Murray, Lives of the Catholic Heroes and Heroines ofAmerica (New York, 1886), pp. 765-782. 7In 1964 the chargé d'affaires of the Lithuanian government-in-exile helped plant a tree in Gallitzin's memory in Prince Gallitzin State Park in Pennsylvania, praising him as "the first man to bring the Lithuanian national emblem to the United States." Mazilauskas, op. cit., pp. 153-154. His Lithuanian ancestry earned him an article in the Enclopedica Lituanica (6 vols.; Boston, 1970-1978), VI, 412-413. The full text is in Heyden, op. cit. , p. 1 57. The Russian title the Golitsyns bore, kniaz', usually translated as prince, was used by a number of noble families, and does not imply, as in western Europe, a member of the ruling house. BYDANIELL.SCHLAFLYJR.719 however, did not mean real knowledge. Since until weU into the nineteenth century few Russians or Americans visited or wrote about each other's countries.'"For most of them [Americans in the 1790's] it [Russia] was an exotic faraway place with strange customs."10 GalUtzin's associates were no exception. Despite his financial troubles, some of his backwoods parishioners beUeved that "aU the treasures of the Russian empire could be commandeered for the purpose of changing the AUeghenies into a paradise."" And even such an inteUigent biographer as Heyden reprints as true a fantastic claim that "the Emperor is the Patriarch, or Head of the Greek Russian Church" and "can, if he pleases, celebrate mass." " But if his new countrymen had Uttle concept of Russia, what about GaUitzin himseU7? Born in The Hague, after the age of four he rarely saw his Russian father, who left his upbringing completely to his Prussian mother. In a November 1 1 , 1806, letter to Bishop Carroll, GaUitzin caUed CarroU "a father to me, and more than my real father, according to the flesh. "3 He never went to Russia and by an 1807 edict of the Governing Senate lost his right to his father's estates by becoming a CathoUc and a priest.14 Father Lemcke, who was Gallitzin's constant companion for the 9In a letter Andrei IA. Dashkov, the first Russian diplomat accredited to the United States, wrote on December 8, 1809, to the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Nikolai R Rumiantsev, to help Gallitzin get promised sums from Europe, he said Gallitzin "is the only person I know of Russian noble extraction who has settled in the United States." The United States and Russia, p. 625. See Bolkhovitinov, Beginnings, for a discussion of trav- elers and scientific and cultural ties between the United States and Russia. He includes a brief account of Gallitzin, p. 76. '"Norman E. Saul, Distant Friends: The United States and Russia, 1763-1867 (Lawrence, Kansas, 1991), p. 33. "Lemcke, op. cit., p. 162. "Quoted in Heyden, op. cit. , p. 188. "Quoted ibid., p. 108. 14D. A. Golitsyns property went to his wife when he died in 1 803 , who in turn left her inheritance in equal shares to Gallitzin and his sister, Marianne. When a decree of the Russian Senate, issued a year after his mother's death in 1806, excluded him, Marianne promised to give her brother his share of the whole which had gone to her. Although first his mother and then his sister did send occasional sums over the years, these were insignificant compared with the expenses he incurred in his mission and only a fraction of what he would have received from his parents. Heyden claims Gallitzin's father left 70,000 rubles plus three villages in Vladimir and Kostroma Provinces with 1,260 male serfs (op. cit. , ?. 50). According to Lemcke, there were two estates near Kaluga with 1 ,269 male serfs with a yearly income of 12,900 rubles (op. cit., p. 163). All of Gallitzin's biographers discuss his tangled financial affairs. For his own summary of them, see his letters to James N.Causten of October 12 and November 8, 1836, quoted iaAmerican Catholic Historical Researches, LX (July, 1892), 98- 101 . 720FATHER DEMETRIUS A. GALLITZIN: SON OF THE RUSSIAN ENLIGHTENMENT last six years of the missionary's life, remarked on "his complete ignorance of the laws and language of Russia."15 In addition, he defied his father and rejected what could have been a distinguished career in his nominal homeland by ignoring a 1794 order to report for duty in the Izmailovskii Guards Regiment, in which his father had enroUed him in infancy.16 For many years after coming to the United States he went by the name of Augustine Schmet or Smith, from his Catholic confirmation name and his mother's maiden name of Schmettau, although it was at his parents' request that he avoided using Golitsyn.17 As noted earlier, Gallitzin quickly mastered English and easüy adapted to American mores and values. He was quick to take offense at any impUcation that he was anything but a patriotic American.18 Yet a tie remained. His title was still recognized in Russia,19 and in 1809 he successfully petitioned the Pennsylvania Legislature to resume the name Gallitzin instead of Smith.20 One obvious reason for continu- ing to look to Russia was his hopes of receiving what he considered his just share of his inheritance. Although in a letter to Gallitzin's mother written January 12, 1795, his father claimed Mitri knew he forfeited any rights by becoming a priest,21 Father Demetrius continued to assert his "Lemcke, op. cit., p. 137. "Lemcke reprints the text of the order and accompanying letter from Gallitzin's father he wrote on January 20, 1794, to his mother, who then relayed the news to her son (op. cit., pp. 75-77). It was common practice for Russian nobles to enroll their sons as young as possible in elite units, of which the Izmailovskii was one, so they could earn seniority without actual service. Lemcke s account of Catherine II personally giving young Mitri his ensign's commission in 1774 cannot be true, however, even though Lemcke heard it from Gallitzin, since Catherine was not in western Europe then (op. cit. , p. 32). 1 As stated in Gallitzin's December 5, 1809, petition to the Pennsylvania Legislature for legal recognition as Demetrius Augustine Gallitzin. Quoted in Flick, op. cit. , p. 43 1 . '"Thus when in 1808 a Republican lawyer claimed that Gallitzin's Federalist sympathies reflected a preference for aristocratic and monarchist principles, Gallitzin's re- sponse stressed the "duty which I owe as well to my adopted Country as to the Religion which I profess to avoid any suspicion of disloyalty." Letter to the editor of the Lancaster Federal Gazette, September 20, 1808. Quoted in Murphy, op. cit. , p. 298. "He is listed in R V. Dolgorukov, Russkaia rodoslovnaia kniga (4 vols.; St. Petersburg, 1854-1857), I, 297. Dolgorukov mistakenly lists Gallitzin's place of death as Baltimore rather than Loretto. "Gallitzin's letter and the legislature's approval are reprinted in Flick, op. cit., pp. 430-433. 21Quoted in Lemcke, op. cit. , pp. 84-86. His father repeated this in a letter to Mitri written in June, 1799 (quoted in Lemcke, op. cit. , p. 1 22). Gallitzin's father mistakenly assumed his son was entering a monastery, which would have entailed a vow of poverty and renunciation of any property. Since I have not seen the text of the 1807 Senate decree disinheriting GaUitzin, I cannot say if it was based on this assumption or on his becoming a BY DANIEL L. SCHLAFLY,JR.721 status as a GoUtsyn in his long campaign to press his claims. In a February 5, 1801, letter to Bishop Carroll he mentions writing his father "to undeceive him from his expectations that I had renounced aU claims to the succession of his temporal estate."22 And an 1827 appeal caUing "upon the Charity of his fellow Christians" to help pay his debts began "Demetrius A. GaUitzin, son of Prince Demetrius of GaUitzin."23 In his case a Russian noble title impUed more than status or inheritance. GaUitzin's father was one of many who by Catherine the Great's time were totaUy at home in the world of Western culture and leaning, and sometimes open to Western political ideas as well.24 M. I. Bagrianskii, for example, studied at Moscow University, earned a doctorate at Leiden, did further study in Paris, and attended lectures in Berlin before returning to Russia in 1 790.25 Voltaire and Rousseau were so impressed Catholic priest. At least until the reign of Nicholas I being a Catholic or even converting to Catholicism from Orthodoxy did not bring legal sanctions, although often there was family and social disapproval. See Daniel L. Schlafly, Jr., "De Joseph de Maistre à la Bibliothèque rose.' Le catholicisme chez les Rostopcin," Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, XI (January-March, 1970), 93-109. "Quoted in Sargent, op. cit. , p. 1 34. "Quoted ibid., pp. 225-226. Gallitzin enlisted the help of at least three Russian diplo- mats in this effort. The first was Dashkov, who served as consul general in Philadelphia from 1808 to 1811, then as minister in Washington from 1811 to 1819. See above, note 9. Baron Jacob Tuyll van Serooskerken, who served in the United States as chargé d'affaires in 1817 and from 1822 to 1826,helped Gallitzin draw up an appeal to Emperor Alexander I in 1825, which, unfortunately, remained unanswered. An English translation is in "Father Gallitzin's 'Historical Sketch of Some Events' in his Life"American Catholic Historical Re- searches, LX (July, 1892), 101-105. Baron Franz Freiherr von Maltitz, Russia's chargé d'af- faires in America in 1826, gave him a large silver medal depicting Emperor Alexander I, which Gallitzin later was ready to sell in his financial distress (ibid., p. 105). Heyden claims Maltitz lent Gallitzin five thousand dollars, but a year later magnanimously canceled the debt by lighting his cigar with Gallitzin's note at a dinner party which included Henry Clay among the guests (op. cit., pp. 102-103). Another Russian diplomat, Pavel R Svin'in, who served as translator in the Russian legation at Philadelphia from 1809 to 1811, then as secretary of the Russian consulate general in the same city from 1811 to 1813, was, however, less sympathetic. In an article published in Russia in 18l4,he criticized Gallitzin, whom he identified as "K. G." (Kniaz' or Prince Golitsyn), as someone "born and raised in a foreign land, in a foreign religion, according to foreign rules." Quoted in A. N. Nikoliukin, Literaturnynyie sviazi Rossii i SShA (Moscow, 1981), p. 142. While the accusation has some validity, Gallitzin was baptized Orthodox, although his knowledge and practice of Orthodoxy were minimal. "For discussions of this transformation of the Russian aristocracy in the eighteenth century, see, among many treatments, Isabel de Madanagz, Russia in the Age of Catherine the Great (New Haven, 1981); Erich Donnert, Russland im Zeitalter derAufklärung (Vi- enna, 1984); and Hans Rogger, National Consciousness in Eighteenth-Century Russia (Cambridge, Massachusetts, I960). ""Pokazaniia doktora Bagrianskogo," in A. N. Popov, "Novyie dokumenty po delu 722FATHER DEMETRIUS A. GAIXITZIN: SON OF THE RUSSIAN ENUGHTENMENT when they met the Russian playwright Denis Fonvizin at a rendezvous de la République des lettres et des arts that they wanted to make him a corresponding member.26 Thus GalUtzin's father approved sending his son on a grand tour, "in the interest of his education," as he put it in 1794.27 On January 28, 1794, he wrote his son to praise his "exceUent observations" during his travels.28 But how could GaUitzin's conversion to Catholicism and his choice of a clerical career be compatible with the Russian Enlightenment, which shared the hostUity Western European inteUectuaI circles felt toward organized religion? Frederick the Great once said of Catherine that "she has no religion, but she feigns piety,"29 and a leading historian of the Russian Church described the attitude of the Russian nobility toward the Orthodox clergy in Catherine's time as "contemptuous. "30 This certainly was true of GaUitzin's father, and of his mother untU her own return to the CathoUc Church. Thus, although Mitri was baptized Russian Orthodox, he had no contact with reUgion in his youth. "None of us [his family] ever went to any place of pubUc worship," he wrote in a tract pubUshed in 1836, noting,"I was raised in the principles of InfideUty, and felt for Revelation, Christianity, and its Ministers, the most sovereign contempt."31 No wonder, then, that his father wrote to his mother on January 12, 1795,"He [Mitri] wiU never get my consent or approbation to enter the clerical estate," caUing him "an enthusiast who . . . abuses the precepts of the gospels."32 A letter Mitri received the foUowing year from Father Bernhard Overberg, his mother's spiritual advisor, said, "We were aU in the greatest anxiety lest a great tempest arise when your father should receive the news that his son had become a priest in America." Although "his anger was somewhat moderated" after his wife and her friends pleaded with him, "the idea, Novikova," Sbornik russkago istoricheskogo obshchestva, II (1868), 130-133. 26D. I. Fonvizin, Sobrante sochinenii (2 vols.; Moscow, 1959), II, 448-449. 27In a letter to Gallitzin's mother, January 20, 1794. Quoted in Lemcke, op. cit., p. 76. 2SQuoted*irf.,p.70. 29"Elle n'a aucune religion, mais elle contrefait la dévote." Quoted in A. V Kartashev, Ocherkipo istorii russkoi tserkvi (2 vols.; Paris, 1959), II, 452. '"Igor Smolitsch, Geschichte der russischen Kirche, 1 700- 191 7 (Leiden, 1964), p. 244. "The state did not expect nobles to become priests. . . . The nobility also regarded the clergy as an inferior social status." Gregory Freeze, The Russian Levites.The Parish Clergy in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1977), p. 186. ""The Bible: Truth and Charity," in Murphy, op. cit., p. 272. "Quoted in Lemcke, op. cit., p. 85. BY DANIEL L SCHLAFLYJR.723 however, remained odious to him because he regarded it as the grave which doomed forever the splendor of his famüy"33 It is not surprising, then, that GalUtzin's apologetic writings show a firmer grasp, not just of CathoUcism, but also of Protestantism, than of Orthodoxy. He claims mistakenly, for example, that like CathoUcs, Orthodox beUeve in purgatory,34 refers to the "Greek Protestant church,"35 and cites no Eastern Christian source past the age of the Church Fathers in any of his writings. At first glance GaUitzin seems to have repudiated the Enlightenment entirely in his fervent espousal of CathoUcism. "Our age, dear sir," he wrote in his 1816 tracts Defence of Catholic Principles "is the age of incredulity commonly caUed the age of philosophy"36 Some years later in The Bible: Truth and Charity, published in 1836, he condemned "the famous propaganda of Infidelity established at Paris for the purpose of destroying Christianity . . . whose motto was . . . Ecrasez l'infâme. . . . Among those Missionaries of InfideUty was the celebrated Diderot . . . [who displayed] a furious hatred against both Christianity and Monar- chy"37 Other Europeans of GalUtzin's generation embraced Catholicism after being raised in the skepticism of the Enlightenment,38 a number of whom, like him, came from the Russian nobUity. These Russian converts, too, had read widely in the serious writers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; Aleksandra GoUtsyna, for example, mentions Rousseau, Bacon, Pope, and Blackstone,39 while Sophie Swetchine (Sonia Svechina), who later was prominent in Catholic circles in Paris, lists Voltaire, Rousseau, and Gibbon among others.40 Like GaUitzin, they, "Part of the letter is given in Lemcke, op. cit. , pp. 87-9 1 . Overberg goes on to describe the elder Golitsyns change of heart after he was snubbed in 1796 by the new emperor, Paul I. "Mitri, before dubbed stupid and simple-minded, was now commended as wise and fortunate because by his choice he saved himself from the servility of court life." Ibid. , p. 91. MIn "A Defence of Catholic Principles," quoted in Murphy, op. cit. , p. 67. "In "Six Letters of Advice to the Gentlemen Presbyterian Parsons," in Murphy, op. cit. , p. 228. "Murphy, op. cit. , p. 104. i7Ibid., p. 27 \. 38See Fernand Baldensperger, Le mouvement des idées dans l'émigration française, 1789-1815 (2 vols.; Paris, 1924), especially 1, 182-225. "Bibliothèque Slave, Collection Gagarine,Boïte XII. 40M.-J. Rouët de Journel, Une Russe Catholique:Madame Swetchine (Paris, 1929),pas- sim. 724FATHER DEMETRIUS A. GAIXITZIN: SON OF THE RUSSIAN ENLIGHTENMENT too, later ridiculed the Enlightenment they once had endorsed. "The supposed lumières de la raison are totally devoid of proof," commented Ekaterina Rostopchina,41 whUe another Russian Catholic convert, Varvara Golovina, expressed her dismay at the influence of the "new philosophy" during Catherine the Great's reign.42 But in attacking the EnUghtenment from their perspective as devout CathoUcs, GaUitzin and other Russian converts used the same rational and scientific methodology as their more secular contemporaries, and Father Demetrius's long career bore the stamp of his early inteUectuaI formation. "Talent was evident," Bishop CarroU wrote to Father Francis Nagot, S.S., the rector of St. Mary's Seminary, when recommending Mitri to him in 1792.43 Too, whUe it was not surprising that his apologetics showed a firm grasp of scripture, CathoUc theology, and church history, his inteUec- tuaI horizons were not limited to these. His A Defence of Catholic Principles, for example, opens by noting that "by the help of natural phUosophy physics, anatomy, astronomy, and other sciences, many of the beauties and perfections of nature have been discovered."44 GaUitzin goes on to cite Voltaire, Dryden, Locke, and Grotius; discusses Leibnitz, VirgU, and Plato; and refers confidently to Luther, Melanchthon, ZwingU, Arminius, Foxe, Calvin, and Cranmer, as weU as contemporary Protestant authors, in the course of a comprehensive and systematic presentation.45 In the middle of the Pennsylvania wUderness he had a Ubrary of six hundred books in Latin, French, German, EngUsh, Greek, Dutch, and ItaUan. Whüe many of these were reUgious, they included Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, Hume's History ofEngland, and Blackstone's Commentaries.46 Although none of the other Russian converts of this era, with the possible exception of Sophie Swetchine, produced works equal to GalUtzin's, aU sought to understand and defend their new faith in the rational and critical spirit of the Enlightenment. "I can assert that the Christian reUgion is not just the reUgion of love but also of science," Sophie Swetchine wrote to a friend in 1815.47 Ekaterina Rostopchina's 4,Ekaterina Rostopchina, Sommaire des vérités chrétiennes (Paris, 1829), p. 90. 42Varvara Golovina, Memoirs of the Countess Golovine, trans. G. N. Fox-Davies (Lon- don, 1910), pp. 35-36. "Quoted in Sargent, op. cit. , pp. 77-78. "Murphy, op. cit. , p. 1 5. ""A Defence of Catholic Principles," Murphy, op. cit. , pp. 1 3- 1 1 1 ,passim. ÄFor a partial description, see Sargent, op. cit. , pp. 263-265. 47Letter to Roksandra Sturdza Edling, July, 1815. Quoted in Rouët de Journel, op. cit., p. 131. BYDANIELL.SCHLAFLYJR.725 Sommaire des vérités Chrétiennes® and her Méditation sur le princi- ple d'écouter l'Église49 attempted a rational exposition of CathoUc doctrines, emphasizing a refutation of Orthodox positions on such disputed points as the primacy of the pope.50 In one important respect, however, GaUitzin was closer to the spirit of the EnUghtenment than many CathoUcs of his time, let alone the often rigid and intolerant Russian converts. Although he defended Catholic doctrine, praised the Church's historical record, and criticized Protestant teaching and practice, he did not hesitate at one point to condemn "the execrable massacre of the French Calvinists, under Charles LX."51 He went on to say, "Catholic or Protestant potentates who abused their power, to force the consciences of men, and by tortures to obUge them to embrace their own creed, were monsters and not Christians."52 It was precisely the toleration so prized by the EnUghtenment that Gallitzin found most attractive about America, "where they [Catholics] may enjoy rational liberty and independence," as he stated in The Bible: Truth and Charity. n He was a loyal American for more than the benefits the constitution offered CathoUcs, however. In a letter to the editor of the Lancaster Federal Gazette written September 20, 1808, he praises "a Constitution that pries into no man's conscience, but leaves it to everyone's choice to make the sign of the Cross or not to make it, to read the Bible in Latin or in English, to go to mass or to meeting. ... O happy Constitution! and happy those that live under her protection."54 When GaUitzin, to use his own words, "renounced aU the flattering prospects of this world"55 to spend his life as a Catholic priest in a wUderness mission, it was in one sense a complete break with his father's milieu of wealth, government service, and sophisticated discourse. But in a more important sense GaUitzin continued to exemplify the Enlightenment values of reason, tolerance, optimism, and inteUectuaI curiosity. In the last analysis he remained, as he habitually described himself later in life, "Demetrius A. Gallitzin, son of Prince Demetrius of GaUitzin,"56 and a true son of the Russian EnUghtenment. "See note 4 1 . 4'MS in the Bibliothèque Slave. '"Naturally, Gallitzin's primary concern was the often intolerant and unsophisticated Protestantism he and his fellow CathoUcs encountered on the frontier. "In "A Letter to a Protestant Friend," Murphy, op. cit. , p. 204. nIbid. "Murphy, op. cit. , p. 276. "Ibid., p.299"Quoted in Sargent, op. cit. , p. 225. *Ibid. BOOK REVIEWS General and Miscellaneous Noah's Flood: The Genesis Story in Western Thought. By Norman Cohn. (New Haven:Yale University Press. 1996.Pp.xiv, 154. $25.00.) Norman Cohn, Astor-Wolfson Professor Emeritus at the University of Sussex, has written an excellent, but all too brief, survey of the Flood Story and the history of its interpretation. An added bonus are fifty-five black and white illustrations and twenty lavish colorplates.This book will serve, I hope, as a wholesome warning that while fundamentalism, on the one extreme of interpretation, has failed in its approach to the Flood Story, modern psychoanalytic eisegesis, at the opposite extreme, fares no better. After outlining the flood stories in Mesopotamian literature, none of which have serious moral overtones, Cohn explains the distinctive features of the Genesis story. He then reviews early Christian aUegorical and typological interpretations.The Flood became, for some, a figure of fire that would foUow at the end of time, with Noah as a symbol of faithful Christians who lived with the Last Judgment always in mind. The survival of Noah was also viewed as a type of Christ's resurrection. For Justin Martyr the wood of the Ark prefigured the cross on which Jesus saved mankind. In Augustine's thought the Ark symbolized the Church, the only means of salvation for believers. Even Jerome, the premier biblical scholar of the age, shared similar ideas. Much more hypothetical, as one would expect, were the rabbinic interpretations that supplied numerous details lacking in the original story. Since Genesis makes no mention of specific sins, the rabbis made up a few: Men mated with other men's wives and even with their own daughters as weU as with animals; animals also engaged in unnatural mating with other species. EquaUy fantastic were the descriptions of the shape and plan of the Ark. Cohn's history demonstrates the egregious error of supporting scientific theories by appealing to Genesis. From a study of the biblical chronologies, James Ussher (1581-1656), Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland, concluded that God created heaven and earth on Sunday evening, October 23, 4004 b.c., and that the Flood began on Sunday, December 7, 2349 b.c., and the Ark landed on Mount Ararat on May 6 the following year.These dates were taken at 726 BOOK REVIEWS727 face value by most scientists between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries. Cohn cites examples of scientists who quoted texts from Genesis to corroborate their hypotheses regarding the formation of fossils, mountains, seas, and land masses.These authors harmonized geological and paleontological data gleaned from scientific observation with the biblical time frame regarding the age of the earth and cosmos. A Swiss geologist, Jean-André de Luc (1727-1817), even concluded that Genesis describes precisely what geology has proved— only divine revelation can account for that. The "six days" of Genesis 1 are epochs of ^determinate length; the geological strata show the characteristics of these epochs.The Flood occurred at the end of the sixth epoch; hence, in relatively recenüy times. In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, scientists began to rec- ognize that the earth had to be older than (the commonly accepted) 6,000 years;in fact, it is more like 4.5 billion years old. In 1840 Louis Agassiz proposed his theory of glaciation to account for current facts of geology.The ad hoc models of the "scriptural geologists" to reconcile earth science with Genesis began to crumble. As could be expected, however, attempts to date the earth by empirical methods (with no reference to the Bible) met with fierce hostility. Richard Kirwan (1733-1812), for instance, dogmatically rejected the high antiquity of the earth by insisting that such notions undermine society as well as religion and morality.Thus, Kirwan became a pioneer of fundamentalism. The Genesis Flood: The Biblical Record and Its Scientific Implications by John C. Whitcomb, Jr., a professor of OldTestament, and Henry M. Morris, a professor of hydraulic engineering, was published in 1961 and remains in print. This book is the principal source of what is known as "creation science," essentially nothing more than fundamentalist doctrine in which the "Flood geology" I described above plays a leading role. Perhaps more influential than all the fundamentalist Uterature, however, was the television film, "In Search of Noah's Ark" (1977), which purported to be a documentary but is nothing more than propaganda. The film claimed that the story of the Ark is "impeccably true," for remnants of the ship now rest on Mount Ararat in Armenia; the claim was effectively demoUshed by several scholars (e.g., H. M. Teeple, The Noah's Ark Nonsense, 1978). The fundamentalists, however, do not have the last word in imaginative eisegesis. Earlier in this century some opined that the original meaning of the Flood Ues in a nature-myth representing the movements of the sun and moon. Then followed psychoanalytic interpretations: the Flood had a urinary origin and the Ark was the maternal womb. Noah's exit from the Ark was birth to be foUowed later by procreation.Alan Dundes in The Flood Myth (1988) considers the story to be "an example of males seeking to imitate female sexuaUty." Other fanciful interpretations abound, none of which take seriously the kind of literature the authors of the Genesis Flood Story composed. They did not write an historical or scientific treatise but rather their version, under divine inspiration, of an ancient story the essential truth of which is that human beings 728BOOK REVIEWS are accountable for their moral choices, for God punishes sinners but rescues the innocent. Alexander A. Di Lella, O.F.M. The Catholic University ofAmerica History of Paradise: The Garden of Eden in Myth and Tradition. By Jean Delumeau. Translated by Matthew O'ConneU. (New York: Continuum Books. 1995. Pp. x, 276. $29.50.) In this volume Professor Jean Delumeau announces a new direction for his ongoing study of ideas central to the evolution of Western Christianity. Four prior books, beginning with La peur en Occident (Paris, 1978), explored concepts of fear, sin, anxiety, and reconciliation. But History ofParadise (originaUy Une histoire du Paradis [Paris, 1992]), the first in a trilogy on ideas of human happiness, focuses on descriptions of Eden and Paradise, with special emphasis on the fourteenth through eighteenth centuries. Matthew O'ConneU's translation captures Delumeau's style and charm, and deftly handles his extensive use of "firsthand documents," which allow readers to experience "their savor and truthfulness" (p. 2). This exploration of conceptualizations of the Garden of Eden begins with patristic conflations of the Genesis myth with those of the pagan golden age and Happy Isles. Throughout the medieval period Europeans believed the earthly Paradise, although closed to mortals, stiU existed; patristic and medieval theologians, mappae mundi, and travel literature all demonstrate the persistence and importance of ideas of Paradise. Delumeau even connects the legend of Préster John to longing for earthly Paradise, and shows that fifteenth- and sixteenthcentury voyages to Asia and America were partly stimulated by hope of finding Eden's garden. His sources draw vivid pictures of Paradise's bounty, beauty, and pleasant climate, where eternal youth, without toil or anxiety, would have guaranteed human happiness, were it not for the sin of Adam. Delumeau's new direction notwithstanding, this volume is closely linked to his previous inquiry into the Western cult of guilt.Visions of Paradise ultimately undermined human joy, when hopes of discovering it gave way to conviction that the deluge had destroyed all vestige of Eden. Nimbly romping through divergent sources, Delumeau finds Renaissance "melancholy" (a central theme in earlier works) in expressions of "regret for the lost golden age and fairy lands" (p. 119)—that is, Eden—and links this to Europe's developing passion for gardens and fountains. Even as sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Protestant and CathoUc exegetes agreed that Paradise no longer existed, they remained keenly interested in the paradisal state and original sin, and employed new linguistic tools to identify Eden's exact site, the instant of Paradise's creation, and the chronology of our first parents' stay therein and expulsion therefrom.The vol- BOOK REVIEWS729 unie closes with the scientific discoveries and theory of evolution which undermined faith in Genesis in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Although a tour de force by a meticulous researcher at the height of his powers, History of Paradise is not without flaws. Attempting to cover his topic's every aspect, Delumeau see-saws between centuries, often repeating himself. There are a wealth of endnotes (953 individual citations on pp. 237-270), with full bibUographical information in initial citations, but no bibliography.This makes checking references annoyingly tedious, and Delumeau frequently returns to sources, often in widely separated chapters, as he jumps back and forth in time. The index, which Usts only persons cited, is of limited value and (as spot checks demonstrated) incomplete. Lastly, as might be expected in such a wide-ranging work, some sections, particularly the discussions of medieval cartography and travel literature, are quite superficial.These reservations stated, the patient reader wUl derive a wealth of interesting information and stimulation from History ofParadise. James D. Ryan Bronx Community College City University ofNew York The Archaeology ofEarly Christianity:A History. By WiUiam H. C. Frend. (MinneapoUs: Fortress Press. 1996. Pp. xix, 412; 3 plans, 8 maps, 16 b/w figures, 10 color figures. $3900.) Reverend Professor W. H. C. Frend, D.D., F.B.A., Professor Emeritus of Ecclesi- astical History (Glasgow) and AngUcan Divine, is one of this century's great figures in the study of early Christianity. Frend is a master narrator, and I found his most recent book a treasure-trove of personaUties, places, and events that have shaped our current understanding of the material world brought into being by the earUest Christians. Frend paints with a very broad brush. He begins his version of the story with Helena, Constantine, and Eusebius, arguably the first "archaeologists" of early Christianity, and he concludes somewhere in the tomorrow, asking pointed questions about the prospects (in his view rather dim) for the study of early Christian archaeology; the latter, he warns, may well suffer the fate of New Testament studies and become starved of new materials. . . . Reworking a static data base is the way to fossUization and irrelevance. ... (p. 388). Archaeology consists in fifteen chapters. Chapter One concerns the Constantinian discoverers of their Christian antecedents.Two begins (ca. 413) with Jerome's Sunday visits to the catacombs and ends in the seventeenth century, but the focus is on Bosio, Chifflet, Mabillon, and Camden, in other words ItaUan, French, and British antiquarians of the seventeenth century.Three concerns the eighteenth century not a highpoint in the study of early Christianity, although it 730book reviews did produce important historical works by TiUemont, von Mosheim, and Gibbon. Four, entitled "Napoleon," focusses on discoveries in Egypt, especiaUy Nubia, which is one of Frend's particular interests. Five concerns mid-nineteenth-century French excavations in Algeria and the Donatists (another Frend domain in which he has distinguished himself); Chapter Six recounts the work of Cardinal Lavigerie in Algeria and Tunisia; of de Vogüe in Syria; of de Rossi in Rome; and of Leblant in early Christian Provence. Seven concerns W. M. Ramsay in Turkey. Eight covers the years leading up to the outbreak ofWorld War I: the French in Tunisia and Algeria; the British (Ramsay and BeU),Austrians, Germans, and Americans in Turkey and northern Syria; the EngUsh and Germans in Egypt and Nubia; the Germans and French in Ethiopia and central Asia; de Rossi's followers in the Roman catacombs; Bulic , Dyggve, and Egger in the Balkans. Nine and Ten concern the important achievements (notably the Franco-American project at SaUyeh/Dura) of the interwar period, 1919-1940. Eleven recounts the excavations under St. Peter's, at Toura, Nag Hammadi, and Qumran (on which now see R. Donceel, OEANE [NewYork, 1997], s.v.).The last three chapters concern field work carried out since 1945 along with publications and episodic accounts of meetings held in the postwar period.The book concludes with a map of the Roman Empire, an appendix that gives the dates of the thirteen Congressi Internazionali di Archeologia Cristiana, a select bibliography, and a general index. Frend covers a huge amount of ground in this book. It is difficult to summarize a book of this scope.Within limits, I think one can identify certain themes. Frend is not altogether comfortable with archaeology in the service of the Church, especiaUy when the Church is Rome. He is a bit more sanguine when it comes to archaeology in the service of European na- tionalists, including his beloved British and his only slightly less admirable Gallic coUeagues. Frend believes in the necessity of holding firm on scientific archaeological methodology. He treats documents and Uterature and material culture as evidentiary parts of an historical continuum; here I beUeve he is right on target, and his approach should be seen as a healthy corrective to the tendency of contemporary pedants who seek ever more to departmentaUze and divide up the study of late antiquity into a warren of specialties and subspecialties. Frend sees the real connections between the development of early Christ- ian archaeology and the evolution of other disciplines, including prehistory and classical archaeology; here I think there is a lot more to be said. Frend is a firm believer in the value of interdisciplinary scholarship, and it is clear that he also beUeves in the power of co-operative efforts, including those that bring together persons of differing ethnic, national, and denominational backgrounds. WiUiam Frend is unquestionably an "encyclopédiste savant" ; he has warm words of appreciation for Dölger and especiaUy Leclercq, and his own work (including this book) constitutes eloquent testimony to his extraordinary powers of historical synthesis. He is a friend of archaeology in the trenches; at one place (p. 353) he equates art historians, those incurable theorists of form, incessantly debating the typology of Christian art, with aristocrats, and he compares them with the "foot sloggers," the dirt archaeologists (no doubt persons like himself). He Uk- BOOK reviews731 ens the explosion of new finds in the years 1965-1990 to Pandora's Box, I pre- sume without its lid. How this fits with his overall view that more is better and less leads to ossification (as cited above) and methological navel gazing I do not know. Paul Corby Finney University ofMissouri Baptism and Change in the Early Middle Ages, c. 200-c. 1150. By Peter Cramer. [Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, Fourth Series, 20.] (NewYork: Cambridge University Press. 1993. Pp. xx, 356. $59.95.) This book is part of a very distinguished series and was written by someone who, the reader quickly discovers, has an amazing depth of understanding of the thought of the Middle Ages. The axis of Cramer's thesis is the viewpoint of eleventh- and twelfth-century thinkers who question their past. Indeed, the entire book is an attempt to account for the eventual twelfth-century loss of understanding of sacrament, or at least a loss of confidence in it.The genesis of the development is best captured by the word "change" in the book's title.This "change" is described in the six chapters which comprise the book. Cramer views them as essays which are to some extent independent of one another. The first essay or chapter treats Hippolytus of Rome, author of the Apostolic Tradition, m Hippolytus, the natural symbol of water provides the ground for a moral approach to baptism, and this is set in the context of a certain "crisis": "I will try to show from the Tradition and elsewhere that the 'crisis' of baptism reflects this leaning to the abstract, and is partiaUy a crisis about what it is to know the divine" (p. 23). Cramer indicates how the baptism of Hippolytus is comparable to entry into Gnosticism. Indeed, the use of older forms, with new meanings, partiaUy accounts for Christian baptism's constantly shifting perspective as it develops through the centuries. The second essay traces the contribution of TertuUian and Ambrose in this shifting perspective.The key themes here are conversion and martyrdom, myth and dream. One suspects that Cramer has spent years studying TertuUian and Ambrose. The third essay deals with the contribution ofAugustine.This contribution is so rich and Cramer's analysis so thorough that it is unfortunate that the reader wasn't given a summary at the end of the chapter. It is with Augustine that the "sacramental and the ethical become one" (p. 88) and one sees "the need to baptize early, the necessity of infant baptism rather than its possibUity or desirabiUty, is perhaps the most obvious legacy of Augustine to the Middle Ages" (P- 125). The fourth essay goes from Augustine to the Carolingians.The change here is from the ethical understanding of Augustine to the juridical.The certainty now comes from the forms of the rite of baptism themselves. 732BOOK REVIEWS The fifth essay describes the Carolingian age and is labeled the diminishing of baptism. It is a time when "the momentary effulgence of baptism was pushed out on to the periphery" (p. 206) and when "sacrament turns into magic" (p. 219). The sixth and final essay treats what was Cramer's starting-point, the viewpoint of the twelfth century, which he caUs a time of "falling short" or a time concerned with a sense of loss. His insights into baptism come frequently as parallels to the twelfth-century thinking on eucharist. The six chapters are complemented by two Excursuses on the baptistry. They include fourteen illustrations which, unfortunately, are a bit dark and thus hard to appreciate. The book concludes with a twenty-five-page bibliography which is extremely helpful. This book is not for the beginner. Cramer interweaves history, theology, phi- losophy, poetry, semiotics into a tapistry that is masterful, but complex and dtf- ficult. The reader would have been greatly aided by summaries at the end of each chapter and especiaUy by a synthesis at the end of the book. StiU, the book is to be read, and indeed re-read. In so doing, one will learn not only a great deal about the sacrament of baptism, but also a great deal about the Middle Ages in the West. Gerard Austin, O.P. The Catholic University ofAmerica Eastern Christian Worlds. By Mahmoud Zibawi. Translated from French by Madeleine Beaumont. (CollegeviUe, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press. 1995. Pp. 272; color pis. 96, b/w figs. 188. $99.95.) In a.D. 451, the Council of Chalcedon was convened to resolve conflicting definitions of Christ's nature, but, instead, the Church SpUt into two major factions—the Monophysites, who foUowed the doctrinal position of the patriarch ofAlexandria, and the so-caUed ChaIcedonians,who adhered to the position formulated by Pope Leo of Rome and supported by the patriarch of Constantinople. The churches of Egypt and Syria foUowed the Monophysite position, and by the seventh century, the Churches of Nubia and Ethiopia were securely in the Monophysite camp, headed by metropolitan bishops appointed by the Monophysite patriarch of Alexandria. These churches are the subject of Eastern Christian Worlds by Mahmoud Zibawi, author of The Icon (1993) and himseU a painter. Introductory chapters include broad surveys of church history and the rise of Islam and its art. The author then moves to chapter-long discussions of each Eastern Church—the Syrian, the Armenian, the Egyptian, and the Ethiopian (the Nubian is omitted)—its history, traditions and practices, and art. Such an undertaking would be a daunting chaUenge for any speciaUst in the his- BOOK REVIEWS733 tory of the Eastern Churches. Zibawi proceeds by summarizing or excerpting from more scholarly treatments of the subjects, an approach which results often in superficial or severely abbreviated essays, with names, terms, or events that remain unexplained. This can be quite frustrating for the reader with lim- ited knowledge of the topics. For example, the Palestinian ampuUae are referred to as the "famous ampuUae of Jerusalem" with neither explanation, photograph, nor reference to the definitive monograph Ampoules de Terre Sainte by André Grabar in the footnotes. Zibawi's text contains passages that are flawed, as, for example, the discussion of Iconoclasm, or wrong, such as the statement that "Ethiopian writing adapts the Sabaean alphabet and adds consonants to it" (pp. 21 1-212). The opposite is true: the Ethiopian writing system adds vocaUzation to consonant forms. The author's true purpose appears to be an appreciation of the arts of the Eastern Churches. The text is well larded with aphorisms and quotations from reUgious hymns apparently intended to create a lyrical framework for the presentation of the visual materials, but the aphorisms are sometimes nonsensical: "The cAbbasid caliphate ends forever" (p. 93) or, "ParadoxicaUy, art ignores his- tory and its events" (p. 61). The works of art in the Ulustrations contradict the latter observation. The layout of the color plates is not well conceived, nor are reasons clear for aU choices of works of art iUustrated.The choices of Ethiopian art illustrated in the color plates are especially problematic. If this book is to be the reader's only exposure to Ethiopian religious art, she or he will acquire a false sense of its quality.The Nursing Madonna in a private collection in Paris (Pl. 82) is said to date to the eighteenth century, but appears more likely to be a twentiethcentury painting, perhaps produced for the Addis Ababa tourist market, and there is certainly no reason to include a huge detail of the nursing infant (Pl. 83). Color plates of some Syriac (PIs. 6, 8- 1 1) and Coptic miniatures (PIs. 65-67) give little sense of the manuscripts they decorate.The quality of color plates is uneven; some are too garish. Because the color plates themselves have neither plate number nor caption, it is very difficult to find a specific plate while reading the text and equally difficult to identify an object while browsing the plates. Marilyn E. Heldman University ofMissouri, St. Louis A History of the Church in Ukraine, Volume I: To the End of the Thirteenth Century. By Sophia Senyk. [Orientalia Christiana Analecta, Volume 243] (Rome: Pontificio Istituto Orientale. 1993· Pp. xvi, 471 . Paperback.) The author is a Basilian Sister of the Ukrainian CathoUc Church and a fuU professor of church history at the Pontifical Oriental Institute in Rome.This volume constitutes real progress in the area of ecclesiastical historiography of ScythiaRus'-Ukraine In it we find responsible care in the use of the original sources, 734BOOK REVIEWS combined with objective and scholarly judgments. There is no national ethnic or confessional prejudice or partisanship—so common among historians writing on Eastern Slavic church-related topics. However, there are some deficiencies. On page 8, the author has written: "though the Apostle Andrew did not travel through Rus' . . ." and she upholds the "legend of the Apostle Andrew." Today we must revise the historiography on St. Andrew in Scythia, for there is very strong evidence of his presence all round the Black Sea.The biblical, archaeological, patristic, concUiar, hagiographical, historical, and monastic evidence for a Christian presence in Scythia-Rus'-Ukraine from apostolic times to St.Vblodymyr has been assembled and reviewed in my book: The Apostolic Origin of the Ukrainian Church (Parma, Ohio, 1988).We only offer a few highlights here. Colossians 3:11 implies that St. Paul met Scythians who were Christians. Both St. Hippolytus in On the Twelve Apostles and Origen, quoted by Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical History, Book III, chap. 1, make it clear that the Holy Apostíe An- drew received Scythia as his missionary territory. TertuUian in Adversus Judaeos, chap. 7, St. Athanasius in Concerning the Inhominization of the Word, chap. 51, St. Jerome in his Epistle to Laeta, and many other witnesses speak of Scythian Christians. St. Clement, Bishop of Rome, was banished and died in Crimea around 101 a.d. St. Martin I, Pope of Rome, was also banished to Crimea and died there in 655 a.d. St. Hermon, Bishop of Jerusalem, at the end of the third century, had jurisdiction over Scythia and ordained bishops for that region: Ephrem, Basil, Jepherius, and two others whose names are not preserved. In Tanais two churches have been uncovered: one from the first and one from the second century. Further, many Christian graves and burial sites from the second century are weU documented.Thus in the face of early ¦witnesses and subsequent commentary, we hold that the presence of St. Andrew in Scythia should be accepted as more than mere "legend." In the case of Ukrainian Christianity, one might weU see a fusion of possibly four apostoUc traditions: (1) from St. Andrew personaUy; (2) from St. Peter, his brother, through Pope St. Clement; (3) from St. Paul, the Apostle of the nations, through St.Andronicus and his successors, down to SS. CyrU and Methodius; and (4) from St. James, brother of the Lord and first bishop of Jerusalem, through Hermon of Jerusalem, who ordained bishops for Chersonesus and other regions of Scythia. The treatment of "The Pagan Religion of Rus' "(preferably "Pre-Christian") consists of two and a haU pages in which there are a few inaccuracies and shortcomings. In order to understand Ukrainian church history, it is important first to grasp Ukrainian spirituality and religiosity.The peasant has a spiritual and mystical bond with Mother Earth (or soil) as a secret, sacred, and Life-giving power. This is based on a cosmic religious sense and panentheism (not pantheism), that is, a strong sense of the immanence of God in His creatures. Among these people, there is Uttle of the phobos-type (fear) of reUgion; rather the eros-type and the agape-type, which are based on effective mutual and social life and BOOK REVIEWS735 love, and culminate in the gews-religion, or the social soUdarity of a clan. The wowas-type of religion (legal aspect and codes) is not popular. Therefore, there is no feeling for strict orthodox dogmatic formulations, a high degree of individuaUsm, and detachment from any legalistic or canonical decisions. Among these people, there is an intense emotionality, sentimentality, an exaggerated delicacy of feeling, and a lyricism which at times obscures the intellect and will, but does penetrate aU aspects of culture and reUgion. There is also a profound tendency to introversion. ChapterVII deals with the reUgious culture of Kievan Rus' (pp. 298-419). The author gives a concise and precise description of the material aspect of that culture. Unfortunately, we do not find any adequate definition of culture in general or of religious culture in particular. Its formal aspect and distinctive characteristics remain obscure. Culture, which is central to all branches of human knowledge, creativity, ethos, Weltanschauung, reUgion, poUtics, etc. , consists of explicit and implicit patterns of behavior acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinctive achievements of human groups, including their embodiment in artUacts. The essential core of culture consists of historicaUy derived and selected (that is, traditional) ideas, and especiaUy the values attached to them. The distinctive characteristics of the reUgious culture of Kievan Rus' (both pre-Christian and Christian) are: (1) a tendency to portray the sacred, the redeemed, the divinized and glorified primarily under the aspect of beauty— this is the strong aesthetic dimension; (Z) an interpretation of the history of Kievan Rus' as a sacred history of salvation, a series of the mighty acts of God (or of the gods) as Creator and Giver of Grace; (3) a very strong prophetic stance as a means of foretelling the future; and an aetiological stance (Greek: aitia: "cause") which gives an interpretation of present situations in the Ught of past events, which are seen as causes of the present; thus there is a search for the one and unique historical perspective combining past, present, and future; and (4) a strong eschatological trend which perpetuaUy anticipates an apocalyptic or catastrophic future. This book is the best in EngUsh to date on the history of the Church in Ukraine, deserving to be used as a guide in graduate studies. We hope that the three volumes projected wiU be of the same or of higher quality. Petro B.T. Bilaniuk University of St. Michael's College, Toronto. El Solar Carmelitano de San Juan de la Cruz: La antigua provincia de Castilla (1416-1836). By Pablo María Garrido, O.Carm. (Madrid: BibUoteca de Autores Cristianos. 1996. Pp. liii, 381 .) The Spanish Carmelites of the Ancient Observance, sometimes referred to as Calced CarmeUtes, are the envy of the rest of their Order since they have so richly benefited from recent explorations of their historical records by 736BOOK REVIEWS Carmelite scholars. BalbinoVelasco Bayón's three-volume Historia del Carmelo Español, synthesized in his Los Carmelitas: Historia de la Orden del Carmen, W: El Carmelo Español, has investigated thoroughly the medieval Carmelites in Spain and the various Spanish provinces since then. See reviews in this journal ante, LXXVIII (October, 1992), 644-645, and LXXXI (October, 1995), 61 1-613. Now a confrere ofVelasco Bayón, Pablo Garrido, has turned a more organic look at the CarmeUte province of Castile with an interest in revealing the CarmeUte soU from which arose Juan de la Cruz and, for that matter,Teresa ofAvUa, whose monastery of the Incarnation was, at least at first, under the jurisdiction of this province. The final establishment by Pope Clement VIII of the Discalced CarmeUte Order as a separate entity did not occur until 1593, two years after the death of Juan de la Cruz. A major stumbling block in the study of mystics,no less so for Juan de Ia Cruz and Teresa de Jesús, has been the persistent lack of historical context. Garrido in this book is especially concerned to provide the immediate past and immediate subsequent history that make it possible to interpret adequately the writings of Juan de la Cruz. For Teresa see Garrido's El Hogar Espiritual de Santa Teresa (Rome, 1983). In 1281 the CarmeUte Constitutions Usted Spain chronologically as the last often provinces. In 1416 Aragón and Castile became separate provinces with the latter holding precedence within the Order.The Castilian province was suppressed at the time of the Spanish Exclaustration in 1836.The province was revived as a commissariat in 1948 and estabUshed as a province in 1984. Garrido's study of the province has been welcomed as a critical resource for the fiftieth anniversary of the 1948 revival. Garrido's history of the Carmelite Province of Castile is the result of many years of extensive research and pubUcations. For these publications and those of Velasco Bayón, see the valuable bibliography of manuscripts and printed sources as weU as published studies on pages xiii-liii. Readers are weU served by the index of persons and places on pages 349-381. Leaving aside the works of Juan de la Cruz and Teresa de Jesús, Garrido has an appendix with a Ust of manuscripts and works published by members of the province. Garrido's text, the first of further projected volumes, is concisely composed with weU crafted thematic presentations that include a study of Carmelite evangeUzation through various members of the province who served as bishops in the Spanish colonies of the New World. Keith J. Egan Saint Mary's College Notre Dame, Indiana BOOK REVIEWS737 Catholic Peacemakers: A Documentary History. Volume Two: From the Renaissance to the Twentieth Century, Parts I and II. Edited by Ronald G. Musto. [Garland Reference Library of the Humanities,Volume 1372.] (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc. 1996. Pp. xlv, 522; xlv, 523-979- $ 150.00.) Publication of Ronald G. Musto's narrative survey The Catholic Peace Tradition (Orbis, 1986) was welcomed by many as a more inclusive and ecumenical interpretation of this tradition than that conventionaUy and more narrowly focused onThomism and the "just war" theory. In one breathtaking volume, Musto traced the continuous stream from the Church's earliest martyrs and pacifists to contemporary peacemakers. The book was intended to be the first of three related works.The second was The Peace Tradition in the Catholic Church. An Annotated Bibliography (New York: Garland, 1986). The third is this two- volume compendium of primary and secondary documentary sources that is comprehensive in scope and wiU, no doubt, remain the standard in this field for many years to come.This review addresses only the second volume of this last work. Documents are gathered into chapters that paraUel simUarly titled ones in the original narrative history. The editor's introductions to the chapters and to the individual documents provide historical context especially valuable to the nonspecialist audience for whom he writes. Some of the introductions are elegant Uttle historiographical essays in themselves. The volume lends itseU to being a source book to accompany and enrich the study of the narrative history. Its varied contents include, inter alia, official church statements, articles, book excerpts, speeches, sermons, and position statements of peacemaking organizations; they have been updated to include the developments occurring during the decade since the history's pubUcation. A chapter in the historical narrative that originally explored European peacemaking fromVatican Council II to the rise of the Polish Solidarity movement has been expanded to include essays and other statements related to the Czechoslovakian Velvet Revolution of 1989. In addition to the contributions by Vaclav Havel,Vaclav Benda, and others, is the appearance of a random selection of particularly poignant slogans used in the Prague street protests: "People! Be good to each other." The chapter onThirdWorld Liberation brings not only the witness of Gustavo Gutierrez, Leonardo Boff, Dom Helder Cámara, and the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo but also some later voices, such as those of Haiti's Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the Jesuit martyrs of El Salvador. Among the latter is Ignacio EUacuria, who acknowledges the pluraUsm of Christian approaches to solving the conflict raised by violence and caUs for a resolute denunciation of violence.The chapter on peacemaking in the United States also includes developments of the last decade, notably statements regarding the death penalty and the Persian GuU War. Musto concludes the work with an admittedly subjective sample of current CathoUc thinking on war, peace, and justice. In this sampling he gives the last 738BOOK REVIEWS word to religious and lay voices—prophetic, controversial, spiritual—determined in their pursuit of the peace of the Gospel. This impressive work should be treasured and housed in, at very least, the Ubraries of every Catholic parish and educational institution. Its value, however, is not confined to these. It wiU remain an important standard resource for courses on peace studies, church history, and adult Christian education. For aU its merit, this work suffers from lack of clarity in presentation and organization. Sometimes a document that is excerpted from a published coUection or secondary source remains undated and carries only the publication date of the subsequent published source. Each part begins with a full table of contents covering both volumes, i.e., aU four parts. More confusing, however, is the full numerical list of texts that also appears at the front of each part; it would be greatly improved U, in addition to the number, it provided the reader with the appropriate page. Readers who cannot easUy find what they are looking for but persist after the initial frustration are rewarded richly. Patricia A. Gajda The University of Texas at Tyler Orders ofKnighthood and ofMerit.The Pontifical, ReUgious and Secularised Catholic-founded Orders, and their relationship to the Apostolic See. By Peter Bander van Duren. (Gerrards Cross, Buckinghamshire: Colin Smythe. Distributed by Oxford University Press, New York.1995. Pp. xvi, 714. $125.00.) Lord Melbourne would have enjoyed reading this book. The paradoxical spirit of the British Prime Minister's comment, "I like the Garter; there is no damned merit in it," would have been enhanced by the evidence in this book that secular republics have often imitated Christian monarchies in rewarding their meritorious citizens by admission to Orders of Knighthood and of Merit. Decorations answer some need in men's minds, and the scramble for "gongs" wiU last as long as human life on this planet. CathoUc teaching has emphasized that external marks of honor are bestowed appropriately upon those recipients who are inwardly meritorious. The relationship between the Holy See and the many Catholic-founded Orders of Knighthood between the eleventh and the early eighteenth centuries has not always been weU understood by individual pontiffs and their advisers. They might have given priority to other matters altogether, or they might have been misled by partisan representations from a particular phalanx of knights. Such is the thrust of Dr. van Duren's pen, as he writes this invaluable work of reference, and one worth reading also for its tone of scholarship. Often the author's pen-portraits of certain pontiffs, cardinals, and archbishops are more ar- resting than their respective photographs in this lavishly iUustrated tome. BOOK REVIEWS739 Outside the European chanceUeries which still draw up pubUc Usts of the great and good to be honored with the appeUation chevalier or commendatore, there exist also more shadowy organizations which style themselves Knights ofThis orThat.These latter often cause offense to the former by using similar names, thereby confusing a general public less famUiar than Dr. van Duren with the history of the ideals of Christian service and chivalry. His book is a warning to those gulUble readers who might have been enroUed among Knights or Dames of spurious organizations instead of joining the real thing. Besides contributing to contemporary sociology, Dr. van Duren contributes insights into other academic disciplines besides the obvious ones of history and heraldry. In fact his book has echoes of an older European tradition of coUab- orative book-making, exemplified by Diderot and his contributors to the Encyclopédie between 1751 and 1772. The orthodox abbé Edme MaUet (1713-1755) had contributed to the Encyclopédie about thirty or so separate references to aspects of the Order of St. John and of Malta, basing them on the abbé Vertôt's uncritical history of the HospitaUers, published at Paris in 1726. An intriguing subplot of Dr. van Duren's book is where does he begin and Archbishop Hyginus Eugene Cardinale end? The author had first intended to update Archbishop Cardinale's own pubUshed study, Orders of Knighthood, Awards and the Holy See (1983). Even to readers not immediately attracted by the subject matter of his book, Dr. van Duren patiently demonstrates from diverse, conflicting evidence written in several languages how trans-European cultural history might be conceived and expressed. In teasing out some particular strands of this cultural history, Dr. van Duren reminds aU students of the pitfaUs of sloppy translation from Latin into the vernacular.Throughout he rightly distinguishes between the juridical usage of a term and its misleading "false friend" in common speech. By dipping into this book, aU historians wiU be reminded from this distinctive context of the awesome dtfficulties of plying their trade. David F.Allen University ofBirmingham Ancient The Rise of Christianity. A Sociologist Reconsiders History. By Rodney Stark. (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1996. Pp. xlv, 246. $24.95.) Ever since Luke decided that it was time for him to create order in the con- fusion surrounding the early history of Christianity, many have undertaken the same task.Think of aU the books that were written in this century alone, beginning with the monumental Mission and Expansion of Christianity by A. Har- nack (1908) up to The Rise of Christianity by W. H. C. Frend (1984). Add to these aU the commentaries on Luke and Acts, and the number is truly great. 740BOOK REVIEWS Now along comes yet another attempt, perhaps more modest in size, to understand what happened and why,"most exceUent TheophUus,""did a tiny and obscure messianic movement from the edge of the Roman Empire dislodge classical paganism and become the dominant faith of Western civUization" (p. 3). Like Luke, who was a physician, Rodney Stark is neither a historian nor a theologian. By training, he is a sociologist, and he uses the tools of his trade to analyze the early Christian phenomenon: a new perspective, therefore, with interesting and chaUenging results. In the first chapter, "Conversion and Christian Growth," Stark deals with the numerical growth of Christianity as a percentage of the total population of the Roman Empire, and with the ¦ways by which new converts were made. Using as models the Church of the Latter Day Saints and the Unification Church, he suggests that in the growth of any new movement, "social networks," i.e., a "structure of direct and intimate interpersonal attachments" (p. 20), are decisive. The first converts always come from the closest circle, i.e., the founder's famUy.This was so in the case of Mohammed and the Mormons, and, Stark says,"the rule extends to Jesus too, since it appears that he began with his brothers and mother" (p. 18). (But did he? John 7:5 and Mark 3:31-35 indicate otherwise.) Chapter 2, "The Class Basis of Early Christianity," refutes the formerly widely held view that Christianity initially was a "proletarian movement." Here the Mormons and Christian Science are used for comparison to show that "cult movements" never are proletarian. Chapter 3, "The Mission to the Jews," claims that this was probably very successful. Chapter 4, "Epidemics, Networks and Conversion," examines Christian and pagan attitudes toward the great plagues that struck the Roman empire in the second and third centuries. The response of Christians to these disasters was so much more positive than that of the pagans that the superiority of Christian doctrine, on which their actions were based, became obvious, whUe paganism failed. In addition, as a result of the plagues, pagan birth rates declined while Christian birth rates increased. Chapter 5, "The Role of Women in Christian Growth," deals with sex ratios in Christian communities as compared to pagan society and the higher status that women enjoyed in early Christian culture. This was also a result of Christian teachings (prohibition of abortion and infanticide), which resulted in the higher birth rate and thus in a numerical growth. Chapter 6, "Christianizing the Urban Empire: A Quantitative Approach," uses statistical evidence to show "what characteristics of cities were conducive to Christianization." As a continuation of this theme, Chapter 7, "Urban Chaos and Crisis: The Case of Antioch," deals with the physical and social structures of Roman cities, because the rise of Christianity was "shaped by the socio-cultural environment of those who first put it into written words"(p. 147). In a basicaUy chaotic society, Christianity offered new social relationships and thus served as a revitaUzing force. BOOK REVIEWS741 Chapter 8 is entitled "The Martyrs: Sacrifice as Rational Choice." According to the author, martyrdom was a rational choice because it offered rewards that made Christianity a "good bargain" and a "good deal" (p. 178). Chapter 9 focuses on "Opportunity and Organization." In discussing the opportunity for a new reUgion to emerge in a certain cultural environment, Stark takes advantage of the language of economics, such as supply and demand, to describe the spread of religion: religions are (hefirms and beUevers are consumers. In its organization, the Church was an exclusive community consisting of committed members, unlike the various pagan religions. The final chapter is "A Brief Reflection on Virtue." Here the author develops his thesis that Christian doctrines were behind a new moral vision that was far superior to paganism.This, then, is the final reason why Christianity eventuaUy replaced paganism. The points proposed in this book by Professor Stark are to be taken seriously because they are based on solid research and faultless arguments. No doubt some people will be offended by his detached approach to the Early Church as merely one of many alternatives and to religious communities as subject to the law of supply and demand. But this is what makes his book new and worth reading: it offers a fresh look which makes the reader stop and think. Professor Stark could make many more contributions to this field of scholarship (how about an examination of Communism and Christianity and the establishment of Marxist "reUgion" in Eastern Europe?), but, unfortunately, he has decided that this book is his last excursion into reUgious history and that he wiU return full time to sociology. For historians of the Church, this is a loss indeed. Stephen Benko Sonoma, California After the Apostles: Christianity in the Second Century. By Walter H. Wagner. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press. 1994. Pp. xvi, 287. Paperback.) The author maintains that there are no studies which teU the story of the chaUenges and leaders of the second century by bringing together in a comprehensible way the events, ideas, and people involved. Treating the second century as a critical period when Christianity, beset with internal and external conflicts, struggled with many important issues in forging its identity, the author focuses on five challenges to Christianity: (1) Who created the world and what value does the world have? (Z) What is the nature and destiny of humans? (3) Who was Jesus? (4) What roles does the church have? (5) How are Christians and culture related? The author has chosen five important Christian thmkers, each of whom deals with these chaUenges in different ways: Ignatius of Antioch, Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria,Tertullian and Irenaeus of Lyons. The 742book reviews book has three parts. Part I consists of four chapters which provide a historical sketch of first-century Christianity and aspects of Jewish-Christian relations, together with an extended discussion of the poUtical, phUosophical, educational, and religious context of Greco-Roman paganism during the first and second centuries after Christ. Part II consists of five chapters each of 'which focuses on one of the five chaUenges to Christianity and surveys the various answers pro- posed by Judaism and early Christianity. Part III consists of six chapters, five of which summarize the responses to each of the five chaUenges by the five Christian leaders mentioned above, and the sixth provides a concluding general overview of the views of each of the five leaders, including an assessment of where they agree and disagree. On the problem of the creator and the creation, aU five thinkers held that the Supreme Deity made the world and wiUed it to be good.The issue of human nature and destiny is more complex, but aU generaUy agreed that human beings are linked both to the physical world and the celestial realm, that humans have a degree of free wUl, and that the disorder and evU in the world originated with angelic corruption supported by human beings. On the identities of Jesus,Wagner argues that each leader based his christology on the logos theology of the Fourth Gospel, though some (Justin and Clement) held that he was the supreme angel, while TertuUian and Irenaeus taught that the Logos was the mamfestation of the Supreme God. On the roles for the Church, aU five agreed that the Church was essential in God's plan of salvation for humans and the cosmos, and that it was the continuation of the people of God in the OldTestament. On Christians and society, some emphasized the positive (the Logos could enUghten humans and lead them to salvation) while oth- ers the negative (the world was under the influence of Satan and the Logos affected salvation by taking on the roles of victim and liberator).The discussion, of course, is far richer than this short summary can hope to capture. This book is a carefuUy structured exercise in historical theology in which the five focal theological issues selected by the author are meticulously placed within appropriate historical and social contexts of the second-century world. This is an exceUent textbook which should provide a convenient framework for discussion in courses focusing on the earUer phases of Christian historical theology when used in conjunction with the actual texts of each of the five Christian thinkers. David E.Aune Loyola University of Chicago Gnostic Truth and Christian Heresy. A Study in the History of Gnosticism. By Alastair H. B. Logan. (Edinburgh: T & T Clark. Order from Books Interna- tional, Inc., Herndon,Virginia. 1996. Pp. xxiv, 373; 2 plates. $49.95.) Historical criticism of the Gnostic Uterature was at first revived and then perhaps a bit confused by the find of the Nag Hammadi materials. Alastair Logan's book reviews743 study brings it to the fore again by using patristics as weU as a very thorough analysis of the Apocryphon ofJohn and defending Irenaeus by urging that "any blatant misrepresentation would surely have triggered Gnostic protests" (p. 1). His use of the Fathers gives depth to his work—and raises problems; e.g., Ire- naeus I.3O.9 contradicts 1.30.6 (p. 210, n. 99) on the formation and nature of man, while there are "doublets" in Irenaeus' accounts of the earliest Gnostics. In addition, Gnostics did criticize his accounts at least of their Uturgical texts, according to Hippolytus (Refutation 6.4Z). Logan clearly states his three "hypotheses." (1) "The form or forms of Gnosticism found in the so-caUed 'Sethian' texts cannot be understood apart from Christianity." (2) "One is justified in seeking both a central core of ideas, a myth or myths based on and concretely expressed in a rite of initiation as a projection of Gnostic experiences, and in treating it as a vaUd form (or forms) of interpreting Christianity." (3) "Irenaeus' summary in Adv. haer. 1.29 is closest to the original form of the Christian Gnostic myth of Father, Mother, and Son, and it underwent progressive development mcludmg'Setiuanization'"(pp.xviii-xxi).One can thoroughly agree with the first and third points but question the meaning of "vaUd form,"whUe also wondering what "Gnostic Truth and Christian Heresy" means. WhUe Logan usually reUes on his own astute exegesis of Nag Hammadi texts, he sometimes caUs on Irenaeus' testimony (or testimonies) about Saturninus ofAntioch, who set forth an anti-Jewish system (with reverse exegesis of the Old Testament), anticosmic as weU (not just docetic), and discussed the descent/ascent of the divine spark and the final restoration of the elements. Saturninus thus anticipated later Nag Hammadi ideas, though he did lack the crucial figure of the Mother Sophia and perhaps a rite of initiation (pp. 4 1 -42).Admittedly Irenaeus' account is incomplete and inconsistent at the end (pp. I68-I69, 172, 183, 186-187), where Logan finds an "unresolved tension": salvation is "by nature" or by divine grace as a lifelong possession of beUevers,or as a gift to beHevers, capable of being lost (p. 213, Cf 266). But Saturninus may have included Sophia and initiation as weU, since Irenaeus treats him as the heir of Simon and Menander, both of whom taught about the female First Thought and practised magic or magical baptism. Is the "tension" in Irenaeus genuinely Gnostic or does it come from his combining two sources, the first of which could be Justin's lost Syntagma? His text can probably be divided in two, with one version mentioning the god of the Jews, whom Christ came to destroy, saving beUevers; archons; and Satan (two terms found in Justin), and the other saying that the Savior (not found in Justin) came to save the good when the Father wanted to destroy the demons and the evil men they aided (see my Irenaeus ofLyons [Routiedge, 1996]).Though Ire- naeus regarded the two as consistent (just as for Simon Magus he runs together Acts 8:9-23 with material from Justin and elsewhere), can they reaUy have come from the same source? If they cannot, Logan's first and third hypotheses stiU stand, but the end of the second one remains rather obscure. Robert M. Grant University of Chicago (Emeritus) 744book reviews Italia ascética atque monástica: Das Asketen- und Mönchtum in Italien von den Anfängen bis zur Zeit der Langobarden (ca. 150/250-604). By Georg Jenal. [Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, Band 39, 1 and IL] (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann. 1995. Pp. xxiv, 471; xiv, 473-1024. DM 436.) It is sobering to realize that thirty years have passed since Friedrich Prinz's Frühes Mönchtum im Frankenreich swept away the remains of a tradition of historiography and supplanted it with a fresh view of Gaulish monasticism's earUest centuries, showing the link between the image of Martin ofTours and the ambitions of Merovingian monarchs, who revived Martin as their patron when they found it convenient, as against the Lérins-based tradition that had in fact populated the monasteries of the fifth and sixth centuries. Georg Jenal now sets out to do a similar service for earliest Italian monasticism. The first three hundred pages of the heavy two-volume study consists of positivist amassing of information: who, what, when, where, every name docketed. Obvious figures loom large (Eugippius, Cassiodorus), but fragments have been assiduously collected as well. For the coastal resort of Rimini, for example, we find mention (p. 8) of the vita of a monk named Bassus (date utterly unknown, reported in Eugippius' sixth-century IUe of Severinus) who lived on a mountain named Titas near the city (anyone who has stayed in the Hotel Titano atop San Marino's mount there will assume he has been close to the legend at least). Later (p. 281), several letters of Gregory the Great point to a monastery of Saints Andreas and Thomas there (in some disagreement with the local bishop). Not much substance, but with good maps (provided at pp. 953ff·), the geography of our knowledge can be limned: not much in the Po vaUey not much in Apulia and Calabria, more down the central line from Ravenna to Rome and along to Naples and up to Beneventum, and of course a boom in what we know of SicUy from the letters of Gregory the Great. On the basis of such patient amassing of material, the last five hundred pages of the work (840 pages of text and two hundred pages of bibliography, tables, and indices) erect an interpretive structure, or rather set of structures characterized by a traditional idea of social history. Separate chapters study: the influence of Jerome on Italian monastic ideas, then the influence (kept apart from his erstwhUe friend on these pages as much as possible) of Rufinus, resistance to monasticism (and in a separate essay, monasticism's critique of secular, especially "pagan" culture), issues of poverty/property, education, and the role of monasticism in the clergy generaUy. These last chapters have a disjointed quality about them, with major figures (e.g., Gregory the Great) getting subchapters under each of several topics. There is rather more attention back to the predictable major figures in these chapters than one might have hoped, but that is in part a reflection of the nature of the surviving evidence, which informs us abundantly of a few figures and but sparsely of many others. Except when taken as collections of data, saints' lives (especiaUy Gregory the Great's Dialogi) seem underexploited, perhaps mistrusted, but the most surprising absence is any ex- BOOK REVIEWS745 tended discussion of the influence of John Cassian. Cassian gets more attention for his brief personal presence in Italy than for the pervasive influence of his books both directly (Benedict, Cassiodorus, and Gregory the Great were aU smitten with him) and indirectly (through the texts he influenced, notably the "rules" of the "Master," Benedict, and Eugippius). On the other hand, the patient elucidation of Jerome's and Rufinus's ideas and their influence constitutes the most important contribution of the work. It is in those leading figures that Jenal sees the lines of opposition laid down and played out between a western style of monasticism (Rufinian, less ascetic) and an eastern (Hieronymian, more austere) in which the texts and ideas of Origen were deployed by all sides to their advantage. If we knew more of some of the shadowy figures whose names appear so briefly in the early section of this work, it would be a pleasure to draw lines of influence more clearly, but in the absence of anything comparable to the centraUzing influence of the Merovingians, that is far from possible. That the story ends, as well, with Gregory the Great leaves the reader eager for more, because it is in the history of the mediation of his ideas to Italian and western monasticism generaUy that the next great untold story of early monasticism will be found. Jenal lays foundations and supplies detaUed information that wUl be of immense use to scholars in many areas of late antique and early medieval history. James J. O'Donnell University ofPennsylvania The Rise of Western Christendom. Triumph and Diversity, AD 200-1000. By Peter Brown. [The Making of Europe.] (Cambridge, Massachusetts: BlackweU Publishers. 1996. Pp. xvii, 353. $24.95.) No historian has been more apt to surprise his readers than Peter Brown. Always concerned to strip away the "patina of the obvious that encrusts human action" (as he once put it in an essay), he has done more to rescue the past from the tyranny of stereotypes than any Uving historian. The variety of the means whereby he has been able to achieve this defy specification. In his hands the wayward and idiosyncratic can become more revealing than the typical: some smaU incident, a phrase, or a scene, portrayed from an unusual angle, under an obUque light, presented with the artistry and in the bewitching language of an Irish wizard, with vast learning able to draw on reveaUng and unfamiUar evidence, combines to stop his reader in his tracks. Brown chaUenges our imagination to "ask ourselves whether the imaginative models that we bring to the study of history are sufficiently precise and dtfferentiated, whether they embrace enough of what we sense to be what it is to be human" (as he said to his students in London in his Inaugural Lecture in 1977). His work has not so much changed the way we see a crucial period of European history, but enlarged our sense of what historical understanding is about. 746BOOK REVIEWS His new book aims to "tell in its own way a story that is already well known . . ." (p. x). It. is, indeed, very much in its own way. That the book is perhaps less surprising than so much in Peter Brown's writings is in very large measure the result of their success in shaping a generation's view of the history of Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages.That we have come to give weight to the religious and cultural assumptions and expectations of Late Roman persons in their history and that we are far more sensitive to the ways in which these determined their approach to the administrative and poUtical developments in their societies, we owe mainly to Peter Brown's work. The air of familiarity about his account of the formation of western Christendom is a measure of his achievement. It is hard to single out any among the many muminating discussions.The redescription of "barbarians" (pp. 8-12), the marveUously lucid and humane account of the christological debates of the fifth century (pp. 70-75), the treatment of "paganism" as the power of the past to re-emerge in the Christian present (pp. 98-99), the pages on Gregory ofTours and the Christian world of sixth-century Gaul (pp. 107-110), the illuminating comparison of country and city-Christianity in the East and the West (pp. 116-117), of Chalcedonian and dissident communities (pp. 130- 131), the description of a nouvelle cuisine of a simple,"rustic," Christianity put forward as a self-conscious alternative to the reUgion of the old high culture by men such as Caesarius of Aries and Gregory of Tours (pp. 151-152), and the portrayal of "micro-Christendoms" more or less isolated from a larger ecumenical world, driven to pursue their own form of completeness reflecting in microcosm "the imagined, all-embracing macrocosm of a world-wide Christianity" (p. 218): these seem to the present reviewer among the high points. Perhaps most important, because most often neglected, is the underlying conception of Christianity as less a fixed quantity than a constantly developing body of normative belief and practice, variable not only in time but also from place to place. Rich in insights, highly readable and informative, the book will give those unfamiliar with the period a sense of its shape and interest, to those more at home in it a great deal to ponder, and to both sorts much deUght. R.A. Markus Nottingham History and Religion in Late Antique Syria. By Han J. W. Drijvers. [Variorum Collected Studies Series, 464.] (Brookfield, Vermont: Variorum, Ashgate Publishing Co. 1994. Pp. xii, 305. $87.50.) Professor Drijvers has had a remarkable career at the University of Gronin- gen. Beginning with his groundbreaking study of Bardaisan (1966), he has la- bored to transform the study of Syriac Christianity from the stepchild of theology to a subdiscipline of the study of Late Antiquity. The present volume book reviews747 contains a reprint coUection of nineteen articles originally published between 1983 and 1992. This was a remarkably fruitful decade of scholarly enterprise. The first section includes ten articles in which aspects of problems related to the roots of Syriac Christianity were re-examined. He studied the relationships between Jews and Christians, pseudepigraphical Uterature produced and/or transmitted in Syriac, the theology and influence ofTatian, and Syriac Christian spirituaUty. He argued throughout that the roots of early Syriac Christianity are to be found in middle-Platonic thought and not in some sentimental theory of Jewish Aramaic origins. Another group of articles in this collection dealt with Marcion and the Marcionites who were competitors of Bardaisan and the Manichaeans as weU as Ephrem of Syria. In articles which have yet to receive serious consideration in early Christian studies, Drijvers, correctly I would argue, identified Marcion's philosophical system as dependent upon a particular middle-Platonic perspective.This analysis which goes against the standard fare found in generations of textbooks on early Christianity wiU require significant re-examination of the relevant texts. The third branch of the coUection presents two of Drijver's most controversial articles.These deal with Manichaeism. What has offended many scholars of Syriac studies, although few have made serious efforts to present arguments to the contrary, is the identification of the Doctrina Addai as a "Christian" response to the chaUenge posed by a letter of Mani to Manichaean believers at Edessa rather than a treatise reporting on the evangelization of Edessa by one of the Apostles. As Drijvers would be the first to recognize, the Doctrina Addai and related documents are complex in themselves and from periods where our understanding is complicated by the dearth of documents. The final three articles provide groundbreaking probes into the relationship between Syriac Christianity and Islam during the seventh and eighth Christian centuries. The first explored Anthony of Tagrit's writing about the providence of God; the second examined a Syriac apocalyptic text known as The Gospel of the Twelve Apostles; the third reflected on the relationships between Jews, Christians, and Muslims in Northern Mesopotamia during the early Islamic period. In these articles, Drijvers insists upon the continuity between the earliest days of Syriac literature and the issues which arose in the interaction between religious traditions in the seventh and eighth centuries. In each of these areas of inquiry, Drijvers wiU be chaUenged and corrected. One suspects, for example, that the work on early Syriac Manichaeism will be brought into greater clarity as one works both with Ephrem of Syria and with Manichaean documents from throughout West Asia and the Eastern Mediterranean. As weU, this reviewer would argue that Drijvers may not have gone far enough in grounding Bardaisan and the early Marcionites m Northern Mesopotamian culture and warranting them as proponents of Christian visions. These comments and others above are not meant to detract from the contribu- tion of Drijvers.To the contrary. Drijvers has been able to transform the way in 748book reviews which the Syriac texts and contexts are discussed. AU who have written on as- pects of these matters since Drijvers have been required to take his work into account. The present volume makes a significant contribution by bringing together texts necessarily published in less accessible places. David Bundy Christian Theological Seminary Indianapolis, Indiana The Early Byzantine Churches of Cilicia and Isauria. By Stephen Hill. [Birmingham Byzantine and Ottoman Monographs, Volume 1.] (Brookfield, Ver- mont:Variorum, Ashgate PubUshing Co. 1996. Pp. xxvi, 280, 62 figures, 127 plates. $94.95.) The Roman province of Cilicia is particularly rich in standing remains of the early Byzantine period, more so in its mountainous western part (Isauria) than in its eastern plain (Pedias). As usuaUy happens in the Near East, ancient monu- ments are preserved in inaccessible and sparsely populated districts, whUe they tend to disappear in centers of substantial and continuous habitation. This circumstance has created the impression that the CUician monuments were somehow marginal and rustic. Had they survived in major cities like Tarsus and Seleucia (SUifke), the picture might have been very different. The Christian remains fall between the fourth and early seventh century and include some ensembles that have attained a measure of fame among scholars: the cult center of St.Thecla at Meryemlik (outside SUifke), Alahan, and Corycus. Mopsuestia has yielded only one, badly excavated basilica, but Anazarbus, long deserted, is better represented by three churches of impressive dimensions. Anemurium, which has been systematicaUy excavated, has six churches, all fairly small.The other sites covered in this book are relatively obscure. Dr. HiU, who has explored CUicia for two decades and, furthermore, had ac- cess to the unpublished field notes of the late Michael Gough, has now pro- duced a highly useful catalogue of aU known early Byzantine churches of the area to a total of 170. The entries are arranged alphabeticaUy by location and contain a fuU summary of what is known about each monument. The signifi- cance of this material is analyzed in a substantial introduction in which the author seeks to rescue the CUician churches from their obscurity and ends up by making some fairly bold claims on their behaU. His argument, in brief, is as follows. AU the CUician churches are basiUcas, but they exhibit certain peculiarities, notably a passage or adjunct behind the apse, sometimes containing one or more separate chapels. Previous scholars have not known what to make of this passage. Dr. HiU argues convincingly that it was martyrial on the analogy of the Constantinian shrines in the Holy Land, which combined basUica and martyrium.The next step in the argument concerns the book reviews749 transept, which is present in a dozen CUician churches. Its purpose, the author maintains, was to provide access to the eastern passage, and since the latter was a local feature, it follows that the transept, too, was not imported from elsewhere, but developed on the spot. Finally, there is the old problem of the origin of the domed basUica, represented here by at least two examples (the "Cupola Church" at Meryemlik and Dag Pazan). It has usuaUy been assumed that the domed basilica, representing as it does the crowning achievement of early Byzantine architecture, was invented in some major center, but at Constantinople it appears only in the sixth century. If the CUician examples are earlier, is it not possible to suggest that they exhibit the first experiments in the development of that particular form? Two other considerations are relevant. First, it is estabUshed that Isaurians had in antiquity a reputation as skUled masons. Second, the most likely period for a major building program in those parts is the reign of the emperor Zeno (474-491), himseU an Isaurian. After the bloody suppression of the Isaurians by the next emperor, Anastasius, the province probably declined, and Justinian is not recorded as having initiated much buUding, except for a few bridges in Cilicia. Dr. HiU has presented a well-argued case for considering Cilicia/Isauria a creative architectural center in the last quarter of the fifth century, even if occasionally (notably for Alahan) he seems to be pushing the evidence a little too far. His book wiU certainly remain an indispensable work of reference for some time to come. My only complaint concerns the poor photographic reproductions, some reduced to the size of a postage stamp.They give a very inadequate impression of the quality of the monuments. Cyril Mango Exeter College, Oxford Augustine. His Thought in Context. By T. Kermit Scott. (Mahwah, New Jersey: PauUst Press. 1995. Pp. iv, 253. $14.95.) Kermit Scott, a professor of philosophy in Purdue University, has written this general introduction to the thought ofAugustine.The subtitle points to the first major section: Augustine's world. He sketches a grim picture of the late Roman Empire, not an unjust one, but one that relies heavUy on The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World of de Sainte-Croix. In Scott's view, Augustine, without intending to, offered the perfect ideology for sustaining the class structure of this cruel world. The lengthy second section, "The Search for God," affords the author the opportunity to proceed through a biographicaUy structured account of Augustine's quest as recounted in the Confessions. First there was the basic CathoUc worldview absorbed from Monica, then the flirtation with Manichaeism, the en- 750BOOK REVIEWS counter with the Christian Platonists of Milan, and ultimately the reversion to a more sophisticated form of his childhood beUefs. Each of these stages is labeled a "myth." The final "imperial myth" seems to boil down to the belief in an omnipotent God to whom all must be subject. This in turn is what upholds the social status quo of power and submission throughout most of subsequent history. The final section selects some of Augustine's teachings which are deemed to be central. Predestination is discussed at length. The author goes on to show that the non-philosophically based ideas of the faU and original sin complete the circle of human impotence. We cannot even begin to save ourselves with- out God's grace. Scott concludes that while Augustine's system is admirably consistent, the ultimate flaw comes down to the question of why there was a faU in the first place, whether it be angelic or human. WhUe there are a few factual errors, e.g., Nebridius never became a bishop but probably died even before Augustine was ordained a priest (p. 88), the work offers a clear presentation of some ofAugustine's principal lines of thought.The author acknowledges that there are many areas of Augustine's thought that he does not take into consideration. I think, however, that these unavoidable omis- sions in the end detract from the book. In his conclusion, he speaks of the "atomistic souls" of Augustine's thought which have given rise to western individuaUsm.A consideration of his views on the Church and Christian community would have tempered such a generalization. Western tradition, like this book, has not equally developed aU the many facets of Augustine's masterful synthesis. While the work is insightful from a philosophical point of view, it does not convey the fire at the heart of Augustine's life and thought.The not very philosophical category of love is conspicuous by its absence. Robert B. Eno, S.S. The Catholic University ofAmerica (Publishedposthumously) Veiled Desire: Augustine on Women. By KLm Power. (New York: Continuum. 1996. Pp. xi, 328. $27.50.) KLm Power suggests (p. 17) that St. Augustine of Hippo might not only have been the first psychologist but also the first postmodernist, for his work can carry "all meanings to all readers." Power offers her own perspective on the ancient saint, one informed by Mary Douglas's anthropology, Kleinian psychology, Jungian Archetypal theory, and the sensitivities of contemporary feminism. Power writes as a psychologist and feminist theologian with the fundamental aim of "critiquing structures which constrain both men and women to remain hatf-human, and demonstrating how interpretations of sexual difference are central to Christian anthropology" (p. 1 4). In this book she tries to show that Au- book reviews751 gustine set up a theological symbol system which not only echoed but also reinforced the prejudices of his own age and contributed toward the subordination of women in succeeding centuries. I found the work dtfficult to review. It is a long book, poorly structured and excessively endnoted (the diUgent reader wiU, at times, be flicking backwards and forwards from the main text at every new sentence).Whilst aUowing for the author's feminist intentions, I found her relentless polemic against Augustine tiring and actuaUy rather duU after a while. Her hermeneutical method pro- ceeds by examining Augustine's experience, offering a modern psychological interpretation of it, and then giving an explanation of the theology that al- legedly results. But I have some serious doubts about this. Firstly, psychological categories such as "denial," "repression," "the grief process," belong within distinctly modern interpretations of the human psyche, and we cannot with confidence transport these interpretations onto a culture and a time which is es- sentiaUy strange to us. Secondly, Power's preference for psychological explanations underrates the importance of the Bible and Judaeo-Christian thought forms on Augustine. For example, is it really plausible to suggest that Augustine's hostility to goddess worship reflected his fears of the autonomous, fertile woman, and that his hangups led him to substitute for the sexual Roman god- desses an asexual Mary (p. 208)? Was it not more likely that he had scriptural and theological problems with the goddesses? I was unconvinced by the central thesis of the book. Far from reinforcing the subordination of women, it seems likely that Augustine's sophisticated malefemale symbol system (based on a male sapienta and a female scientid) is, by the standards of his age, a "feminist" attempt to expUcate the problematic verse 1 Cor. 1 1 :7 in a way which aUows that women (as weU as men) are made in the image of God. Power would have done weU to have reckoned with the feminist Augustinian scholar Kari B0rresen's article "Patristic 'Feminism'The Case of Au- gustine" (Journal ofAugustinian Studies, No. 25, 1994) on this point. It seems to me that Augustine's views on women are interesting precisely because he is more "feminist" than many of the other Church Fathers, yet is stiU unable to escape the basic assumption of the temporal subordination of women which was taken for granted in the ancient world. There are some nice turns of phrase. For Augustine "the married woman had to meet all her husband's sexual needs, preferably whilst desiring a sexless marriage" (p. 127), expresses well the psychological predicament in which Augustine's approval of marital fidelity but hostility to concupiscence places one. Some interesting questions are raised: why, for example, did Augustine say so little in the Confessions about his siblings? Surely his early relations ¦with them would have provided some useful material for his doctrine of original sin. But the genuine insights tend to get lost in a text which needed much more careful editing. Robert Innes St. John's College, Durham, England 752book reviews The Making of a Heretic: Gender, Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy. By Virginia Burrus. [Transformation of the Classical Heritage, Vol. XXIV] (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1995. Pp. xi, 252. $45.00.) Using the distinction between public Ufe and private Ufe as her point of departure,Virginia Burrus proceeds to investigate the Priscillianist controversy in terms of a paradigm which has grown out of the relationship betweenpotó and oikos in late antique culture. Since the city is dominated by males and the household by females, the stage is set for a gender study, which Burrus develops in three stages: the person of PriscilUan, the heresy of PrisciUianism, and the immediate reception of the entire controversy. First, PrisciUian's ascetical teaching and its concrete practice involved the migration of males into the female realm and, above all, of females into the male realm, which was interpreted by the contemporary authoritarian structure as a dangerous deviation. A primary preoccupation of the CouncU of Saragossa in 380 was the practice of mixed-sex study groups which represented a violation of a fundamental principle of social order in the pubUc sphere, namely, the separation and subordination of women. Since the charismatic ascetics, namely, PriscilUan and his foUowers, had chaUenged the authoritarian bishops, the small episcopal gathering at Saragossa attempted to consolidate the bishops' public authority and define the social organization. For example, participation in the episcopally led public eucharistie celebration was required of aU.whUe women were prohibited from the private "meetings of strange men." Second, equaUy important to Burrus' thesis is the defining of the seU in terms of the other. By means of rhetorical "labeling strategies" on the part of PrisciUian's opponents, the figure of the historical PriscilUan is transformed into a symbol of deviance. PrisciUian's favorable regard for the apocrypha makes him vulnerable to the charge of Manichaeism. The author uses PriscUUan's Apology to establish the errors of which he was accused and his Letter to Damasus to reconstruct the historical chain of events. As the controversy unfolds, PriscilUan and his friends argue their case in Bordeaux, MUan, Rome, and Trier. Ultimately charges of sorcery, sexual immorality, and Manichaeism made the affair more than a simple case of heresy. The emperor, Magnus Maximus, eager to court episcopal support, presents himseU as the champion of orthodoxy and orders the execution of Priscillian, the ¦widow Euchrotia, and three other companions. In their demise PrisciUianism is born to be condemned several years later at the Council ofToledo in 400. Third, Burrus considers the reception of the controversy in the writings of Sulpicius Severus and Jerome.The reinterpretation of the ascetic heretic PriscilUan by two ascetic orthodox writers is particularly interesting. Wishing to distance themselves from the accusation of sexual promiscuity and the subversion of gender roles, they reach back into an earlier stage in the history of Christianity and apply the label "gnostic" to Priscillian in order to characterize him as an insidious seducer of women. Al- though they are ascetics, both Severus and Jerome emerge as defenders of the boundaries of the pubUc male and private female spheres. FinaUy, it should be noted that Würzburg, UniversitätsbibUothek Mp. th. q. 3 is the unique witness to eleven PrisciUianist tractates, which were edited by G. Schepss in 1889- Since book reviews753 the manuscript is anonymous, the authorship of the tractates is still debated. FoUowing Schepss and more recently H. Chadwick against G. Morin, A. D'Alès, and B.Vollmann, Burrus attributes both the Apology and the Letter to Damasus to PriscUlian himseU. Should this attribution be caUed into question, the central section of the author's argument would be jeopardized for lack of evidence. Kenneth B. Steinhauser Saint Louis University The Lives ofSimeon Stylites. Translated with an Introduction by Robert Doran. [Cistercian Studies Series, Number 112.] (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications. 1992.Pp.iv,24l. $36.95 cloth; $15.95 paperback.) Simeon Stylites was one of the most famous and exotic of the Syrian ascetics and at the same time one of the least characteristic. From such exotic examples has grown a picture of monastic IUe in Syria, now perhaps popularized beyond sober assessment, of ascetical extremists, which in turn has generated analyses that attempt to root Syrian asceticism in gnosticism and Manichaeism. A good deal of the credit for this distortion goes to the work of Arthur Vööbus, whose writings Ui this area are ripe for re-evaluation on many points, especiaUy with regard to the origins and early development of Syrian monasticism. In Simeon's case, his original monastic community deemed him a disobedient extremist who was asked to leave the monastery. His subsequent career was obviously one that increasingly inspired widespread admiration, but it appears from the Uves here translated that Simeon wanted nothing so much as to be left alone. But that was beyond his control, and he made the best of a bad situation by devoting some time to preaching, giving spiritual counsel, settling disputes, aU without losing sight of his principal goal, union with God in the singular way to which he felt caUed. His stance during the christological controversy of the mid-fifth century was ambiguous. As a result he continued to be venerated by both Chalcedonians and their opponents throughout Late Antiquity. The very thorough presentation of translations of three différent Uves of Simeon will aUow readers to ferret out almost everything that has been recorded about this saint. A sober, comprehensive study of early Syrian monasticism should provide a background against which both Simeon and the introductory material in this book can be better evaluated. Such a study has yet to be written. David Johnson, SJ. The Catholic University ofAmerica 754book reviews Cultural Identity and Cultural Integration: Ireland and Europe in the Early Middle Ages. Edited by Doris Edel. (Portland, Oregon: Four Courts Press, c/o ISBS. 1995.Pp. 208. $49.50.) Because of its vague title, I expected this coUection of essays to resemble many others, that is, to be disorganized and eclectic. But, surprisingly, this is a relatively coherent, thematicaUy linked set of articles, originaUy delivered at a conference on Celtic Studies at the University of Utrecht, held in celebration of the seventieth anniversary of a chair in the same discipline. Although the authors include both old hands and new faces, and although the book is divided into two sections ("Literarization" and "Christianization"), almost aU the essays discuss the effect of Latin cultural influences on a society that never officiaUy hosted the Romans as invaders. And despite the very short introduction, the essays readüy reveal their connecting themes. Every medievalist agrees that Ireland was dUferent in the Middle Ages. Debates in recent years have focused on the quaUty and quantity of dUference.The editor and authors of this book hold that the Irish participated vigorously in the Christian culture of the continent, but that they became literate and practiced Uteracy dUferently.This occurred for three reasons: because the Irish accepted Uteracy wiUingly, not as part of an imperiaUst culture imposed by Romans; be- cause the "native" people (the Irish) had been in place for centuries before they became literate (unlike, say, the Germanic tribes) and hence could more easily assimilate their traditions and the written word; and because Uteracy was not, by itseU, transformative of the culture. Laws, for instance, retained an archaic, poetic component and preserved ancient institutions once finaUy committed to writing. The essays cover everything from cosmology to epic, Latin nouns to historical writing. One of the best pieces is by Marina Smyth, on the Irish view of the cosmos as expressed in seventh-century Hiberno-Latin texts. Smyth shows how the Irish accepted the very poor science of the Christian Fathers but added some local features to their cosmology; for instance, they emphasized the phases of the moon and sun, and had a fondness for birds. Giselle de Nie also contributes an illuminating discussion of Gregory of Tours and Caesarius of Aries that places the beliefs of both bishops in the soUd context of Christian practice and symbols. De Nie counters interpretation of Gregory as a superstitious simpleton, instead analyzing his use of magical miracles to depaganize his neighbors in preparation for a fuU-scale, interior, Uterate conversion to Christianity. The latter essay is not about Ireland, but is consistent with the book's themes. The old nativist-versus-Christian argument of Celticists and historians has given way here to a more civilized, rational understanding of a complex process of Uteracy and religious change. Although some of the contributions are less innovative than others, they are also more accessible to non-speciaUsts. For exam- ple, Pádraig ó Riain's essay on the location of Irish churches on territorial boundaries, which had as much to do with profits as sacred space, wiU be old BOOK REVIEWS755 hat to Celticists. But most readers wiU find it and the other essays to be a good introduction to a Christianizing culture. Lisa M. Bitel University ofKansas Medieval Medieval Canon Law. By James A. Brundage. [The Medieval World.] (NewYork: Longman. 1995. Pp. xii, 260. $12.99 paperback.) In the course of the last fifty years American historians of the Middle Ages have come to realize the remarkable role canon law played in the development of Western Europe. Canon Law "formed a crucial component of medieval life and thought. Its rules affected the Uves and actions of practicaUy everyone, its enforcement mechanisms were increasingly able to reach into everyday affairs at aU social levels, from peasant viUages to royal households, and the ideas debated in the canon law schools constituted an influential and pervasive element in medieval inteUectuaI Ufe ."The records of church courts and the archives of ecclesiastical administrators "make up a very large fraction of the evidence that survives from the Middle Ages" (p. ix). Up until the appearance of this volume, however, novices had at hand no really appropriate survey of the discipline in English, beyond articles in encyclopedias and the Dictionary of the Middle Ages. There was only the history of the sources in Amleto Cicognani's Canon Law, but that was outdated (1935), and the one hundred pages devoted to the classical period served mainly as a reference source.The 1951 lectures of Bishop R. C. Mortimer of Exeter at the Berke- ley campus of The University of CaUfornia, later published as Western Canon Law, though exceptionally well worth reading even today, necessarily lacked the desirable depth. ConstantVan de WeU's History of Canon Law (1991), No. 5 of the University of Louvain's "Theological and Pastoral Monographs," was too brief; it made no attempt to deal with significant issues and was not helpfully organized. Brundage, on the other hand, has managed to give an in-depth treatment of a very complex subject whUe avoiding the temptation of the expert to include less significant authors and developments. Especially valuable, even to one knowledgeable in the field, are the up-to-date bibliographical references in the notes. The two appendices, the Romano-canonical citation system and the bio- graphical notes on the major canonists of the classical period, wUl also prove useful to professional historians. The first three chapters survey chronologicaUy the development of law from its beginnings in the early Christian Church, through the early Middle Ages, and cUmaxing in the classical period from Gratian (1 140) to the Black Death (1348). The symbiotic relationship between the two learned laws, canon law and 756book reviews Roman law, "(so caUed in contrast to customary law and municipal statutory law, which were not typicaUy subjects of formal study in university law faculties)" and the meaning of the ¿us commune are particularly well analyzed. The next chapter demonstrates the extent to which canon law affected the private life of individuals. "Church courts exercised jurisdiction, for example, over marriage and the termination of marriage, the legitimacy of children, aU types of sexual conduct, commercial and financial behaviour, the legitimate times and conditions of labour, poor rehef, wills and testaments and burial of the dead" (p. 71).The chapter on public life explains how "out of the elaboration of canonical corporation theory, emerged some novel poUtical ideas that have subsequently become basic to modern Western notions about constitutional government" (p. 104).Two chapters deal with church courts and procedure and with canonical jurisprudence. A final chapter explores the widespread ramifications of canon law in Western societies. In conclusion, "the speculations and insights of medieval canonists remain enshrined both within the common law tradition of the EngUsh-speaking world and within the civil law heritage of Continental Europeans. This is most obviously true in famUy law and testamentary law, but canonical tradition is also evident in many other branches of the law—contracts, torts, property law, and corporation law among them. . . . Medieval canon law, in short, constituted a fundamental formative force in the creation of some of the elemental ideas and institutions that continue to this day to characterize Western societies" (p. 189). Brundage, a past president of the American Catholic Historical Association and the author of numerous books and articles, offers here a briUiant appreciation of medieval canon law. John E. Lynch The Catholic University ofAmerica Art and Architecture in Byzantium and Armenia: Liturgical and Exegetical Approaches. By Thomas F. Mathews. [Variorum Collected Studies Series CS510.] (Brookfield, Vermont: Variorum, Ashgate Publishing Company. 1995.Pp.xii, 295. $124.95.) This is another in the Variorum series of coUected studies containing, like the others, reprints of the author's articles culled from disparate and often hard-to- find sources.These span the period from 1962 to 1994 and demonstrate Math- ews' continued interest in the interrelated areas of Uturgy, architecture, and church decoration. The author's brief introduction acknowledges that additional debate on some of these topics has taken place in print, and that at least one of his studies "requires modification" in the light of later archaeological work. Unfortunately, even though only three of the included studies postdate 1986, the introduction refers to fewer than a dozen additional titles (two by Mathews himself) that update the research here. The book is extensively Ulus- book reviews757 trated with black-and-white prints of varying quality, and there is a brief index. Numerous typographical errors in the original articles have not been corrected. Studies I-III deal with architecture and liturgy: "An early Roman chancel arrangement and its liturgical uses," "Architecture and Uturgy in the earliest palace churches of Constantinople" (translated from its original publication in French), and "'Private' Uturgy in Byzantine architecture: toward a re-appraisal." The latter study in particular remains fundamental, but aU of them demonstrate the author's familiarity with Greek and Latin texts as weU as with archaeological material. Studies IV-VI are largely descriptive reports on Armenian and Byzantine churches, from the very brief "Observations on St Hfipsimë" to the longer "Notes on the Atik Mustafa Pa§a Camii in Istanbul and its frescoes" and "Observations on the church of Panagia Kamariotissa on Heybeliada (Chalke), Istanbul." More recent research on the Atik has confirmed Mathews' observations about a porch, or flanking chapels, surrounding this Middle Byzantine church (and all the others in Constantinople), and uncovered traces of Byzantine decoration unknown to him. The iconography ofArmenian and Byzantine manuscripts and frescoes is the focus of Studies VII-X: "The early Armenian iconographie program of the Ëjmiacin Gospel (Erevan, Matenadaran Ms 2374, olim 229)," "The epigrams of Leo SaceUarios and an exegetical approach to the miniatures ofVat. Reg. Gr. 1," "The annunciation at the weU: a metaphor of Armenian monophysitism," and "The Genesis frescoes of Alt'amar." These are wide-ranging inquiries, and the close text-and-image exegesis of the Leo Bible offers a model for such studies. Finally, Studies XI-XIV represent the author's analysis of how Byzantine domed churches and their decoration operated for Orthodox viewers, and how particular images functioned in their specific architectural contexts: "Cracks in Lehmann's 'Dome of Heaven',""The sequel to Nicaea II in Byzantine church decoration," "The transformation symboUsm in Byzantine architecture and the meaning of the Pantokrator in the dome," and "Psychological dimensions in the art of Eastern Christendom." There is some repetition in the last two, which deal extensively with the image of the Pantokrator and suggest paraUels with Hindu and Buddhist spirituality and artistic symboUsm.Three of these last four studies date to 1986 or later and thus are representative of the author's more recent re- search. An abiding interest in the interdependence of art, architecture, and religious praxis unifies Mathews' scholarship and unites the articles in this handy compUation. Linda Safran The Catholic University ofAmerica 758book reviews Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul, A.D. 481-751. By Yitzhak Hen. [Cultures, BeUefs and Traditions: Medieval and Early Modern Peoples, Volume 1.] (Leiden: E. J. Brill. 1995. Pp. xiv, 308. $80.00.) Dr. Hen utilizes an impressive array of sources and modern studies to reconstruct the cultural and religious life of Merovingian Gaul.The aim is a comprehensive picture of the interacting reUgious and cultural forces that characterized a society once—perhaps in some circles still—regarded as the outstanding representative of "dark age" decline. Archaeological and anthropological findings supplement the reconstruction, but the bulk of evidence comes from the writings of churchmen, and so the picture cannot be complete.Yet there is stiU the possibUity of a synthetic treatment giving coherence to the pieces of Merovingian remains. Such an undertaking in English has been long awaited, with the few previous works of a similar breadth usuaUy coming from continental Europe. Hen perceptively discusses language and literacy before focusing on the Catholic liturgy (chapters 2-5) as a cultural expression of religious and social interaction. After mentioning the relevant liturgical sources and the monastic centers responsible for their production, he arranges his treatment of Merovingian worship under three subdivisions corresponding to the main kturgical cycles: the temporal, commemorating Christ's life; the sanctoral, honoring the holy dead; the personal, celebrating events in an individual's lifetime. The sources pertaining to the cycles reflect a people's committed participation in the Church's Life. The closely examined Uturgical texts and the reconstructed sanctoral calendars also show, respectively, a "certain detachment" f. 60) from Roman influences and much local flavor in the veneration of saints. Chapter 6 considers paganism's survival in the Merovingian kingdoms. The old belief system, he argues, was at best a marginal religion nearly dead by the sixth century. Sources mentioning pagan practice are regarded as having no "basis in reahty" (p. 177). This reader feels that here the evidence is not aUowed to speak; it seems forced to fit a narrow outlook. The book ends with an overview of secular entertainments. As alternatives to the vanishing pastimes of previous eras (like gladiatorial shows), the athletic played vigorous ball sports while the sedentary enjoyed a board game resembling backgammon. For males a socially defining leisure activity was heavy drinking. Hen has a deep sympathy for an era maligned since the Carolingians. He redresses the damnatio memoriae overshadowing the period's achievements. In- deed, he compeUingly shows how Merovingian cultural developments provided precedents for the Carolingians (though the latter suppressed the knowledge of Merovingian influence by claiming to be innovators rather than borrowers). But the coherent picture never emerges.The separate sketches of culture remain as parts not related to a whole. Colorful portions are also missing.With Arianism and Judaism hardly discussed and paganism dismissed as barely having a book reviews759 marginal place within society, Latin Christianity is the sole beUef system extensively treated (the title's inclusive "religion" misleads). Even this exclusive focus overlooks the varieties of religious expressions within the Church. For a scholar who chaUenges so many prevalent views, Hen accepts too readUy the opinion that a scarcity of living holy people marked this era. Hermits, widows, practitioners of secreta conversio, pauperes on a church's matricula, and other holy lay people who cluttered the religious landscape of Merovingian Gaul are not represented. Merovingian society itsetf is generically presented. WhUe specific entertainments are admirably discussed, individual social groups are overlooked. Their absence is noticeable. After aU, the sources say more about the poor than they do about backgammon. Certainly any investigation into the Merovingian past wUl be hindered by the nature of the evidence. But this evidence is so much richer than what Hen's study shows. John Kitchen Toronto, Ontario Late Merovingian France: History and Hagiography, 640-720. By Paul Fouracre and Richard A. Gerberding. [Manchester Medieval Sources Series.] (Manchester: Manchester University Press. Distributed by St. Martin's Press, Scholarly and Reference Division, NewYork. 1996. Pp. xi, 397. $69-95 clothbound; $24.95 paperback.) This splendid volume provides an important addition to the general studies of and translated sources from the Merovingian era which have appeared over the last decade from such Anglophone scholars as Patrick Geary, Judith George, Edward James, JoAnn McNamara, Raymond Van Dam, and Ian Wood. Alongside an impressive body of continental, largely German, scholarship, these works have significanüy altered our view of the Merovingian kingdoms, showing how vibrantly Roman poUtical and religious forms survived under Frankish kings. Fouracre and Gerberding have now cogently completed the rehabUitation of the rois fainéants—those who ruled from the death of Dagobert through the death of Chilperic II.They appear on their own terms in the words of carefuUy translated contemporary sources, rather than in those of CaroUngian propagandists, or in a Gibbonesque narrative of decline and faU, or in hazy notions of Germanic ethnic identity. Their reigns emerge as a period of complex and intense syncretism which led from the empire of the Romans to that of the Carolingians. The volume is not simply a source coUection, but is in effect a comprehensive reconsideration of these seventy years of Frankish history, albeit one which wUl not surprise readers of, for example, Ian Wood's The Merovingian Kingdoms, 450- 751 (London, 1994).The volume begins with a lengthy introduction in which the editors present a concise political history of the period, then consider the problems presented by hagiography as a source for poUtical and social 760book reviews history, and finaUy discuss the use of Latin within the Frankish kingdoms and in these sources more particularly.The body of the volume consists of eight translated sources.The bookends are historical works, selections from the Liber His- toriae Francorum, a laconic contemporary source positively inclined to the Merovingians (which Richard Gerberding early analyzed in an excellent monograph), and the Annales Mettenses Priores, a piece of Carolingian propaganda. In between these bookends are six hagiographie sources, concerning the Uves of two queens and four bishops: Balthild, Audoin, Aunemund, Leudegar, Praejectus, and Geretrud.Together they constitute roughly one-haU of the hagiography composed in this period. Each source is preceded by a lengthy commentary. CoUectively these introductions provide a thorough examination of a good number of the sources of the period -which will be invaluable to other scholars. They make a convincing case, for example, that the Acta Aunemundi, although composed in the tenth century, preserves authentic seventh-century traditions. The introduction and commentary are substantial: of the 370 pages of text in the volume, less than 150 are occupied by the translations. The scholarship to be found in the editors' own text is revisionist history at its most sensible and compelling: solidly based on the sources, but using interpretative imagination, supplemented by such modern theoretical techniques as deconstruction (explicitly discussed by the editors) and anthropology (implicitly present in then discussion of conflict resolution and famUy alUances).The discussion of the use of hagiography is in particular a masterful condensation of a complex debate into several clear pages. My only critique is that the focus of the volume is solely on political history, albeit in the general sense adopted by the editors: "how would society now keep the peace" (p. 2).Thus the religious IUe of the period remains oddly on the sidelines. The only substantive discussions of the impact of Irish monasticism, for example, occur in the commentaries on two specific texts, and these briefly summarize the asceticism of the Irish monks before considering problems such as the development of immunities and the economic base of the Columbanian communities at some length. Even more curiously the cult of relics goes virtuaUy unremarked, even though the paperback edition sports the photo of a reliquary on its cover. The scholarly achievement of Fouracre and Gerberding is considerable, for they have provided the most comprehensive consideration of the late Merovingian kingdoms—and most particularly the contemporary sources—now available. Their pedagogic achievement, however, whUe considerable, leaves some problems, at least for the American classroom. It is certainly a great boon to have these sources avaUable in translation. A decade ago, the would-be teacher of the Merovingians had Uttle avaUable except for the Books of Histories of Gregory ofTours. Now a substantial percentage of the narrative sources for the period have been provided precise and weU-annotated EngUsh translations through the efforts of the scholars mentioned above.This book wiU have a useful place alongside these others, but I suspect that most American undergraduates wiU find the introduction and commentary heavy going. Also, the political focus of the editors has caused them to omit sources, such as the IUe of Fursey, BOOK REVIEWS761 which would have helped to illuminate the importance of Columbanian monasticism (although, admittedly, the main action of that text occurs during the reign of Dagobert). The addition of a timeline would have aided greatly in the classroom, while a brief essay providing critical guidance to the seventeen-page bibliography might have benefited beginning research students. These complaints are smaU cavUs in comparison to the great achievements of the volume.This is a book which wiU be used and appreciated by both scholars and students. It deserves a place in every coUege Ubrary, while the laudable grace of Manchester University Press in making it simultaneously avaUable in paperback means that many medievalists can place it gratefully on their own shelves. Thomas Head Washington University in St. Louis Symeon the Holy Fool: Leontius's Life and the Late Antique City. By Derek Krueger. With English translation of the Life of Symeon the Holy Fool. [Transformation of the Classical Heritage, XXV] (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1996. Pp. xvi, 196. $35.00.) This work examines the Life of Symeon the Holy Fool, written by Leontius in the seventh century, in relation to late antique literary heritage, early Byzantine hagiographical traditions, and the urban environment of the late antique city. The book originated as the author's doctoral dissertation and was reworked to its present form by revision of the original, and by the addition of two chapters (I: "Leontius of Neapolis and Seventh Century Cyprus," and TV: "Holy Fools and Secret Saints") and a conclusion stating the author's observations on Cynics, Christians, and Holy Fools.The book also contains an appendix with an English translation of the Life of Symeon the Holy Fool written by Leontius of Neapolis. The Life of Symeon recounts the Saint's tonsure, his ascetic Ufe in the desert, his decision to go to Emesa in an effort to convert its population to Christian virtue, and his decision to appear as a fool for Christ's sake. The last aspect of the Life is at the center of Derek Krueger's examination. His assessment of the Life in the context of its Christian and non-Christian literary antecedents adds to the understanding of this particular hagiographie genre, the Life of the Holy Fool. The English translation of the Life of Symeon complements the available French, German, ItaUan, Greek, and Russian translations. An image of seventh-century Cyprus in the first chapter estabUshes the social, political, and economic background of Leontius's ecclesiastical career.The urban setting of Leontius's Neapolis had aU the basic features of any late antique city—an agora, baths, and schoolhouse. In feet, the author suggests it was NeapoUs that Leontius had in mind when describing Emesa in the Life of Symeon. In the second chapter Krueger attempts to deal with the difficult problem of identification of the sources used by Leontius for the composition of the 762book reviews Life. Contrary to Mango's view that Leontius may have used a no longer extant sixth-century paterikon, Krueger argues in favor of Evagrius Scholasticus's Ecclesiastical History as the inspiration for the construction of the Life. Chapters three and four present the Byzantine hagiographical tradition combined with tales of Holy Fools and the concept of secret sanctity as a form of supreme humiUty.In chapters five and six the author connects the classical literary tradition of the Cyme philosophers, especiaUy the writings and anecdotes associated with Diogenes the Philosopher, with parallels in the Life of Symeon.The author Ulustrates the influence exerted on Christian theologians and Uterati by the moral phUosophy of Cynics.This correlation is made clear particularly in regard to the urban environment considered full of corruption and moral depravity by both Christian thinkers and Cynic philosophers. Chapter seven examines analogies between the events in the life of Christ and that of Symeon with the view that Christ must be the model of sanctity in any saint's vita. In the conclusion Krueger offers some valuable thoughts on how the Life of Symeon may have been used as a didactic tool to instruct Leontius's audience toward conformity to the norms of society and Christian spirituality. Stamatina McGrath Dumbarton Oaks "The Gentle Voices of Teachers": Aspects of Learning in the Carolingian Age. Edited by Richard E. SulUvan. (Columbus: Ohio State University Press. 1995. Pp. xiv, 361. $49.50 clothbound; $18.50 paperback.) This book grew out of six papers read at a conference masterminded by Professor Richard Sullivan in 1989. His preface evokes "gentle voices" (the phrase is from an Alcuin in nostalgic mood) in a world "anything but gentle." A sense of Carolingian hard times recurs in Sullivan's list (pp. 53-54) of "fac- tors" inimical to the nurturing of "culture": "constrained material resources, anemic societal infrastructures, massive illiteracy, brutality of manners, endemic violence, adherence to diverse and 'primitive' mind-sets running counter to the light of learning." It depends, of course, on what you mean by culture. This is not a book about material culture in the archaeologists' sense (there is scant reference to archaeology here), but nor do the authors concern themselves with the wider Carolingian world sketched with a certain roughness by the editor. Sullivan acknowledges that his is a cultural history which neglects "the little people and the realms where they lived their silent, unlettered, culturally unadorned lives." It is clear what this book is not—and what, perhaps, a broader vision might have made it. Still, "learning" is tackled here from a variety of standpoints, all of them of interest to students and scholars working in Carolingian and other parts of the medieval field. Are Carolingianists too specialized, asks SuUivan (p. 82)? If they are, this book may be all the more timely. BOOK REVIEWS763 Do not be put off by the Introduction, speciaUy written by SuUivan for the book, rather than the conference, yet perplexingly remote from the rest of it, including Sullivan's own Chapter 2. "Factors shaping CaroUngian studies" include a ritual incantation of the names of French structuraUsts (p. 15) foUowed by other (partly overlapping) lists of "seminal thinkers" (p. 19) of the postmodernist brigade, of avatars of "the new social history," "the new cultural history," and the annalistes, aU cited in voluminous footnotes with scarce a reference to anything written on the CaroUngian period. AU allegedly represent "currents of thought" of which CaroUngianists, hitherto negUgent,it seems,"must be aware." WeU, those assembled in this book may not be unaware—but they are clearly old-fashioned, theoreticaUy unaccredited jobbing historians: Lawrence Nees (p. 217) points out that his Carolingians were already postmodern in their receptivity to multivalent messages; Thomas Noble (p. 228), eschews poststructuralism to "proceed on the assumption that Theodulf [in the Libri Carolini] had both the means and the wiU to articulate his own views"; while David Ganz (p. 262), fires off some refreshingly acerbic criticisms at those who apply "concepts such as literacy, dramatic narrative, or 'the social function of grammatica' ... to the sources in an effort to discover original insights." Frankly, this book is all the better for its contributors' sticking resolutely to their trade—one learned, in the cases of Contreni and Noble, in SulUvan's own workshop: good historians that they are, they parade no postmodernist warrant for the impor- tance of close critical readings, and contextualizing, of their texts. Theory they no doubt have under their belts, where it belongs: what they have produced are beautifully crafted, custom-made pieces of scholarship. Appropriately the first substantial chapter (Chapter 2) is the master's: SuUivan's observations on the context of cultural activity are specific, and telling. He stresses how an upstart dynasty sponsored reform, of which high culture was part and parcel, to estabUsh its legitimacy. He both affirms and qualifies the importance of Charlemagne's mandate, rightly saying that some have exaggerated the Great Man's personal responsibility for the renaissance that bears his name (isn't the tendency reinforced, though, by the shorthand use—especiaUy by Americans? certainly much in evidence in this book—of "CaroUngian" to denote not only, adjectively a chronological period but also, as a noun, aU those who lived during it: better caU a Frank a Frank, and keep the Carolingians as a dynasty). But Sullivan adds contextual factors he thinks hitherto relatively disregarded: the importance of the period before 750 in establishing preconditions, and the crucial supporting roles of three "power groups" —episcopacy, aristocracy, and monks. SuUivan caUs for further research on the spiritual life, on language and communication, and on individuals' inner urges including "the urge to laugh" (p. 80). This stimulating chapter ends by suggesting that there were eighth- and ninth-century "contextual similarities" in Latin Europe, Byzantium, and the Muslim Near East, and simultaneous conservative responses in aU three cultural zones to "a common set of chaUenges": a ripe subject indeed for future comparative research in the wake of Judith Herrin. 764BOOK REVIEWS In Chapter 3, John Contreni contributes an engaging survey of what went on in the "more than 70" schools that "flourished" (simultaneously?) in the CaroUngian Empire. Rural priests were "the point men of the new society" : a metaphor (out of M.Weber via M. Mann?) that evokes the determinative action of a spe- cialist group (SuUivan's aristocracy does not reappear here) in redirecting social change. Contreni emphasizes the centraUty of the Bible to education at every level, highUghting the importance of the Psalms, and—in a typicaUy LUuminating touch—of the Psalms as songs. Contreni himsetf has the good teacher's twin gifts of communicating "fascination," embodied here (let no one henceforth add, 'improbably' . . .) in glossaries, and chiding constructively, as modern scholars are made to see that their neglect of the science-based quadrivium reflects, not the ninth century's One Culture but the bifurcation of the twentieth century's Two. Part of this neglect affects music, whose centraUty to CaroUngian reUgious culture has till recently been appreciated by few save musicologists. Richard Crocker conveys vividly the emblematic role of that music: because it maintained Roman models, musical notation was invented in ninth-centry Francia "to supplement memories and stabilize the repertory" (p. 146), whUe at the same time musical innovations displayed Frankish creativity, none more sublimely than the sequence, transmitted down the centuries by anonymous cantors. Readers of this book can only lament their absence from Crocker's "virtuoso performance of CaroUngian chant" in 1989, recalled by Ganz. Perhaps a future reprint could be accompanied by a CD? Chapter 5, short but sweet, contains another, this time multi-media, case-study in the reception and transformation of tradition: Bernice Kaczynski elegantly demonstrates how, in the eighth and ninth centuries, in text, exegesis, hagiography, and visual representation, a new book-culture produced a new St. Jerome. Kaczynski might have pointed out the cross-reference in the DaguU Psalter's dedicatory verse: Jerome's "drawing of the thorns from the Psalter" recalls the one, and stiU-famous, miracle credited to Jerome in his ninth-century Vitae. Nees and Noble, in the next two chapters, reaUy do foUow Sullivan's precept to contextualize. Nees, as ever contentious, cogent, and crystal-clear, convincingly argues that some CaroUngian art actively reshaped models inherited from christian Antiquity, and carried specific messages for contemporaries. Not only a court product like the DaguU Psalter covers (Nees' account at pp. 190-191, stressing the papal presence in the center of the upper back scene, should be compared with Kaczynski's at p. 75), but the Gundohinus Gospels (for which Nees wisely rejects the term "provincial"), and in particular the Majesty image at fol. 12T, must be understood as contributions to debates on Adoptionism and Iconoclasm respectively. StiU more might have been said about CheUes, where, probably, was produced c.802 the Gospel Lectionary whose ivory cover scenes Nees plausibly links with Anti-Adoptionist theology. Yes, Alcuin may weU have "sponsored" this work; but why should Abbess Gisela, Alcuin's own patron and book reviews765 arguably a proponent of political ideas in her own right, not be considered at least as a possible co-sponsor? Nees's other theme is the double-edgedness of images: his readings of the David-Uriah scene on the cover of Charles the Bald's Psalter, and of the portrait of Charles as "resembling Josiah andTheodosius," according to the accompanying inscription, in the same book, are persuasive precisely because they include ambiguities. Art-works could be at once paeans of monarchy in general and critiques of particular kingly misconduct. Nees's approach is amply vindicated by work published since he wrote this paper, by Nikolaus Staubach,Val Flint, and others. Tom Noble sketches the poUtical background to the Libri Carolini, then addresses himseU with characteristic incisiveness and verve to what that much- cited, seldom-read, work is about. BibUcal interpretation was fundamental to the Libri Carolines author, TheoduU: the attack on Byzantine literaUsm was nothing less, Noble implies (though without quite saying so), than a translatio regni from "Romans" to Franks. Ecclesiastical tradition here is Latin tradition, yet one in whose articulation the Franks now claimed a voice of their own. Synods should represent "every part of the Church." Noble draws out the coroUary:"The Franks were adjusting conciliar theory to historical reaUty . . . They did not feel that their 'monarch,' the pope, adequately represented them" (p. 244). Nevertheless, Noble stiU insists, following Anne Freeman, that there was nothing antipapal in the Libri Carolini. The truth was that the Franks wanted to have their cake and eat it: their ultimately seU-serving "passion for doing things more Romano, and placing the pope at the centre of the Church" were perfectly compatible in practice with insistence on a particular pope's toeing the Frankish line. Noble shrewdly notes near the outset of his piece (p. 231) the change in the wider political scene in 787 signaUed by the breaking-off of the engagement between Charlemagne's daughter and the Empress Irene's son.This perception might have done more to inform Noble's subsequent discussion (background is not the same thing as context). The Libri Carolini were Apiece d'occasion, or rather de conjoncture: the pope had apparently faUed to grasp the consequences of 787 for the Franks' attitude to Byzantium, and hence for their judgment on the Second CouncU of Nicaea.The icon issue was bound to present itseU, now, in a new form, and the pope had to be brought abreast of the Franks' new agenda, which was, and on this point Noble is absolutely clear, to substitute themselves for the Greeks as heirs of Israel and of Rome. David Ganz's Conclusion is much more than a summary of, or even reflection on, the foregoing chapters. He begins with a survey of the historiography of the CaroUngian period from the sixteenth century to the twentieth, and argues, without quite spelling out as firmly as the importance of the point requires, that much of what currently passes for knowledge of "the CaroUngian achievement" is in fact myth, and weU-worn at that. Ganz's critique, with its sharp ideological edge, in some ways prefigures that of Robert Morrissey in L'empereur à la barbefleurie (1997), and is just as timely. Rejecting, pace the SuUivan of Chapter l,"the siren caUs of poststructuralist critical theory" (p. 272), Ganz, heeding 766book reviews the Sullivan of Chapter 2, returns resolutely to context and its abundant diver- sity. Echoing Nees on multivalent symbols and Noble on ideological crosscurrents, Ganz asserts the lack of homogeneity in a CaroUngian culture that was in fact many cultures. He argues for, and perhaps exaggerates a little, a lack of group-consciousness among scholars contrasting strikingly with what emerged in the twelfth century. He focuses unerringly on tensions between "the values of monks and the aristocratic world they often left" (p. 261). Other tensions emerge when Ganz recaUs German historiography of the 1930's which, for aU its Nazi taint, highlighted something often missing from more recent anodyne portrayals: Karl Hampe pitted Charlemagne, "the original-German layman," against "the ecclesiastical-classical educational ideal" (cited by Ganz, p. 267).To acknowledge these contradictory elements in CaroUngian culture is not necessarily to diminish it. Jacques Le Goff's question from a twelfth-century perspec- tive (in Les intellectuels au moyen âge, 1969, English translation 1974,uncited by anyone in Sullivan's team) was unsympathetic but Uiimitably shrewd: "can you have a Renaissance that hoarded instead of sowing?" Ganz's own fleeting comparison with the twelfth century hints at other reservations. If only he had said what "specific needs CaroUngian education was conceived to meet" (p. 270) or what activities he thinks "can properly be annexed to the realm of cultural history" (p. 273). A teacher who gets scarcely a look-in in this book was Dhuoda: she was part of a civiUzing process at the heart of CaroUngian learning, which itseU presupposed much sowing. Ganz's reminder (and it is not gentle) that education was a form of power is à propos. Perhaps, after all, Carolingianists need a stiff dose of Foucault and (a seminal thinker who fails to make SuUi- van's Ust) Gramsci. Did "CaroUngian education," as Ganz claims (p. 275),"control the institutions and values of the Frankish Empire"? If so, who controUed CaroUngian education? The Frankish elite, heterogeneous as it was, faced no simple task in asserting hegemony. Ganz, like Sullivan in Chapter 2, is alert to echoes of striving and struggle. "Gentle voices" can be deceptive. Alcuin and the rest wished theirs to be voices of command. This book, intermittently amplifying theU masters' voices, leaves no doubt that the teachers were heard. Janet L. Nelson King's College London Medieval Christian Perceptions ofIslam:A Book ofEssays. Edited by John Victor Tolan. [Garland's Medieval Casebooks, Vol. 10; Garland Reference Library of the Humanities, Vol. 1768.] (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc. 1996. Pp. xxi, 414. $60.00.) In his introduction, JohnV Tolan teUs us that "the authors of these essays pro- vide a series of vignettes, of discrete examples of medieval perceptions of Islam." His characterization is weU put, since the volume is largely composed of descriptive essays, most dealing with lesser-known sources. The result is quite BOOK REVIEWS767 useful and wiU find a place in many libraries. Since some of the texts are of eastern origin and all deal with theological, historical, and literary materials, the range of the fifteen essays is broad both in geographical and chronological terms. In the first essay, John Lamoreaux discusses early eastern responses to the expansion of Islam.This is foUowed by David Bundy on Syriac and Armenian sources concerning the conversion of the Mongols to Islam and Craig Hanson's discussion of Manuel I Comnenus's theological intervention regarding the Muslim view of the deity. Kenneth B.WoU updates his earlier work on the Cordobán martyrs, and Thomas Burman provides an interesting discussion of Trinitarian theological issues aimed at Islamic views on Divine unity, as found in the Tath- ltth al-wâhdanîyah. In the section on theological responses in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, David Burr and PhiUp Krey contribute interesting discussions of Franciscan writings on Islam that reveal the nuances in their works. Rather surprisingly, John Lomax's essay on Frederick II and the Saracens is included here.The section on Islam in Western vernacular Uterature leads off with a very interesting article on Jacob van Maerland by Geert Claassens, foUowed by essays on Andrea da Barberino's Guerrino U Meschino by Gloria AUaire and on Sire John MandeviUe by Frank Grady.The concluding part, dealing with the sixteenth century, is also varied. John Geary writes about Arredondo's Castillo in- expugnabile de la fee; Rhona Zaid discusses Ginés Pérez de Hita's Guerras Civiles de Granada, and Palmira Brummett treats of western—largely Vene- tian—efforts to understand Shah Ismail Safavi. Given the variety in these works, detailed discussion is dUficult, but some points need to be made. In general, specialists in literature tend to ignore historical work and rely on interpretations drawn from their own fields.The result can be interesting in terms of insights, but also results in a degree of superficiality, especiaUy in dealing with clearly historical issues. Given the controversial nature of this field, there is need for greater co-operation. Perhaps this volume wiU be helpful. Certainly, there are some fine historical essays, including the work of Kenneth WoU and David Burr, aheady well known to specialists. William Hyland's edition of the "Miraculum noviter factum" makes a fine contribution to conversion Uterature with its Christological imagery and the unresolved questions regarding its origin. Claassen's exceUent article on Jacob van Maerland raises numerous fascinating questions as does the discussion by Rhona Zaid of Ginés Pérez de Hita. Unfortunately, her explanations tend to rely more on her own reading of the material than on an understanding of the historical context. Two essays raise dUficult issues. Craig Hanson does not, in my view, provide a sufficient explanation of Manuel's attempt to eliminate anathema no. 22, directed against the God of Mohammed. His main point, whUe interesting, ignores other aspects of the controversy. John Lomax's essay on Frederick II and the Saracens needs further work. It suffers from a misunder- standing of the texts. For example, he attributes to Gregory IX views expressed in "Ubique [sic\] nobis impietates," which were clearly part of the complaint made by the monks of San Lorenzo and compounds the problem by mistranslating the text. His entire line of argument is based on a series of assumptions 768BOOK REVIEWS that ignore the shifting character of papal-imperial relations in this period. Fi- nally, this volume would have profited from additional study of such recent works, omitted from the bibUography, as Michael Koehler's Allianzen und Vorträge zwischen frankischen und islamischen Herrschern (Berlin, 1991), with its superb insights into both western and Islamic sources. On the whole, however, the editor and contributors have made a worthwhüe contribution to an important but often vexed field of study. James M. Powell Syracuse University Remembering Kings Past: Monastic Foundation Legends in Medieval Southern France. By Amy G. Remensnyder. (Ithaca, NewYork: Cornell University Press. 1995. Pp. xv, 355. $49.95.) Monks of the eleventh and twelfth centuries imaginatively recreated their past to serve the needs of the present, writing accounts of events that they were fairly certain were true, or wished were true, or at least which supported the current needs of their monasteries. Amy Remensnyder here examines such imaginative recreation specificaUy through the foundation legends created by the black monks of some forty houses located in the southwest quadrant of France.Though concentrating especially on written accounts (these sources are discussed in depth in the appendix), she also treats the portrayal of such legends in the sculptural programs on the fronts of monastery churches (as at Conques and Perse), and suggests how the very decoration of the manuscripts in which these legends were written helped convey the dignity of glorious, generaUy royal foundations. Remensnyder's work is highly original, thoroughly researched, and convincingly presented. Like Patrick Geary's recent Phantoms ofRemembrance (Princeton, 1994), a book which also treats the ways in which medieval writers reshaped their past, though using very dUferent sources and analytic framework, Remensnyder's Remembering Kings Past draws much of its strength from her unwUl- ingness to treat "authentic" and "forgery" as meaningful categories. Even "authentic" accounts of foundations necessarily record as momentary a series of events that often had stretched over years, by the time that land was ob- tained, a group of monks assembled, reUcs acquired, and a new church conse- crated. (Thus one should not be surprised to find a long-dead donor as a signatory in an authentic foundation charter U he or she had given some of the original land or privileges, even though the charter was drawn up only years later.) And to dismiss forgeries as worthless because not factually accurate, as this book makes clear, would be to miss the fascinating questions of how the monks would have liked to see their past, and the events that impelled them to depict a past that should have existed. BOOK REVIEWS769 Remensnyder's argument unfolds graduaUy and carefully. After exploring the question of real versus legendary in Part One, she turns in Part Two to the founders that southern French monks chose, often in defiance of chronology, to have first established their houses. Perhaps surprisingly in a period in which kings were distant and shadowy figures, the monks of the period between about 1000 and 1200 chose by preference to attribute their foundations to CIovis, to Pippin the Short, and to Charlemagne. Clovis represented a link between Roman and Frankish rule; Pippin the Short could subsume any authentic deeds of Kings Pippin I and II of Aquitaine into a much more glorious context; and Charlemagne was, by the late eleventh century, Unked expressly with the epic king of the chansons de geste. Some monasteries, by positing a series of barbarian invasions and refoundations,were able to have aU three kings memorialized as their founders.These kings were often given connections to relics of Christ, such as pieces of the True Cross or the richly developed accounts of the Holy Foreskin, which connected Frankish monarchs with the King of Kings. In PartThree Remensnyder turns to the context that inspired monks to recreate their origins, the starting points that defined their monasteries. She argues that foundation legends were used especiaUy as weapons in conflicts, not in general with lay aristocrats or local bishops, as might be expected, but rather with other monasteries. From the eleventh century onward, she suggests, as monasticism became more hierarchically organized, monks often struggled to maintain their identity in the face of incorporation, often unwilling, into a monastic order. A foundation legend that defined their separate existence, supported by the might of a glorious king (or in some cases a glorious if equaUy legendary pope), was a useful tool in that struggle. Only in the thirteenth century, when (with the Albigensian Crusade) the Capetian kings of France began to appear in the south, did royal figures have to be dealt with in the present, rather than being past creators and defenders of Uberty. Constance B. Bouchard University ofAkron Christendom and Its Discontents: Exclusion, Persecution, and Rebellion, 1000-1500. Edited by Scott L. Waugh and Peter D. Diehl. (New York: Cam- bridge University Press. 1996. Pp. vüi, 376. $59.95.) This collection provides an exceUent sampling of current study of the tensions and controversies from the eleventh century onward between the reviving secular and ecclesiastical rulers of Europe, on the one hand, and minorities and movements of dissent, on the other.The authors and editors dialogue intelUgently with each other, and, taken as a whole, the book, and presumably the 1991 UCLA conference which was its origin, display careful organization. Un- fortunately, the introduction, apparently in ignorance of a large body of criticism, 770BOOK REVIEWS accepts the late John BosweU's assertion that the treatment of"homosexuality" (an anachronistic term) shifted (p. 4) "from tolerance to aggressive hostiUty during this period" (it is the idea of an earUer tolerance which causes the greatest problems). Part I contains six articles on "Heterodoxy, dissemination, and repression." In the first R. I. Moore applies to the Gregorian reform views he has long been developing, seeing in consolidation of seigneurial authority, Uterate clerical culture, and new communities resulting from the revival of the economy, three factors central to the growth and suppression of heresy. An exceUent contribution is marred by the occasional cheap shot (see pp. 23-24) and too singleminded concentration on power categories. Two fine case studies foUow, the first, by Peter D. Diehl, describing how reluctance to prosecute heresy -was overcome in thirteenth-century Italy; and the second, by James Given, examining the inquisition in medieval Languedoc in order to understand how the drive for conformity accommodated itsetf to local power structures. Mary A. Rouse and Richard H. Rouse, using Durand of Huesca as an example, trace the dissemination of sermon models from the schools to preachers. Always, as ClUford R. Backman shows (but one could wish for more precision in some of the claims made) in the case ofArnau de VUanova, pragmatic considerations influenced ecclesiastical judgments. On aU sides, as Anne Hudson explains for the Lollards in a clear U not particularly theologicaUy alert exposition, preaching was a prime tool for dissemination of ideas, and indeed the spread of preaching and of heresy were intimately connected. In the first of three essays on "Women's religious aspirations," Anne L. Clark uses Elisabeth and Ekbert of Schönau to explore the relation, sometimes opportunistic on both sides, between women's aspirations and ecclesiastical hierarchy. Clark is not very sophisticated, theologically and otherwise, and uses poorly informed writers such as R. Howard Bloch for her discussion of medieval mysogyny, herseU thinking in rather one-dimensional feminist power categories, though at the end seeing some of the limitations of the category "misogyny" itseU. In a brief tale well told, E.Ann Matter examines the asymmetrical but interdependent relations between a patron, Ercole d'Esté, and a mystic, Lucia BrocadelU da Narni. Then Katherine Gill, in a brilliant piece on organized women's reUgious communities in the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries, shows how women negotiated the spiritual environment they desired. The first of four essays on non-Christian minorities, by Carlo Ginzburg on the conversion of Minorcan Jews during the fifth century, probes an early instance of violence between Jews and Christians and the ways in which modern historians, specifically Peter Brown, have sometimes downplayed tension between groups. Like Gavin I. LangmuU in the foUowing part, Robert Chazan shows that developments in Christian theology could have unanticipated effects on minorities: renewed emphasis on Christ's humanity and suffering helped stereotype the Jews as his murderers. Chazan additionaUy shows how the rapid changes in twelfth-century society with their accompanying anxieties worked BOOK REVIEWS771 to the disadvantage of Jews. He intelligently disagrees with some of the other authors of the volume, especially Moore, arguing against (p. 224 n. 1 1) "the interchangeabiUty of persecuted outgroups." For the late thirteenth-century western Mediterranean, David Abulafia analyzes the interconnected causes of oppression of Muslims and Jews. OUvia Remie Constable shows that one area in which the three faiths could co-operate was in slaving on the Spanish frontier.This tracked shifts in power: in the eighth century most slave buyers were Muslim or Jewish, in the thirteenth, Christian. The final part of the book contains three articles rethinking boundaries.The exposition of Christian doctrine in the first, by Langmuir studying the origins of persecution of Jews in Christian theological development, is far from accurate. Both book and otherwise very suggestive article have considerable analysis in which anxieties and doubts express themselves in aggressiveness: one might be forgiven for thinking this as much a psychological reading of a contemporary history department as of medieval Christendom. The second and third essays, Richard Kieckhefer on saints, witches, and necromancers, and Edward Peters on exegesis, examine the question of what inteUectuaI exploration of Christianity was possible, and how boundaries were set. Kieckhefer evokes the clerical underworld of holy necromancy, and Peters gives a weU-informed account of the struggle over the definition of the boundaries of tradition in high medieval theology. Glenn W Olsen The University of Utah Church and Society in Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081-1261. By Michael Angold. (NewYork: Cambridge University Press. 1995. Pp. xvi, 604. $89.95.) This massive work of over 600 pages is an ambitious overview of the inner history and development of the Greek-speaking Orthodox Church during a crucial century and a haU in the Middle Ages: the period begins with the accession of the great emperor Alexius I Comnenus (1081) and closes with the recapture of Constantinople from the Latins in 1261. The title "Church and Society" indicates the parameters of the study: the Church is constantly viewed in relation to the civU society in which it flourished. Thus relations with the Emperor, with the government and leading families, and with the bulk of the population are recurring themes. Indeed the vital question that surfaces throughout the book is that of the Emperor's role in the Church, and students of the Anglican estabUshment will find much to ponder in this sustained attempt by the Byzantine Emperors to "harness the authority of the Church" by adopting the role of epistemonarkhes ("overseeing [supreme?] ruler"). Of particular interest are the studies of the writings of several key bishops, the survey of monasticism during this period, an original attempt to assess the influence of canon law on marriage 772BOOK REVIEWS and the role of women, and investigations of the mamfestations of popular piety with their pagan overtones and of heretical movements, in particular of BogomUism. The methodology is synthetic, solidly based on the primary sources, often effectively summarized, and supported by a thorough and conscientious weighing-up of secondary sources. The book is an exceUent introduction to a very wide variety of topics and writers, presented with objectivity, sensitive appraisal, and admirable clarity. Despite the wide sweep and complex narrative the overaU theme remains dominant and rises in intensity and interest as the work proceeds. The author is helped partly by the great work of his predecessors (especiaUy the French Assumptionists like Paul Gautier and Jean Darrouzès), partly by his British contemporaries (outstanding works developing in greater depth some of the topics treated here have appeared recently from the pens of Paul Magdalino and Rosemary Morris). The writer is primarily a historian, and theologians should not expect a speculative analytic approach. He also suffers from a blind spot as far as Uturgy is concerned. Occasionally one may question certain assumptions, e.g. , the downplaying of the role of clerics in education, or the importance given to some sources, like Neophytos of Cyprus. Certain themes cry out to be investigated further, such as the work of Balsamon, who surely deserves a book to himseU. Again, some patterns are read into a series of events which are not seU-evident, as when the Church is cast in a somewhat sinister power role in relation to baptism and marriage. But the overall judgment cannot be in doubt: the author has confirmed his mastery in the field of Byzantine studies, and this volume is to be welcomed as a great work. Joseph A. Muniuz Campion Hall, Oxford The Boundaries of Charity: Cistercian Culture and Ecclesiastical Reform, 1098-1180. By Martha G. Newman. [Figurae: Reading Medieval Culture.] (Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1996. Pp. xx, 388. $49.50.) The Cistercian Order in the twelfth century has often seemed paradoxical: an order whose leaders preached retreat from the world at the same time as they became involved in many of the major poUtical and ecclesiastical events of the period, an order based on radical poverty whose houses became very wealthy. Scholars once spoke of a conflict between "ideal" and "reaUty," in the assumption that within its first two or three generations members of the Order, faced with pressing poUtical and economic reaUties, were forced to abandon their earlier ideals. Within the last ten years or so, however, it has come to be understood that this approach both creates an artificial "ideal" which in many ways owes more to twentieth-century concepts of withdrawal and poverty than to twelfth- book reviews773 century concepts, and necessitates postulating "decadence" in a period, the second haU of the twelfth century, when Cistercian prestige was in fact at its highest. Martha Newman, building on this earUer work, carries it further by incorporating for the first time Cistercian theology into a discussion of the monks' political and economic activities. Her central, eminently convincing argument is that the ways that the monks interacted with the world around them can best be understood as the product of the monasteries' internal culture.This culture, she points out, was created in a constant dialogue with the cultures of the sec- ular aristocracy and of the developing schools, because new Cistercian converts came to the cloister not as boys but as young knights or scholars. Thus Newman suggests that Cistercian culture should be seen not as a complete rejection of the physical world but rather as an attempt to redeem and reform that world. Just as theological discourses on the Song of Solomon by men like Bernard of Clairvaux used the language of physical love to describe the love between God and His people, so the Cistercians used the unity created both between monks within a house and between the individual houses of the Order to serve as a model for what the world might strive to be. The primary element of this Cistercian culture, according to Newman, was caritas, the love (or "charity" of the title) that tied together monks, dUferent houses, and indeed the whole Christian people. The first haU of the book discusses the creation of this distinctive culture, based both on an analysis of Cistercian sermons and treatises and on a survey of how the Order spread and recruited its monks. In the second hatf, Newman addresses the issue of how this culture functioned during the first three generations of Cistercian history. (Oddly she never fully explains why she stops at 1 180, although the cover blurb suggests that the rise of bureaucracies and legalism may have outcompeted Christian charity as a way of structuring society.) For the Cistercians love was not bounded by the monastery waUs but included all of humanity, and hence Cistercian involvement in ecclesiastical reform, heresy and poUtics outside the cloister should not be seen as a falling away from ideals but rather the fulfiUment of the responsibilities imposed by those ideals. The book is clearly written and thoroughly researched (though it is irritating to have the notes at the end), being based on the archival as weU as printed sources from aU of the major Cistercian monasteries in the BurgundyChampagne region, the Order' s heartland. It should be read not only by those working on the Cistercians but by anyone interested in the relationship of church and society and the nature of ecclesiastical reform in the twelfth century. Constance B. Bouchard University ofAkron 774book reviews Cross Cultural Convergence in the Crusader Period: Essays Presented to Aryeh Grabois on his Sixty-Fifth Birthday. Edited by Michael Goodich, Sophia Menache and Sylvia Schein. (New York: Peter Lang. 1995. Pp. xxvii, 334. $69.95.) Cross Cultural Convergences in the Crusader Period brings together sixteen papers by Israeli, British, French, and Italian scholars on a misceUany of subjects related mainly, but not exclusively—H. E. J. Cowdrey's study, "Peter, Monk of Molesme and Prior ofJuUy" throws new light upon early Cistercian history—to crusading and to intercultural contacts. Apart from the obvious predominance of these two themes, however, the volume lacks thematic unity and the reader wiU be hard-pressed to know where to start.This notable deficiency is underscored further by the absence of an introduction and index, by the pecuUar arrangement of the papers alphabeticaUy according to the names of the authors, and by the appallingly uneven standards of editing. To derive the best of this book, the reader must determine his/her own agenda. A good start can be made with the papers devoted to aspects of crusading and the Military Orders. These include studies by Elizabeth A. R. Brown ("A Sixteenth-Century Defense of Saint Louis' Crusades: Etienne le Blanc and the Legacy of Louis IX"), Jean Richard ("Le siège de Damas dans l'histoUe et dans la légende"), Sophia Menache ("Rewriting the History of the Templars according to Matthew Paris"), Joshua Prawer ("The Venetians in Crusader Acre"), and Sylvia Schein ("The Miracula of the Hospital of St. John and the Carmelite EUantic Tradition—Two Medieval Myths of Foundation?"). Of crucial impor- tance, however, are the studies by David Abulafia ("Trade and Crusade, 1050-1250") and Jonathan RUey-Smith ("Early Crusaders to the East and the Costs of Crusading, 1095-1130") of economic aspects of crusading. Addressing the problem of the causal relationship between trade and crusade, Abulafia argues convincingly that the crusades did not revolutionize European trading patterns in the eastern Mediterranean, as many have supposed, but "marked only a further stage in the existing process of commercial expansion" (p. 1). For RUeySmith, economic issues are tied closely to the problem of crusaders' motivation. Using the evidence of monastic and cathedral cartularies, he demonstrates that the widely-held perceptions of crusading as a colonizing enterprise and an op- portunity for personal enrichment are untenable. Crusading was not merely expensive; it often brought financial ruin to a crusader's family.Whatever motives prompted men to take the cross, they were not, as RUey-Smith's evidence clearly shows, informed by expectations of personal gain. The second theme, intercultural contacts, offers a similarly broad range of studies. Papers by Franco Cardini ("Note per una preistoria deU'esotismo nella Firenze medievale"),Yvonne Friedman ("Women in Captivity and their Ransom during the Crusader Period"), Michael Goodich ("A Chapter in the History of the Christian Theology of Miracle: Engelbert of Admont's (ca. 1250-1331) Expositio super Psalmum and De miraculis Christi"), Jeannine Horowitz ("Quand les Champenois parlaient le Grec: La Morée franque au XIIF siècle, un book reviews775 bouillon de culture"), Elena Lourie ("Cultic Dancing and Courtly Love: Jews and Popular Culture in Fourteenth Century Aragon and Valencia"), Avrom Saltman ("Barcelona Cathedral MS 64 and the Hebraica Veritas"), Joseph ShatzmiUer ("Jewish Converts to Christianity in Medieval Europe 1200-1500"), and Ken- neth R. Stow ("By Land or SeaThe Passage of the Kalonymides to the Rhineland in the Tenth Century") treat such diverse topics as the impact of Islam upon Florentine culture, the experiences of female prisoners of war in Palestine, antiJewish elements in Catholic theology and exegesis, the HeUenization of the Champenois settlers in the Péloponnèse, the trans-Alpine route foUowed by Jewish travelers, and the deeply ambiguous relations between Catholic Christians and Jews throughout Europe. What is striking is the readiness with which Catholic Europeans frequently embraced the imaginative and creative elements and impulses of foreign cultures, assimUating and reshaping them to produce a rich cultural hybrid. Cardini, for instance, points out that in Florence, where diverse aspects of Islamic culture were absorbed into Florentine arts and Uterature, the result was nothing less startling than the development of "una nuova cultura" (p. 58). In the crusader Principality of Achaia and the Morea, where CathoUc Champenois exercised lordship over the indigenous Greeks, the consequences, mutatis mutandis, were not entirely dissimUar. Horowitz, who has made a close study of the linguistic evidence, points out that in the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Champenois were gradually HeUenized through a process of "osmose interculturelle" (p. 135). What evolved from this, she observes, was "une entité tout-à-fait originale ... un amalgame complexe, plus absolument français, pas vraiment grec, mais certainement 'Moréote'" (p. 122). Such apparently fruitful coexistence and intercultural borrowings did not, however, tend to characterize the contacts between CathoUc Christians and Jews.True, Jews and Christians did occasionaUy meet on common ground and in an atmosphere of mutual sympathy and interest, as ShatzmiUer and Lourie demonstrate. An astonishing number of Jews underwent conversion voluntarUy; Christians and Jews are discovered joining hands in Christian ring-dancing, and the amorous yearnings of young Jewish men, thefilocapti, were shaped evidently by the ideals of Christian romantic Uterature. But however empathetic these contacts may have been, the burden of the evidence stiU points to an enduring mutual antagonism. Whatever its defects in production, Cross Cultural Convergences is essential and indeed timely reading for those interested in intercultural and interreUgious relations. Medieval peoples were not uncompromisingly xenophobic; at the same time, however, they set very real limits to intercultural assimUation. And, it was these limits, and the cultural integrity which they preserved, that gave rise to the ambiguities, tensions, and overt hostUities which are depicted so effectively in the studies presented here. University ofToronto Penny J. Cole 776book reviews Possessing the Land:Aragon's Expansion into Islam's Ebro Frontier under Alfonso the Battler, 1104-1134. By Clay Stalls. [The Medieval Mediterranean: Peoples, Economies and Cultures, 400-1453, Volume 7.] (Leiden: E.J. Brill. 1995. Pp. xv, 337. $115.50.) The conquest of the great Muslim taifa of Zaragoza by the tiny Christian kingdom of Aragón in 1118 was a spectacular event and one destined to have enduring significance for the development of medieval and early modern Iberia. It has been, moreover, an event whose history has been neglected on the whole.The reign ofAlfonso I ofAragón has not been the subject of an adequate history. WhUe a collection of his documents has been recently (1990) published, this latter cannot be styled a fully critical edition, and a more general framework for one has not been established by a fundamental study of the chancery practices of the early kingdom ofAragón.This book, then, is a hopeful sign that its subject is beginning to attract the attention it merits. In six chapters StaUs furnishes first a sketch of AUonso's conquest of that taifa, then a treatment in turn of his role in the administration ofthat conquest, of the role of the new Christian nobility there, of that of new Christian settlers of humbler status, of the place of the post-conquest Christian church, and finally of the continuing significance of the conquered Muslim population. The very importance of this material makes it doubly the pity that the work wUl be so dUficult to use. Since the book buUds so strongly on individuals cited in the documents it is regrettable that so few of the former appear in the inadequate, four-and-a-haUpage index. Moreover, the particular focus of the study, that makes it so valuable, also enhances the need for a strong context of related studies and this is most imperfectly supplied. Works such as Defourneaux on the French in medieval Spain and Ledesma Rubio on Cartas de población that are cited in the footnotes faU to appear in the bibUography. Other works that one expects to see, Luis Rubio, Documentos del Pilar or Dufourcq and Gautier-Dalché on Iberian economic and social history appear in neither. The combined effect is unsettling. The author makes important points about important subjects. This area of Aragón, along with Murcia andValencia, was one in which a Muslim population remained numerous and relatively prosperous right up until the expulsion. Stalls details that fact and the way in which it affected both the possibiUties of Christian settlement and the legal and economic forms that governed the relations of the conquered and conquerors. He also points up the limited character of both royal and noble authority and effectiveness during at least the early years of the reconquest. His views will and should attract attention and argument. Nevertheless, the book suffers from a too limited initiative on the part of its author.While retaining the particular focus on the lands of the middle Ebro, he should have cast his net wider at least for purposes of comparison. As it is, he book reviews777 asks his readers to depend excessively on his research which is clearly limited in both intensity and scope. But sometimes he is clearly wrong. For example, Bishop Miguel ofTarazona was not French but Aragonese, and Bishop Pedro of Librana may well not have been Bearnese despite Lacarra's assertions to that effect (p. 225). Bishop Miguel was, in fact, the brother of the Aragonese noble Fortún Aznárez. Moreover, Fortun did not disappear as lord of Tarazona after 1 126 (p. 126) but was tenant in 1 132 and was so as late as 1 149.These may be particulars, but they do bear on one major argument of Stalls regarding the extent, and indirectly the motivation, of Alfonso Fs employment of French nobles and churchmen in his new conquest. Again a wider frame of reference might have deterred the author from too hastily accepting the ability of any Aragonese noble to field a force of three hundred knights (p. 139). Such a force required royal resources as even his own footnotes suggest. Or again, it is perhaps unwise to depend too much on a copy of a charter of confirmation by Affonso VII in 1 134 to estabUsh the priviledges of the barons and infanzons of the middle Ebro (p. 276).The diplomatic ofthat document is strange by Leonese standards, and its language and orthography strongly suggest the thirteenth rather than the twelfth century. In brief, this book wUl be useful, but it is seriously flawed, and caution is indicated. It is a pity that it was rushed into publication without further work.The basic conception has great promise. Bernard E Reilly VUlanova University Sämtliche Werke: lateinisch/deutsch, VI. By Bernhard von Clairvaux. Edited by Gerhard B. Winkler. (Innsbruck: TyroUa-Verlag. 1995. Pp. 711. 980 öS; 138,DM.) Bernard's sermons 39 to 86 on the Song ofSongs are translated into German in this hefty volume. The German is faced by the Latin, reproduced photome- chanically from volume 2 of the critical edition by Jean Leclercq et al. (Sancti Bernardi opera [Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1958]). The errors in that edition, remarkably few in number and usually obvious typos, are listed and cor- rected on pages 697-699 of this volume. The translators, Hildegard Brem and Kassian Lauterer (both Austrian Cistercians), are to be commended for the accuracy and clarity of their work.Their accomphshment is enhanced by the remarkable fashion in which they have captured the spirit of Bernard's lofty and complex style. That style is discussed in some detaU in ProfessorWinkler's introduction (pp. 3 1-43). He sees Bernard employing the various classical styUstic levels in a manner appropriate to the content of the sermons:"elevated" style (stilus sublimis) for his doctrinal statements, "artistic" (stilus subtilis) more often for his moral 778book reviews teachings, "usual" or "customary" (stilus moderatus) when conveying an apparently reaUstic description of everyday monastic Ufe. In the last, Winkler observes, Bernard is seen as a close observer of human nature as weU as employing an art of characterization worthy of an epic poet. Winkler comes down convincingly on the side of those who see aU these sermons as Bernard's own, despite the stylistic anomaUes present in the last two (85-86), which have led some to see these as from the hands of Bernard's secretaries. I agree with Winkler. But I disagree when Winkler describes Bernard's Weltanschauung as "Neo-Platonic-Augustinian." Bernard is surely Augustinian in his theology of grace, but his anthropology is poles apart from Augustine's. There is no hint of Neo-Platonism in Bernard's epistemology or metaphysics. On page 37,Winkler declares:"It is widely known that Bernard was not a theologian who thought or wrote in a systematic manner." One who has read Bernard's treatises De gratia et libero arbitrio or De diligendo Deo might well disagree. Even in the case of the Song sermons,Winkler himseU discovers a pattern (pp. 39-41). The first series of sermons (1-38), he says, concerns "dogmatic" theology, the second (39-86) "moral" theology. I suspect Winkler is as uncomfortable as I with this categorization, since he acknowledges (on p. 41) that the distinction had not developed Ui the twelfth century. With Winkler's characterization of the second group of sermons, those contained in this volume, as "ecclesiological," I am much more comfortable. Bernard's profound vision of the Church is surely a fundamental component of his spiritual teaching and, as Winkler says,"the Uterary form through which he describes the spiritual IUe" (p. 41). The index to this volume (pp. 700-71 1) is reasonably good, though far from complete. I prefer that found on pp. 219-228 in the fourth volume of the English translation of the Song sermons issued by Cistercian PubUcations (Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1980). The notes to the German translation are perhaps the most useful section of the volume for those who do not need a translation or would prefer the EngUsh. Although these notes are extensive (pp. 656-696), profound, and thorough, they seem to betray an unfortunate ignorance of the extensive scholarship on Bernard done on the western side of the Atlantic. John R. Sommerfeldt The University ofDallas BOOK REVIEWS779 The New Knighthood: A History of the Order of the Temple. By Malcolm Barber. (New York: Cambridge University Press. 1994. Pp. xxii, 441; 14 figures, 17 plates. $69.95.) There has long been a need for an up-to-date and reUable history of the Order of the Temple in English. Malcolm Barber has now suppUed that desideratum with The New Knighthood, a lucid account of the Order from its modest beginnings in the Holy Land around 1119 to its dramatic dissolution by papal decree in 1312. Although the loss of the main archive (probably during the Ottoman conquest of Cyprus in 1571) hampers discussion of the growth of the Order in the East, Barber argues for a more vigorous expansion of the nascentTemple than is suggested by WiUiam of Tyre's oft-quoted account of its foundation. Greater early success renders expUcable not only the recognition accorded to the Templars at the CouncU of Troyes in 1129, but also the evidence from about the same time for the first of the grants of European lands that would rapidly transform the Temple into a great international order.Yet, some churchmen harbored reservations about the warrior monks. Bernard of Clairvaux hailed them as "the new knighthood," but it was not until the Templars received a succession of papal privUeges between 1 139 and 1 145 that doubts about the validity of their profession were effectively sUenced. By the mid-twelfth century, the Templars had assumed a vital role in the miUtary affairs of the Latin East.They were known amongst Christians and Muslims alike for their bravery and devotion to the defense of the crusader principalities, and akeady held strategicaUy important fortresses and territories. As the military situation deteriorated in the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries, rulers granted even more extensive possessions to the Order. Barber treats these matters in detaU, and shows that as the Temple acquired greater lands and independence in the East it became more frequently embroUed in disputes with the rival Order of the Hospital and with secular rulers.The Templars may have believed that they were simply protecting their legitimate interests, but outside observers often interpreted these disputes as unedifying displays of pride and avarice. Barber does not attempt a thoroughgoing treatment of the Order in the West, but surveys its possessions and outlines their organization and management in order to explain their crucial importance to Templar enterprises in Syria and Palestine. The majority ofTemplars spent their entire lives in the West, but the whole machinery of the Order was geared to the support of its presence in the East. Only by drawing upon the rich resources furnished by the European estates, could the Order sustain its ongoing warfare against the Muslims.The need to transfer revenues from the western lands stimulated the development of the Temple's financial institutions, and crusaders, secular rulers, and the papacy soon avaUed themselves of the Order's services and expertise. 780BOOK REVIEWS With the loss of the last Christian strongholds on the Levantine coast in 1291, the Templars were, in the eyes of many, deprived of their raison d'être. Although they strove to continue their miUtary operations from Cyprus, they could no longer invoke their defense of the Holy Land to deflect criticism. In such circumstances, they were ill-equipped to defend themselves against the charges of heresy and moral corruption brought against them by Philip IV of France in 1307. Barber—whose The Trial of the Templars (Cambridge, 1978) remains the definitive study on the suppression of the Order—provides a concise analysis of the proceedings against the Order and its abolition, and concludes the book with a chapter on the literary and "pseudo-historical" legacy of the Temple. The New Knighthood is a welcome contribution to the scholarly Uterature on the Temple, and wiU long remain an essential work for anyone interested in the Order. William G Zajac University ofWales Swansea Templars, Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights: Images of the Military Orders, 1128-1291. By Helen Nicholson. (New York: Leicester University Press. Distributed in the United States and Canada by St. Martin's Press, NewYork. 1995. Pp. xvi, 207. $59.00 clothbound; $24.95 paperback.) The author begins by clearly stating her objectives and then sets out to accomplish them in a straightforward manner. The book is, as its title claims, a study of the images which the military reUgious orders evoked in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, that is, how they were viewed by various segments of society. After a general introduction, which sets forth the methodology and the types of sources employed, a brief chapter presents a chronological framework for studying contemporary attitudes toward the miUtary orders. The book is concerned with the three major orders, Templars, HospitaUers, and Teutonic Knights, in Western Europe; Spain is excluded since it has aUeady been studied in detaU. A chapter deals with the attitudes of Christian rulers toward the orders, another with those of the clergy, and then those of various classes of the laity, as weU as those of non-Christians. A chapter treats of the representation of the orders in literary sources such as chronicle, epic, romance, and legend.Then the author considers the seU-image of the orders, what they thought of themselves and the image they sought to present.There is a brief chapter on the impUcation of the orders in the loss of Acre in 1291. Among other things, the conclusion notes—to nobody's surprise—that there was some praise for the orders and some criticism; the criticism grew stronger as time went on, especiaUy after 1250. This is foUowed by the notes, an extensive bibliography, and an index. BOOK REVIEWS781 This book originated as a doctoral dissertation at Leicester, in 1989, and has not divested itseUof the characteristics ofthat genre.Although it seems, judging from the notes and the bibliography, that a great deal of research has gone into this volume, it has not been well digested and presented. The writing is repetitive and at times does not make much sense. The author's enthusiasm for the subject is very impressive, but her accuracy less so. One example can lead to a general conclusion, and the sources, including secondary literature, do not always accord with what she reports of them. There is an exceptionally high usage of such words as "probably," "likely," "apparently," and "perhaps." It is not clear that the author always understands the nature of the sources. On pages 58-60, for example, she compares five medieval cartularies with DelaviUe Ie Roulx's Cartulaire général de l'ordre des Hospitaliers without seeming to reaUze that the latter is not a medieval work but a modern compUation of selected documents. All told, while this book contains a great deal of information on an interesting topic, it is an exceUent example of why dissertations should not immediately be turned into published books. The Catholic University ofAmerica George T. Dennis, SJ. The Medieval Church in Scotland. By Ian B. Cowan. Edited by James Kirk. (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press. 1995. Pp. xv, 254.25.00) Co-ordinated scholarship has achieved a renaissance of Scottish historical studies: combined efforts have blossomed and fructified; fresh light has been shed on many chapters of Scotland's story and restimulated interest into her cultural past. Obviously, an institution as fundamental as the medieval Church was near the heart of the enterprise. Everything about her ws not always transparent, but neither was the record totaUy opaque.This reassessment of facts with a view to narrating them dispassionately and lucidly, with truthful rigor and objectivity, even at the cost of abandoning long-defended partisan positions, has amicably engaged academics of both the Calvinistic and Roman Catholic traditions. Eminent among them was Professor Ian B. Cowan of Glasgow University, whose premature death has removed an acclaimed leader from the field of ecclesiastical history.We are deprived of a qualified, talented professional, boundless in energy and enthusiasm, endowed, above all else, with an endearing personaUty. It is so regrettable that his IUe was cut short, when his extensive investigation and acquired knowledge of primary sources, his accumulated expertise, might have burgeoned into something authoritative, original, and unsurpassable in quality. In tribute to his memory, it was deemed appropriate to reprint a selection of Ian's contributions to various periodicals, all treating of topics united by a common theme, with the added advantage of providing a single index to diversely 782book reviews dispersed texts. Hence the volume The Medieval Church in Scotland, skillfully edited by James Kirk, consisting of twelve essays in which Professor Cowan had concerned his exploration of the institutional evolution of the Church from the twelfth untU the fifteenth centuryThere is also a Foreword from the pen of Professor Gordon Donaldson, friend and mentor of Ian Cowan, and a "Bibliography of his Works," contributed by Peter W Asplin, which in itsetf offers an eloquent testimonial to his prowess as a scholar. This selection offers the reader grass-roots material concerning certain key features of the organization and structure of the Scottish Church throughout the Middle Ages. Separate essays treat the development of the parochial system (Scottish Historical Review, XL, 43-45); the appropriation of parish churches (An Historical Atlas ofScotland, c.400-c. 1600, pp. 37-38); the emergence of the urban parish (The Scottish Medieval Town, pp. 82-98); vicarages and the cure of souls (Records ofScottish Church History Society, XVI, 111-127); the reUgious and the cure of souls (Records ofthe Scottish Church History Society, XIV, 2 1 5-230); the organization of secular cathedral chapters (Records of the Scottish Church Society, XIy 19-47); the Church in the Diocese of Aberdeen (Northern Scotland, I, 19-48); the Church in ArgyU and the Isles (Records of the Scottish Church History Society, XX, 15-29); the Church in the Highlands (The Middle Ages in the Highlands, pp. 91-100); the monastic history of the diocese of St Andrews (Medieval Art and Architecture in the Diocese of St Andrews, pp. 7-15); Church and Society in the Fifteenth Century (Scottish Society in the Fifteenth Century, pp. 112-135); and lastly, patronage, provision, and reservation, in other words, pre-Reformation appointment to benefices (The Renaissance and Reformation in Scotland:Essays in Honour of Gordon Donaldson, pp. 75-92). It was no easy task to select from a bibliography of 163 titles (of which haU are reviews of works by others) the essays linked by a common theme, but the result is this eminal volume which wiU be treasured by generations of scholars. Charles Burns Archivito Segreto Vaticano Gilbert of Sempringham and the Gtibertine Order, c. 1130-c. 1300. By Brian Golding. (New York: Clarendon Press, Oxford University Press. 1995. Pp. xvi, 508. $95.00.) The GUbertine Order has finaUy received the extensive study it deserves with Golding's exhaustive work.Within the last decade, several scholars have treated this English order for nuns, lay sisters, lay brothers, and canons from its midtwelfth-century origins through the canonization of its founder, GUbert of Sempringham, in 1202. Using this literature and the primary sources, Golding offers his own interpretation of the order's early years. In addition, he provides what book reviews783 has been lacking in the recent studies: a history of the order that extends to the beginning of the fourteenth century and a discussion of each of the twentyseven GUbertine foundations. Golding's book wiU become the standard reference work on the Gilbertines. In Part One, Golding treats St. GUbert, the GUbertine Rule, and IUe in the GUbertine communities. Since Gilbert's Vita and the Gilbertine Rule are the most extensive surviving documents for the order, they have already received significant attention from other scholars. But after re-examining the evidence, Golding proposes new interpretations, some of which are debatable. For instance, he decides that the first seven women who in 1 131 accepted enclosure at Sempringham under Gilbert's supervision had more in common with anchoresses than with nuns. WhUe Golding is right to emphasize that many monasteries for women begun in England at that time had eremitic origins, Golding's decision to call these women anchoresses is questionable. Golding also reconsiders crucial developments that occurred after GUbert's 1 147 visit to Cîteaux.When Gilbert was unsuccessful in his attempt to persuade the Cistercians to assume responsibUity for the nuns, lay sisters, and lay brothers he had established at Sempringham and Haverholme, he decided to add canons to his communities and devise his unique system of "double monasteries." Although Golding's theories about the reasons for GUbert's decisions are plausible, too little documentation survives to prove Golding's hypotheses over those of the other scholars he critiques. Particularly helpful, however, is Golding's survey of the pre-existing monasteries for women and men that could have influenced Gilbert's design for his order. Golding, like scholars before him, can only surmise about Life in the communities on the basis of economic charters and the Gilbertine Rule, but he masterfully combines the piecemeal evidence into an informative narrative. In Parts Two and Three, Golding provides the most detaUed account yet of aU the GUbertine foundations: nine double monasteries, four houses for canons only, and four eleemosynary foundations estabUshed by 1189; four other foundations made between 1189 and 1300; and six foundations that faUed to survive. Golding analyzes the status of the founders and benefactors, changing "patterns of endowment," and the resources avaUable for each community. His discussion of GUbertine utilization of the churches they received as gifts vividly illustrates the actual consequences of the twelfth-century transfer of spiritual possessions from lay to religious owners. Particularly impressive is Golding's ability to use fragmentary accounts of rents, wool production, water müls, and fishponds to give a rich depiction of the GUbertines' resources. Golding's detaUed analysis of the documentary evidence and the work of other scholars wiU give readers unfamiUar with this controversial reUgious order for women and men a thorough introduction to the complex issues surrounding its development. Scholars aheady femiUar with the debates should find Golding's revisionist views about the order's origins tenable U not always completely per- 784book reviews suasive. By including so much historiography in the text, Golding's own version of the early history of the GUbertines can at times be difficult to foUow. But the reader who perseveres wiU gain a thorough knowledge of the GUbertine's origins, development, internal organization, economic system, and social context. Sharon K. Elkins Wellesley College and Pope John XXIII National Seminary The Restoration of the Monastery of Saint Martin of Tournai. By Herman of Tournai.Translated with an Introduction and Notes by Lynn H. Nelson. [Medieval Texts in Translation.] (Washington, D.C.:The Catholic University of America Press. 1996. Pp. xxix, 248. $34.95 clothbound; $ 1995 paperback.) Herman ofTournai was a mediocre historian, but Lynn Nelson is a very good translator and commentator. Herman composed the Liber de restauratione sancti Martini Tornacensis about 1142. Herman's text is confusing: there are many people with the same name, the narrative doubles back on itsetf, and Herman had an apparently irresistible desire to write about the politics and marriages of the great, aU of which interrupted the flow of the narrative about the restoration of Saint Martin's. In spite of such problems of composition, Herman recounted the troubled history which foUowed the refounding of an abandoned monastery inTournai. Herman reported that during a famine in 1090, the cathedral canons expelled from the cathedral precincts starving refugees, who took refuge at the ruined monastery. Nelson argues convincingly that the canons' act of cruelty set in motion eighteen years of ecclesiastical, clan, and urban strUe untU the monks and canons were reconcUed in 1 108. The foundation or "refoundation" of a monastic house in an urban setting was, at least in this case, disruptive because it threatened the economic interests and religious domination of the cathedral chapter.The monks of Saint Martin's demanded the return of properties which they claimed had been "lost" centuries earUer and which they believed were in the possession of the cathedral chapter. DUferent branches of the dominant kin group, whom Nelson caUs the Osmonds, became embroUed in the bitter and violent quarrel between the cathedral chapter and the monastery, which after some hesitation had adopted the Cluniac way of IUe. By paying careful attention to genealogy, Nelson demonstrated that the Osmonds divided into political alliances centered on the monastery and the cathedral chapter respectively. Chicanery and violence, often carried out among relatively close kin, marked the long-running quarrel. Nelson's analysis is a sober corrective to overly rosy views of the cohesiveness of medieval kin groups. The translation is clear and idiomatic, with much interesting detail about reUgious, social, and poUtical IUe inTournai and its environs in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries. The translation is complemented by abundant, useful notes and by six appendices which help the reader understand important top- book reviews785 ics embedded in the text. Nelson is especiaUy good at showing that the seemingly ecclesiastical quarrel was in fact a complex socio-poUtical struggle among kinsmen and their supporters in a smaU city. A teacher could use this weUtranslated and richly annotated book for many purposes in an undergraduate class. My only reservation is that in the extensive notes, the translator is occasionally very judgmental about the moral behavior of these long-dead people. Joseph H. Lynch The Ohio State University Religion and Devotion in Europe, c. 1215-c. 1515- By R. N. Swanson. [Cambridge MedievalTextbooks.] (NewYork: Cambridge University Press. 1995. Pp. xv, 377. $6995 clothbound; $18.95 paperback.) This volume presents a general survey of Latin Christianity from the Fourth Lateran CouncU to the eve of the Reformation. Aimed at a general audience of undergraduates and scholarly non-specialists, it eschews aU but essential footnotes and documentation. Yet by condensing the disparate themes of late medieval Christianity into a compact and orderly synthesis, it also offers speciaUsts many useful reminders of how particular issues and movements reflected the underlying dynamics of the era. As the title suggests, the book focuses less on institutional Christianity than on the ways people understood and lived their reUgion. However, the Church as "the body of the faithful" still plays the dominant role in Swanson's approach: for him the crucial dialectic involved "the reactions of the widely defined Church to the demands and dictates of Christianity" (p. 7), especiaUy as they affected spiritual life. As the desUe for more satisfying and reassuring forms of devotion increased among the laity, old practices were transformed and new ones arose to challenge clerical control over the Church as a whole. Thus for the clergy the major problem was how to satisfy, limit, and direct the upsurge of lay spirituality which threatened to escape theU immediate influence and control. Ultimately the need for supervision and control meant that tension between the prescriptive religion of the clergy and the increasingly individuaUzed "religiosity" of the laity dominated the spiritual life of the era. The book's organization correspondingly moves from the "dictates of Christianity" to the devotional needs of the laity.Two chapters consider the content of the Christian faith and its dissemination to the faithftil.Three more survey the structures of religious Ufe, the rituals of devotion, and the concerns of charity and salvation. Another two address the issues of lay piety and the need for cler- ical control, and it is here that Swanson returns to the idea that late medieval Christianity was not imposed from above, but "created from the bottom up- wards" (p. 90). In his view, many of the religious innovations of the era were the result of lay invention, and the clergy struggled to keep up and control the pro- liferation of popular devotions. As a result, distinguishing between orthodoxy 786book reviews and heresy became more critical than ever, and the need for exclusion led to the creation of scapegoats. The final chapter sums up the state ofWestern Christianity circa 15 15, and in Swanson's judgment the situation was far from bleak. Considered in its own terms rather than anachronisticaUy, late medieval reUgion was a vibrant and dynamic form of Christianity, which, despite many problems, responded in many ways to the needs of the people. Doubt and skepticism existed, but had Uttle overaU impact.There was a hope for some major reform, but no general sense of crisis. The Reformation was probably unforeseeable, and medieval Christianity was neither decadent nor on the verge of collapse. However, once the Fifth Lateran Council (1512-1517) failed to accommodate reformist pressures, more strident voices seized the initiative and put an end to the development of the medieval Church. Scholars wUl certainly find much to consider and chaUenge in this assess- ment of late medieval reUgion. Nevertheless, the author has produced a masterful survey of a large and dUficult field which deserves the attention of everyone concerned ¦with these issues. Steven D. Sargent Union College Laienfrömmigkeit im späten Mittelalter: Formen, Funktionen, politischsoziale Zusammenhänge. Edited by Klaus Schreiner with the aid of Elisabeth MüUer-Luckner. [Schriften des Historischen KoUegs, KoUoquien, 20.] (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag. 1992.Pp.xii,4ll.DM 108,-.) This volume contains sixteen essays written for a coUoquium organized by Dr. Klaus Schreiner in Munich in 1988 on the topic of"lay piety in the social and poUtical context of the late Middle Ages." Dr. Schreiner opens the book with a long conceptual introduction which rejects the tendency of recent scholarship to frame the study of medieval religion within the categories of "elite" and "popular" piety. He argues that this duaUstic approach, which contrasts the religion of the literate clerical eUte with that of the illiterate laity, is not flexible enough to account for the diverse forms of reUgious expression found in the primary sources. He finds the German term Volksfrömmigkeit (folk piety) particularly objectionable, since it is "burdened with the conceptual and political prejudices of the previous half century" (p. 7) and thus represents a poor equivalent for the notion of "popular reUgion." Moreover, because the concept of Volk refers not to a social class, but most of society, it is useless for estabUshing connections between particular social groups and then religious outlooks. To reinforce this argument, Shreiner presents evidence documenting how literate, non-elite laymen developed their BOOK REVIEWS787 own religious culture in the later Middle Ages. He concludes the essay by urging historians to reject the category of Volksfrömmigkeit in favor of the less problematic and more flexible concept of Laienfrömmigkeit (lay piety). The other fifteen essays address various aspects of lay piety and are grouped into seven sections. The first contains two essays on legal and dynastic influ- ences on lay piety. Based on an analysis of the connection between devotion and spiritual patronage, Wolfgang Brückner argues that in medieval and early modern Europe devotion meant not only emotional commitment, but also concrete, legal submission to a spiritual overload.Then Elisabeth Kovács describes the efforts of the early Habsburg rulers to represent the dynasty as a stirps regia et beata which included saints such as the Babenberger Margrave Leopold III (d. 1 136), who was canonized in 1485. The next section offers three essays on the piety of the peasantry and nobil- ity. Francis Rapp characterizes the pUgrimage practices of the Alsatian peasantry by examining thirty-four late-medieval saints' shrines in the Bishopric of Strassburg, especiaUy their patrons, geographical and social appeal, finances, and reputations for wonder-working. Adalbert Mischlewski describes the rise and fall of the late medieval cult of St. Anthony in both its plebian and noble forms, including the curious custom of donating pigs (Antoniusschweine) to the Antonine Hospitallers. Franz MachUek surveys the piety of the Franconian nobility, especially the religious foundations they established, the spUitual patrons and pUgrimage sites they favored, and the confraternities they joined. Two essays on the influence of the Devotio Moderna on lay piety constitute another section. Anton G.WeUer discusses lay participation in the Devotio Moderna in Zwolle, stressing that the movement both affected society and helped produce a new kind of Christian setf-consciousness among its foUowers. Hein- rich Rüthing describes the piety of the lay brothers of the Windesheim Congre- gation, concluding that, although their lives chiefly embodied the values of obedience and service, they also took the initiative in promoting distinctive forms of devotion within their ranks. The question of laymen as the audience for religious writings provides the focus of the next section. Georg Steer examines the paradigm for lay Christianity presented in the vernacular Rechtssumme of the fourteenth-century Do- minican preacher Brother Berthold, contrasting it with Meister Eckhart's mystical approach to spirituality. Volker Honemann compares the conceptual treatment of lay literacy in two fifteenth-century treatises: the "de libris teutonicaUbus" of Gerard Zerbold van Zutphen and the "Laienregel" of Dietrich Engelhus. Petty Bange surveys vernacular (middle Dutch) expositions of the Ten Commandments, concluding that, although composed by clerics, such works reveal much about the reaUties of everyday IUe m late medieval society. Two essays on visual aspects of popular piety form another section. Konrad Hoffmann analyzes the images of death in Hans Holbein's "Die BUder des Todes" (Lyons, 1538), and "Alphabet mit Todesbildern," along with those on a dagger 788BOOK REVIEWS sheath Holbein designed, and interprets them within the context of Erasmian humanism and the Reformation. Richard Trexler examines lay piety in the New World, specificaUy the custom of holding conversations with cult effigies practiced by the indigenous peoples of Central and South America, which the Spaniards caUed "speaking with the DevU." Another pair of essays discuss the poUtical and social dimensions of public piety. Miri Rubin elucidates the meaning and symboUc value of late medieval Corpus Christi processions, warning against purely functionalist and narrowly political approaches to these public rituals. Peter Ochsenbein investigates the "Great Prayer of the [Swiss] Confederates," a long vernacular liturgy of the early sixteenth century, which the clergy and common people of rural Switzerland recited to ward off evil and reaffirm their political and social identity. The book's final section consists of one long essay by Heinrich Dormeier on the religious controversy over the moraUty of fleeing the plague. Through a careful analysis of letters, treatises, and sermons by humanists, clerics, and re- formers in Italy and Germany, Dormeier reveals the spectrum of opinions on this question and shows how the issue of brotherly love graduaUy became the main focal point of the discussion by 1600. Steven D. Sargent Union College Patrons and Defenders: The Saints in the Italian City-states. By Diana Webb. [International Library of Historical Studies, Volume 4.] (London and New York: I. B. Tauris PubUshers. Distributed by St. Martin's Press, New York. 1996. Pp. vu, 343. $55.00.) Medieval and early modern Italy's burgeoning cult of saints has stimulated numerous recent studies written from social, reUgious, feminist, and urbanistic perspectives. Here, DianaWebb returns to politics to examine the role of patron and other saints' cults in the development of ItaUan civic culture in a manner reminiscent of but much ampler than H. C. Peyer's Stadt und Stadtpatron. Disavowing any claims to provide a study of the "interior state of religious devotion," she reminds readers that "the Line between public and private devotions was, however, indistinct" (p. 26), and addresses "how the urban community, considered primarily as a poUtical entity ruled by laymen, came to employ the saints for its own purposes" (p. 6)—notably in the consolidation, articulation, and legitimation of pubUc power. Drawing on a wealth of saints' lives, miracle collections, chronicles, and especiaUy urban statutes and account books from dozens of northern Italian and particularly Tuscan cities from the fourth to the fifteenth century, she Ulustrates two essential developments; first, the transition in the twelfth century from ecclesiastical toward lay control of saints' cults, and BOOK REVIEWS789 then, from the thirteenth century onwards, the manner in which cities embraced additional cults to develop elaborate urban "pantheons." A brisk series of case studies Ulustrates how bishops from Ambrose onwards promoted cults of patron saints to bolster then own authority, and how church reformers such as Peter Damián in turn appealed to local cults to generate lay support for their own programs. But the poUtical attraction of saintly power lay precisely in its capacity to encompass broader urban communities and their countrysides. Webb teases out of her reticent sources evidence that over the twelfth century formerly passive audiences of the fidelis populus were transforming themselves into active communities of eUte urban cives whose officials were increasingly assertive in the inventiones and translationes of saintly relics that enhanced the authority of their emerging communal governments. Growing civic control of patronal cults comes fully into view in the compilations of statutes that began to be produced in the thirteenth century. Without presuming an identity between legal precept and religious beUef and practice, Webb rightly underscores the statutes' ideological value as "affirmations of the values to which the rulers of urban society professed to subscribe on behatf of their subjects" (p. 95). Her richest chapters illustrate the patterns, motives, and modalities whereby civic governments expanded their calendars of pubUcly observed saints' days and elaborated their regulation of the rituals, oblations, and festivities by which they were observed. By 1200 most cities had either appropriated the cult of their bishop-patron, embraced a less-encumbered figure like Florence's Baptist or, as at Bologna, elevated a non-Petrine patron free of papal associations. The thirteenth-century spread of the mendicant orders and the campaign against heresy, factional and inter-city struggles between GueUs and GhibeUines, the rise of signori and new oUgarchies in the early fourteenth century, and the expansion of territorial states later on all provided occasions for the commemoration of saints associated with parties or victories. But whUe oblations to the saints of victors were required in submission to power, those of the vanquished were often embraced too as further sources of legitimacy and stabilizing continuity.The addition of games, races, and commercialism to many feste may have given them an increasingly secular aspect, but Webb detects by the fifteenth century an increasing sensitivity to distinctions between their sacred and profane aspects. The prolUeration of local cults may also account for the expanding popularity by the late fourteenth century of universal devotions like those of the Virgin and Corpus Christi. Her commitment to respecting local variations requires that Webb present much of her supporting material in "snapshots." Her final three chapters, devoted to an in-depth study of the Sienese cult of the Virgin, therefore, provide welcome middle-ground analysis. The story of Siena's adoption of the cult on the eve of the Battle of Monteperti in 1260 is a handle for reviewing Sienese de- votions to the Virgin in the thirteenth century, and the literary development of the Monteperti legend in the fifteenth. Sienese account books aUow her to fol- low in detaU the fourteenth-century elaboration of Siena's "pantheon," and oc- 790BOOK REVIEWS casional efforts to curtaU it.The mid-fifteenth-century campaigns for the canon- izations of Catherine and Bernardino enhanced civic pride without abating the Virgin's popularity. Webb's decision not to discuss the vast literatures on Catherine and Bernardino is circumspect, and echoes choices taken for earlier periods. She draws fruitfuUy on the insights of Peter Brown, Patrick Geary, and Miri Rubin on saints' cults and rituals, and on the contributions of Chiara Frugoni, Alba Maria OrseUi, Richard Trexler, and André Vauchez on the ItaUan context.The resulting panorama she offers is broad, richly detaUed, and surveyed with wit and acuity. It is an important reminder that in Italy the Church's eleventh-century reclamation of its sacrality was accompanied by new lay claims on spiritual power as well, and that strategies to control and manipulate legitimating sacred power were central to the construction of the Renaissance state. David S. Peterson Newberry Library L'Église et le droit dans le Midi (XIIP-XiV siècles). [Cahiers de Fanjeaux No. 29. Collection d'histoUe reUgieuse du Languedoc aux XIIP et XIVe siècles.] (Toulouse: Éditions Privat. 1994. Pp. 448. 165 F paperback.) This volume is a coUection of papers presented at a coUoquy held in 1993, the twenty-ninth in a series treating the reUgious history of the Midi. It is organized under three headings: canonists and their works; the birth and growth of canon law in the Midi; and the implementation of canon law. Henri GUles has compUed a very useful biographical Usting of over fifty professors at the University of Toulouse in the fourteenth century. He has also traced the teaching careers of a number of Benedictine abbots. García y García investigated five Ubraries which hold the most important juridical sources of the medieval period. In addition to unearthing several manuscripts previously unknown, he has caUed attention to some Spanish adaptations of Méridionale canonical works as weU as Spanish texts inspired by them. HenriVidal surveyed thirteen councils held in the Narbonne-Albi region during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The 489 canons adopted, though very juridical in character, are not concerned with poUtical events or with theology, much less with Scripture and custom; rather they borrow from previous ecumenical and provincial councils. The canons dealing with Jews are a case in point. Jacques Paul's paper on the clerk's register of the Carcassonne inquisition for the years 1249-1258 proposes a procedure against heretics quite dUferent from that known from the register of Jacques Fournier or the sentences of Bernard Gui. Instead of preventive detention, the judges would release the accused on bail guaranteed by the fidejussors.The individual was obliged under oath to submit book reviews791 beforehand to the future penance. His condition was thereby changed from that of a guUty party to that of a penitent. Canon law, as outlined by Jacques Verger, began to be taught in the universities of the Midi (Toulouse, MontpeUier, Avignon) during the course of the thirteenth century. By the fourteenth it was the discipline that attracted the most students, even U Roman law was more prestigious. The statutes provide a detaUed knowledge of the program of studies: the curricula, the teaching methods, and the examinations.The main text was the Decretals of Gregory LX. In all, there are fourteen essays by thirteen contributors, mostly university professors from the south of France. John E. Lynch The Catholic University ofAmerica Processus Bernardi Delitiosi: The Trial of Fr. Bernard Délicieux, 3 Septembers December 1319- By Alan Friedlander. [Transactions of the American PhUosophical Society,Vol. 86,Pt. 1.] (PhUadelphia: American PhUosophical Society. 1996. Pp. xn, 393. $30.00.) Prominent in modern accounts of late Languedocian Catharism are the activities of two wandering Cathar perfects, GuiUaume Pages and Bernard Costa, attested in depositions which now survive in a seventeenth-century copy, MS Paris BN Doat 26. In 1319 a Franciscan expressed skepticism about the truth of these depositions and the real existence of the two perfects: in his way, attempting what Robert Lerner achieved on a broader scale in his 'Heresy' of the 'Free Spirit' (197'3), where a sect which had been prominent until then in histories of heresy was demonstrated to be a fabrication based on leading questions, torture, and confessing personaUties. The Franciscan was Bernard Délicieux, and he was giving witness during a trial in which he faced four charges: (1) impeding the inquisition, (2) plotting an insurrection against the king of France, (3) plotting the death of the Dominican Pope Benedict XI, and (4) supporting the Spiritual Franciscans. The documents of this trial have now been carefuUy edited by Alan Friedlander, who has also supplied an historical introduction, an appendix of biographical notes on persons mentioned in the trial, and a glossary providing modern identifications of Latin place-names.Tes- timony to Friedlander's useful edition is that it immediately suggests the need for further publications. First of aU, Friedlander introduces what is at the front of the stage in this edition, the proceedings, the texts, and the outlines of DeU- cieux's life; he has no room to do more. For one intelligible context of DeUcieux's attack on Dominican inquisitors, earUer southern French Franciscan and Dominican hostility; for a setting of DéUcieux within the context of his order; for an account of Délicieux's curial friends; for the strange lapse of fifteen years between the (aUeged) commission of charges 1-3 and the trial: for these the 792book reviews reader must stiU turn to earlier accounts of Délicieux, such as Yves Dossat's in Cahiers de Fanjeaux, 10 (1975). For further consideration of Arnold of VU- lanova, to whom DéUcieux was aUeged to have supplied substances with which to murder Pope Benedict XI, the reader must turn to those who have studied Arnold as a physician (Michael McVaugh) or Arnold as Spiritual Franciscan sympathizer (Robert Lerner). Clearly the time is now ripe for a major monograph on Délicieux, preferably written by Friedlander. Secondly, there is the theme which opens this review. Languedocian depositions have long been relatively exempt from the brush which has tarred northern-European trials. "Tarred"? Think only of the mad inquisitors Conrad of Marburg and Robert Le Bougre, the tortured Templars, and Lerner's Free Spirit suspects. Now, the Languedocian depositions may contain much story-telling and mendacity, as Natalie Davis pointed out in her Annales review of Montaillou. But those who read these southern depositions are impressed by their circumstantiality, lack of heavy leading questions, and deponents' relative freedom, even discursiveness, when replying. So, the standard historians, from Jean Guiraud to Jean Duvernoy and the late Msgr. EUe GrUfe, have contentedly got on with the job of using these depositions to reconstruct Languedocian Catharism, and exploiting them to produce pictures of quite remarkable quotidian detaU and color. Perhaps they should not be so confident. Often these depositions pose a subtler problem than the northern ones. Deponents respond without extraordinary pressure and with a fair degree of truth, but respond within a framework of questions which reflects a churchmen's view of what constitutes a sect; a deposition may therefore be true, but untrue in that it only confirms one angle on "reality." DeIicieux's calling into question the very existence of two Cathar perfects, and aU the "heretications" they performed in the years of then alleged activities (c. 1260- 1283), shows that southern depositions can on occasion also pose the crudest problem—and also indicates further complexity. For Friedlander points out that one Paris BN manuscript, Doat 32, contains depositions in an enquiry in 1330, which investigated the reliability of precisely the registers in which these two perfects appeared. Since it is the famous inquisitor Jacques Fournier, one of DéUcieux's careful judges in 1319, who in 1330 is taking seriously the doubt and unreliability of material in Doat 26, his capacity thus to question earlier inquisition suggests we should have a very high estimate of his capacity as an inquisitor when attempting to discern the truth—or to discern 'truth' from his angle. So, finally, Friedlander's edition puts into briUiant highUght the need for a fresh and overall look at Languedocian inquisitors and their techniques, the depositions, the 1330 inquiry (which needs editing), and the questions all these raise about the discerning of"truth." Peter Biller University ofYork BOOK REVIEWS793 Nicolaus Minorita: Chronica. Documentation on Pope John XXII, Michael of Cesena and the Poverty of Christ with Summaries in English. A Source Book. Edited by Gedeon Gal, O.EM., and David Flood, O.F.M. (St. Bonaven- ture, New York: Franciscan Institute PubUcations. 1996. Pp. 30", 1238. $68.00.) In 1317 leaders of the Franciscan order finaUy received papal help in sup- pressing the spiritual Franciscans. John XXII ordered rebellious spirituals to stop arguing and obey their superiors. Those who refused were referred to the inquisitors, and some of those who continued their defiance were burned at the stake the following year. That hardly settled the problem, since a number of those who had purportedly submitted soon left their houses and continued their defiance as fugitives; but John's action marked an important stage in the process, since it changed the remaining spmtuals from dissidents into heretics. Unfortunately, in 1321 those same Franciscan leaders found themselves in an uncomfortably similar situation. A dUference of opinion between a Dominican inquisitor and one of his expert advisors, a Franciscan, allowed the pope to launch an investigation into the question of whether Christ and his apostles were absolutely without possessions, individuaUy or in common.The result was a 1323 papal bull that decided they were not. It had been preceded by a 1322 bull proclaiming that the Franciscan order and not the papacy owned the ma- terial goods used by the friars. Both announcements reversed what Franciscans had long seen as cornerstones of their observance. Leaders of the order protested, at first politely and then less so. In 1328 Michael of Cesena, the same minister general who had presided over the suppression of the spirituals, escaped from the papal court at Avignon and began a long Franciscan government in exile under the protection of John XXII's arch-enemy the Emperor Ludwig of Bavaria.The handful of friars who joined him in The Great Escape included WUUam of Ockham. They would spend the rest of their lives firing polemical salvos at John XXII1 but exUe would remain theU lot. The whole affair is extremely weU-documented, thanks in part to a brother named Nicolaus, a foUower of Michael of Cesena, who coUected and copied many of the pertinent texts. The resultant chronicle offers a source book for those interested in foUowing the battle. It is edited here by two of the best textual scholars working today and is an invaluable research tool for those interested in Franciscan and papal history. For those who do not feel up to reading the gigantic Latin text (370 foUos in the Paris manuscript), David Flood furnishes English-language summaries at the beginning of each chapter.There wUl probably be a great many people who never get beyond Flood's summaries.The argument was an extremely tedious one. Anyone who spends much time with the chronicle will appreciate why such a potentiaUy interesting controversy has received so little attention from modern scholars. Flood also provides an introductory chapter summarizing the history of the Franciscan poverty dispute from its beginnings until 1321, the only genuinely 794BOOK REVIEWS problematic part of the book for this reviewer. Flood argues—as he did in earlier works like Francis of Assist and the Franciscan Movement (1989)—that the Franciscan movement was born as a socio-economic alternative to the nascent capitalism of Assisi. The impUcations of this perspective become ap- parent when he considers ideals like poverty and the imitation of Christ, elements most scholars imagine were basic to Francis' project. In Flood's view, they entered the picture more or less as tactical maneuvers countering Assisi's attempt to marginalize the movement that challenged and judged its values. "Franciscan poverty then, began as a defensive maneuver to deal with Assisi's ostracism." Or1 in the case of imitating Christ, Instead of quietly and humbly accepting their lot, the brothers outmaneuvered Assisi. (As in economics, so now with society, they were breaking the monopoly of those in power to define what is real.) . . . They swept the imputation of insignificance aside by drawing Jesus into the excluded group. Flood presents the late thirteenth-century spiritual leader Petrus Iohannis OUvi as a major hero of the movement; yet—despite Flood's impressive record of scholarship on OUvi—his description of the latter's dUficulties with the order seems remarkably generic. He devotes some space to OUvi's argument for poverty m the eighth of the Questions on Evangelical Perfection and implies that an explanation of OUvi's troubles can be found there; yet question eight does not directly address the issue of ususpauper as a part of the vow, and that is the issue that divided OUvi from his confreres. Flood makes no effort to ex- amine question nine or the Treatise on Usus Pauper, both of which deal explicitly with the ususpauper controversy and offer a better sense of what OUvi at least thought the argument was about. In every other respect, however, the achievement is a major one. Scholars should be grateful to these two scholars for editing a massive work like Nicholaus' chronicle and to the Franciscan Institute for daring to pubUsh it despite the current tight market for scholarly works. David Burr Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University Blacksburg La Parrocchia nel Medio Evo: Economía, Scambi, Solidarietà. Edited by Agostino Paravicini Bagliani and Véronique Pasche. [Italia Sacra: Studi e documenti di storia ecclesiastica,Vol. 53] (Rome: Herder Editrice e Librería. 1995. Pp. xxvü, 325. Lire 1 12.000 paperback.) This volume presents papers from a seminar organized to broaden consider- ation of exchange within the parish to include spiritual as weU as material transactions. The selections certainly achieve this goal, but the chronological and geographical emphases of the volume are not well indicated in its title. Most of book reviews795 the contributions focus on the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and, although published in Italy, French parishes dominate the coUection. So too do the dead. More than anything, this volume reveals the centraUty of death in the economic and spiritual exchanges of the late medieval parish. Con- tributions illumine the roles of burial fees in the parish economy (Delmaire.pp. 27-41, and Le Bourgeois-Viron, pp. 42-59), of endowed commemorative Masses in the parish liturgy (Staub, pp. 231-254, and Lemaitre, pp. 255-278), of private funerary chapels in the division of space within the parish church itseU (Hubert, pp. 209-227), and of funerary repasts in the sustenance of the parish's poor (Dubuis, pp. 279-303). Jacques ChUfoleau's broad, synthetic essay, "L'É- conomie paroissiale en Provence" (pp. 61-117), integrates these themes with the more narrowly economic concerns of earUer work. Distinguishing three "moments" (before 1260, 1260-1340, after 1340) in the history of parochial exchanges in Provence, he focuses on the middle period and its "recomposition assez complète de toute l'économie paroissiale, qui tient en grande partie aux transformations du système bénéficiai mais qui a aussi des impUcations et des présupposés de nature strictement reUgieuse" (p. 66). Chtffoleau masterfully shows how changes in the economic support of the parish, particularly the increasingly important role of commemorative prayer for the dead, affected the clergy's relationship with the laity and set the stage for the great reform movements of the sixteenth century. Indeed, the emphasis on both late medieval sources and the relationship between spiritual and fiscal needs recommends this volume to scholars of the Protestant and Catholic Reformations. For medievaUsts, moreover, it offers suggestions and examples of sources we can use to study the parish. Particularly valuable in this regard is Antonio Rigon's overview of sources relating to congregations of clergy in northern Italy (pp. 3-25). Records of disputes, wUls, parish registers, and necrologies (obituaires) are also highUghted by various authors in the coUection. EspeciaUy intriguing is Daniela Rando's description (pp. 169-207) of a fifteenth-century episcopal register of priests admitted to the dio- cese of Trent. The opening pages of Rando's essay set out a highly significant research agenda exploring the proportion of foreign priests in the diocese, the movement of clergy regionally, and both the causes and results of clerical itinerancy. In sum, this volume presents valuable research on the medieval parish. It contributes to our understanding both of the parish on the eve of the Reformation and the development of beliefs, practices, and records associated with the commemoration of the dead. AdditionaUy, speciaUsts in the ecclesiastical history of the regions of the Valais, Provence, Guyenne, and the Hanse, and of the dioceses ofArras,Thérouanne, Beauvais, Nuremberg,Tivoli, andTrent wiU want to consult the respective essays in this volume. Maureen C. Miller Hamilton College 796book reviews Visitas pastorales de Valencia (Siglos XIV-XV). By M.'MUagros Cárcel Ortí y José Vicente Boscá Codina. [Facultad de Teología San Vicente Ferrer, Series valentina, XXXVIIL] (Valencia: Universität de Valencia, Facultat de Geografía i Historia, Departement d'Histöria de l'Antiguitat i de la Cultura Escrita. 1996. Pp. xii, 803. Paperback.) Pastoral visits offer a wealth of information for social historians, and this carefully prepared volume records those undertaken inValencia from 1337 to 1427. An introductory chapter places the visits in context. Although most parishes were found to be in an acceptable state, in some there were serious problems. During the episcopal visits both clergy and laity were interrogated; in 1383 Bishop Jaume d'Aragó asked Jaume Serra, rector of the church of Alzira, about his relationship -with the woman living under his roof, a concern which arose from the widespread problem of concubinage in the diocese. He was also asked about the fabric of the church and its chapels, and the fulfillment of obUgations by priests who held benefices there, twenty-eight of whom were fined for then negligence (pp. 86-87). In 1396 a number of deficiencies were found in the fabric of the cathedral together with a lack of devotional and processional books; Friar GU d'Elvira was said to be ignorant of the meaning of the Mass and the vicar to read very badly and be incapable of administering Holy Baptism. The same year in Liria (pp. 236-238) the rector of Sant Tomas was known as an unsatisfactory preacher and attendance at his church was poor; in Oliva (p. 128) the vicar had an impediment in his speech which rendered it unintelligible. Worse were the less frequent sins of usury, sodomy, indecency, blasphemy, gambling, inebriation, brawling, keeping undesirable company, rape, and the invocation of demons, of almost all of which the vicar of Luxent was accused. A man without modesty, guilty of gross indecency during his frequent periods of inebriation, a gambler and disturber of the peace (p. 147), he would leave his parish unat- tended for at least three days at a time (pp. 143-151). Other priests held multiple benefices or engaged in outside work with the resultant neglect of their parishes. The laity were not exempt from censure either; in the church of Sant Salvador (Valencia) there was a serious problem of concubinage, even cohabitation with non-Christians (p. 235). Attendance of Conversos at Mass was irregular, and one man in Ribaroga was indicted for copying Muslim customs (p. 290). It was customary to warn or punish offenders according to the gravity of their sins, and the letters recorded the fines imposed, the instances of excommunication, and in some cases the absolution of the transgressors. Other injunctions included the placement of Na Major, an indigent parishioner, in the Morvedre poorhouse (No. 117); permission for Jews to enlarge a synagogue (No. 104); time untU AU Saints' Day for GuiUem DezcoU to complete a retable for the altar in the chapel of Saint Mary Magdalene (No. 38); replacement of beams on the roof at Finestrat (No. 70), and repair of the bell at Xirivella (No. 74). BOOK REVIEWS797 Accurate transcriptions and meticulous scholarly attention to detaU are saUent features of this work.The explanatory preliminary chapters and exhaustive indices render it an invaluable source for scholars of medieval Valencia, and one which should find a place on the shelves of aU major research Ubraries. Jill R.Webster St. Michael's College University ofToronto Gender and Heresy: Women and Men in Lollard Communities, 1420-1530. By Shannon McSheffrey. [Middle Ages Series.] (PhUadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 1995. Pp. xüi, 253. $38.95 cloth; $18.95 paperback.) Shannon McSheffrey's detailed study of eight Lollard communities in southeast and south central England (1420-1530) examines the interplay of gender, social status, familial linkages, and Uteracy to counter the idea that medieval heretical communities were more attractive to women than was orthodox reU- giosity. In arguing that Lollardy was not notably attractive to or supportive of women, McSheffrey keeps an eye on comparative findings relating to early modern and modern religious groups and on recent debates regarding Uteracy levels and patriarchy. The evidence is drawn from bishops' registers, court books, and wiUs, with a judicious use of Foxe where original records are missing. Only occasionaUy does this study draw support from the Uterature of LoUardy The narrative analysis rests on a matrix of names of persecuted LoUards listed in the appendix, which McSheffrey has sorted by gender, relationship to other LoUards, and literacy (defined as reading in English). McSheffrey's primary finding is that women composed a relatively smaU per- centage of recorded LoUards (28%), that they did not assume public teaching roles, were not in leadership positions, were more likely than men to have famUy connections with other LoUards, and were therefore more likely to have been attracted to LoUardy for famiUal rather than ideological reasons.They also had far lower literacy rates than men (3% as opposed to 19%). McSheffrey details one significant exception to this picture—a group of female LoUards in Coventry who met together and looked to the leadership of one Alice Rowley, a woman of higher social status who seems to have been able, uniquely, to cross gender lines and provide leadership to the male LoUards from more modest social levels. Despite the strengths of this study, McSheffrey's work raises questions. She argues that men controlled the movement at the pubUc, conventicle level, and that women listened, learned, and sometimes taught only in informal, private circumstances. Considering the privy nature of conventicles, however, the dis- tinction is problematic, and court documents, more routinized after 1428, often 798BOOK REVIEWS use the same language for men as women (e.g.,"counseling or defending heretical doctrines in privy conventicles or assembUes"). A few stronger women in the movement (AUce Harding, Hawisse Mone, Margery Baxter) are quite possibly not given theU due in McSheffrey's emphasis on the private nature of their actions. McSheffrey argues that LoUard literacy rates support assessments of a low level of literacy in late medieval England, but what low and high Uteracy means she does not say. In my work, which she cites as arguing for high Uteracy her figures and mine (an estimated 25% male Uteracy rate) converge nicely. Some of her conclusions—husbands had greater influence on wives than the reverse (p. 92), neighbors were particular targets of proselytizing (p. 75), and her larger conclusion (p. 136) that women could stretch their gender roles only when their social status gave them some precedence over men—require more evidence than the sources presently aUow. The evidence for women is more suggestive than conclusive (partly because, as McSheffrey notes, authorities were less interested in them); what evidence there is represents only a proportion of the actual cases, and the information provided by legal documents is often spare. More evidence from LoUard writings might strengthen her conclusions. Her effort to close with comparative conclusions regarding orthodox devotional practices and their attractiveness to female piety needs further fleshing out. Overall, this is an intriguing but inconclusive study that provides important support to an argument offered by others studying continental heresies, viz., that medieval heresies, upon close examination, do not appear to have provided women with greater leadership roles or outlets for their reUgiosity than did orthodox religious practices. Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran Georgetown University Early Modern European Tradition and Authority in the Reformation. By Scott H. Hendrix. [CoUected Studies Series, CS 535.] (Brookfield,Vermont:Variorum, Ashgate Publishing Co. 1996. Pp. xii, 330. $89.95.) Seventeen previously published articles and chapters are organized around the topics of Scripture and the Fathers, Church, Society, and Luther's Authority; fourteen of the seventeen are from the 1980's and early '90's.Most of the essays focus on two figures in the German Reformation: Martin Luther and Urbanus Rhegius (1489-1541). "Luther Against the Background of the History of BibUcal Interpretation." Protestant exegetes did not mark a clear new era in bibUcal interpretation. book reviews799 Luther never gave up aUegory. Luther maintained a grammatical and theological approach that must be appUed to (his) "today." The contrast between Luther and the tradition is one of balance. The study of Luther and medieval exegesis has continued the same view of Hendrix (of 1983), namely, that there is not a radical departure with Luther from medieval approaches; this holds true for areas other than exegesis as weU. "The Authority of Scripture at Work: Luther's Exegesis of the Psalms." Seven rules indicate how Luther understood sola scriptum: learn to copy the model (trust in the strength of the Lord), dUigently inspect the text (even every word), apply the tools of interpretation (languages), relate the text to experience (palestra), pray for the inspiration of the Spirit, seek out the central core, acknowledge the inexhaustibility of Scripture. The approach to Scripture is likened to the approach to a work of art, which, while Hendrix caUs this an "imperfect Ulustration," I would caU a distraction. Rhegius was a Protestant preacher in Augsburg (1524-1530) and superinten- dent in Lüneburg (1530 to his death in 1541). In two articles ("Use of Scripture"; "Use of the Church Fathers") Hendrix tries to distance Rhegius from his nineteenth-century (Lutheran) biographer, Gerhard Uhlhorn, when it comes to what Hendrix caUs Rhegius's "ecclesiasticle" or "apostolic" principle of Scripture interpretation, which goes beyond sola scriptura to include at least the aid of the fathers. Uhlhorn says Rhegius did not practice what he preached; Hendrix says he did. Both Uhlhorn and Hendrix see appeal to Church Fathers as a deviation from sola scriptura. Hardly. Sola scriptura is not bibücism; with Luther it was a short-hand polemical phrase that needs the fuller sentence in context to be understood (Scripture alone and not the pope). Luther went beyond Scripture to articles of faith, the practice of tradition, and reason for authorities. Hendrix knows this. In four selections Hendrix uses categories from famUy therapy (intergenerational behavioral theory known as contextual therapy). In one of his "initial attempts" ("Luther's Loyalties and the Augustinian Order"), we see "a monk and not a monk" earn entitlement by crediting his father's care (in his dedication of De votis monasticis iudicium, 1521, to his father Hans). When Luther trans- ferred his loyalty from monastic vows to the ministry of the Word, he parenti- fied Christ. The loyalty bond of faith that ties believers to Christ as to a parent deters beUevers from basing then faith on their internal power. Nurture comes from outside. Hendrix disdains psychohistory, and rather focuses on relational developments. In his second attempt at this ("Luther's Contribution to the Disunity of the Reformation"), Luther does not emerge as a healthy theologian seen from therapeutic lenses. Luther felt deeply that he was owed more appreciation and loyalty than he received. A certain relational imbalance resulted that fueled his disdain for his opponents. 800book reviews In Hendrix's later uses of famUy therapy, Luther emerges far more balanced and healthy, and his theology is aUowed to stand on its own feet. In "Deparentifying the Fathers," one cannot help wondering if the therapist isn't trying to prove that the Reformers had a healthy ("balanced") relationship with their spiritual parents. In "A Multilateral View ofAnticlericaUsm," one needs a balanced picture of the two sides of the anticlerical controversy, meaning here that the (CathoUc) clergy's side of the attack needs to be heard.The CathoUc clergy suffered; their lot was hard work, no pay, and no respect. While exaggerated, the sources do show that priests were justifiably frustrated, despondent, hungry, miserable, guilt-ridden, and ashamed. The ideal of priesthood could not be fulfilled. "Why should they work harder for nothing?" Sounding Like a lecture, the necessary humor is there: priests selling beer to supplement meager income, a priest preaching against adultery when his "whore comes openly to church and my bastards sit right in front of me." Under Church are two articles on late medieval "ecclesiology" ("In Quest of the Vera Ecclesia"; "Hus and Luther Revisited"). In these I find a theological beat or two missing. Ecclesiology in Hendrix's terms leans in the direction of the ecclesiastical (institutional), not the ecclesiological (doctrinal).What passes for ecclesiology here are issues of papacy, power, Rome, institution:The Roman structure. Perhaps the term ecclesiology is anachronistic; tracts on de ecclesia are more modern than medieval. Medieval concern for church is expressed in Unam sanctam concerning papal power; for Hus the concern is papal corruption. Pope, canon law, conciUarism focus on ecclesiastical matters of organization. The older definition of ecclesiology is the science of buUding and decorating the church; the newer is the theology of the church. I find Hendrix's ecclesiology somewhere in between these definitions. "Luther et la Papauté." Did Luther change his views of the papacy between 1513 and 1520? No. Did Luther make contradictory statements about the authority of the Word and the papacy during 1518-19 as Remigius Bäumer maintains? No. At the end (1 545) as well Luther maintained a consistent ecclesiology based on the Word of God. "Toleration of the Jews in the German Reformation: Urbanus Rhegius and Braunschweig (1535-154O)." Rhegius's strong plea for toleration of the Jews stands in sharp contrast to the later Luther, Chemnitz, and Bucer. WhUe he shared some of the anti-Jewish prejudice of his contemporaries, his advocacy of Rabbi Samuel (to be allowed to live and teach Hebrew in Braunschweig) and his rebuke of the anti-Jewish clergy in Braunschweig show a kinder face to the Jews than the dominant frown of Luther has allowed to appear. A credible mix of studies from the now Professor of Church History at Gettysburg Lutheran Seminary. Kenneth Hagen Marquette University BOOK REVIEWS801 Antifraternalism and Anticlericalism in the German Reformation: Johann Eberlin von Giinzburg and the Campaign against the Friars. By Geoffrey Dipple. [St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History.] (Brookfield,Vermont: Scolar Press, Ashgate Publishing Co. 1996. Pp. x, 244. $74.95.) Johann Eberlin von Giinzburg was a prolific Protestant pamphleteer, but he has received little attention in recent scholarship. In part this is due to the rather scattered, seemingly incoherent, nature of his writings. However, his work deserves attention for several reasons. In contrast with most other friars who were quite young when they left their order, Eberlin was over fifty years old when he left the Franciscan Order to join the Protestant camp. Further, the Catholic controversialist from the Franciscan Order,Thomas Murner, paid Eberlin the compliment of making his "Fifteen Confederates" a prime target of his attack on Protestant authors. Dipple' s study offers the reader a thorough review of more than a century of research on Eberlin and the German Franciscans. Prominent among the fruits of this review is the suggestion made in a German dissertation from 1902 that the usual chronology for the writing and publication of the "Fifteen Confederates" should be revised. Dipple utilizes this revised chronology in an attempt to create a more coherent understanding of the development of Eberiin's thought. Two major themes emerge in Dipple's study. FUst, he focuses on the great antifraternal fusiUade of 1 523 . Having been attacked by the Provincial of the south German Franciscans, Luther intensified his own attack on monastic vows and raUied former Franciscans among his followers to add to the debate.These writings did not merely echo the humanists' critique of the friars' faUure to Uve up to theU spiritual ideals; they called these ideals into question. Secondly, in an at- tempt to trace a more coherent pattern in Eberiin's writings, Dipple suggests that EberUn moved from his Franciscan miUeu through a period of alliance with German humanists to an anticlerical radicaUsm which was then moderated by his acquaintance with Luther's teachings during his stay in Wittenberg. Two questions emerge from this careful study. Is continuity the only model appropriate for the analysis of Eberiin's writings? Eberlin possessed a volatUe personaUty which might account for abrupt changes in his thought. Or again, on his frequent visits in northern Switzerland, Eberlin probably encountered a Protestant tradition which gloried in the discontinuity between the darkness of the false preaching during the old age and the new Ught of the true gospel. EberUn's conversion to Protestant beliefs and thought may have occurred in discontinuous bursts. Further, EberUn's critique of tithes and benefices receives Uttle attention from Dipple. To be sure, EberUn's comments on this topic are rather reserved, but the atmosphere into which he sent his writings was incendiary. Indeed, these issues lay at the heart of the peasants' cause. How do we measure the distance between EberUn's intentions and the reception of these themes among his readers? We know that Thomas Murner in his "On the Great Lutheran Fool" 802book reviews accused Eberlin of fomenting radical upheaval. The case for Eberiin's moderation might be chaUenged. These questions aside, Dipple offers the reader a superb survey of historiog- raphy and a fresh and thorough review of Eberlin as weU as other anticlerical authors. Our view of the turmoU of the early 1520's is enhanced and put in sharper focus by this study. Paul L. Nyhus Bowdoin College The World ofRural Dissenters, 1520-1 725. Edited by Margaret Spufford. (New York: Cambridge University Press. 1995. Pp. xx, 459. $79.95.) In The World of Rural Dissenters Margaret Spufford has put together a vol- ume of material with much greater coherence than most coUections of essays. Professor Spufford and a group of her former students, and other historians working in similar areas, address key issues pertaining to what one might caU the sociology of religious nonconformity in rural and smaU-town England in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These questions have long puzzled historians: what was the social, economic, status, or occupational profile of preReformation LoUards and later Puritans, Quakers, Baptists, and Familists; what types of communities fostered religious dissent and what does the geographical typology of dissenting communities tell us about the propagation of nonconformity; and what connections (U any) were there between the places which experienced heresy early in the period and other forms of dissent after the Restoration? These are complex and weighty problems in their own right. In order to address them adequately, the authors need to confront other ancillary problems as weU; the circulation of cheap printed material of reUgious and other sorts, the nature of road networks and communications in the late Tudor and Stuart periods, and surname turnover in different types of agricultural environment are just a few examples. In short, Spufford and her coUeagues have brought to bear upon the problem of rural nonconformity the best of current English local historical practice.The results are stunning in theU detaU and provocative in theU impUcations, and will pre-empt any tendency historians may have in future to make simple generaUzations. One badly damaged generalization is the notion that the later LoUards were predominantly humble people, alienated from the society in which they dwelt: "LoUards were not insignificant members of isolated communities. They were found at aU levels of rural and county society and they were totaUy intergrated into that society" (p. 132). Likewise, those who were involved in later noncon- formity spanned the gamut of social types in Tudor/Stuart English society; the later seventeenth-century sectarians and the EUzabethan foUowers of the Fam- book reviews803 Uy of Love in rural Cambridgeshire emerge as neither "the meaner sort" nor a proto-bourgeoisie nor as splinter groups divorced from their parish communities. Moreover, the authors argue strongly and with a wealth of examples against the picture (sketched by, among others, Keith Thomas) of the rural poor as largely cut off—whether through poverty, iUiteracy, or indUference—from the basic tenets of orthodox Christianity or its radical offshoots: "there was in the seventeenth century a kind of general familiarity, in the alehouse, the cobbler's shop, the mUler's, the baker's, and many cottages, even of those exempt from taxation on grounds of poverty, with reUgious discussion and argument" (p. 85). A group of parishes in the ChUterns region in southern Buckinghamshire, where there had been a large number of LoUards in the 1520's and congregations of Quakers and Baptists 130 years later, serve as a limiting test case of an area with a remarkably continuous history of reUgious dissent, and thus as one focus of "microscopic study" (p. 29) for the book. In some of the most detaUed and painstaking of the local-history spadework (on the basis of surname longevity and genealogy traced from tax Usts and parish registers), Nesta Evans demonstrates both the relative geographical immobUity and the famiUal descent of nonconformists over the period; famUy, trading, and community networks as opposed to economic or social determinist explanations are aU the more critical for understanding the propagation of reUgious disssent (a conclusion recently underscored independently by Shannon McSheffrey's work on the earlier LoUards, Gender and Heresy: Women and Men in Lollard Communities 1420-1530 [Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995]).There were indeed intimate connections between earUer and later dissenters, though (as Patrick Collinson points out) there is stUl room for debate about the nature of the connections. In his "Critical Conclusion" to the volume Collinson draws together the strands of what must be called the "Spuffordian" conclusions and notes that they are "about so much more than rural dissenters" (p. 396). He also notes that the volume has little to say about "the first (post-Reformation) dissenters," that is, Catholics (p. 392). L. R. Poos The Catholic University ofAmerica A Proper Dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and an Husbandman. Edited by Douglas H. Parker. (Buffalo: University of Toronto Press. 1996. Pp. ix, 291. $55.00.) This critical edition gives us a full introduction with commentary, glossary, and variants framing fifty pages of primary texts.Two sixteenth-century poems, "An A. B. C. to the spiritualte" and a "Dialoge" between a landowner and a farmer, preface two late medieval prose tracts on the excessive wealth and power of the clergy, and the legitimacy of an English Bible. 804book reviews For the Uterary scholar, the introduction draws the helpful distinction between equivocal dialogues, such as Utopia, and univocal ones, such as A proper dyaloge (1529, 1530) and Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe (1528) (University of Toronto Press, 1992). Having edited both works, Parker argues plausibly from stanza-form and diction that William Roye and Jerome Barlowe, ex-Franciscan Observants, composed both verse satires. For the historian, the introduction surveys anticlerical protests from MarsUius of Padua, Lorenzo VaUa, and anonymous Lollards.The notes document many historical events, such as the conflict between King John and the papacy, King HenryVs persecution of the LoUards, and the burning ofWUUamTyndale's New Testament, the first EngUsh version made from the original Greek. The most chaUenging thesis which Parker proposes is that WUliam Tyndale edited and emended at least part of the medieval tract, A compendious olde treatyse. Vais, brief work was printed separately in 1530, included in A proper dyaloge later in 1530, and reprinted in Foxe's Book of Martyrs c. 1563. Margaret Deanesly (1920) and Curt F. Bühler (1938) have published a dUferent version taken directly from a medieval manuscript, which Parker gives in an appendix for the sake of comparison. Besides rearranging much of the medieval material, the sixteenth-century version of A compendious olde treatyse abbreviates a series of scriptural references and omits quotations from Jerome's various biblical prologues, changes which Tyndale could have made. Parker argues, moreover, that Tyndale adds to the medieval text characteristic features: a Pauline introduction; three pungent sidenotes on Robin Hood, an upside-down tree, and Nicholas de Lyra; frequent use of "Antichrist"; the vivid phrase "ydle beUyes" (v. 1325), which I note is also found in Tyndale's Parable of the Wicked Mammon (Parker Society, 1848, 42:95). But would Tyndale have defended vernacular scriptures by accepting the appeal of the medieval text to the Apocrypha Machabees,Tobit, and Judith (w. 1346, 1598, 1604)? Would he have left uncorrected the assertion that the Gospels were written in the language of the countries where they were preached: Matthew in Judea, Mark in Italy, Luke in Achaia, John in Asia (w. 1 5971 598)? Would he not have explained that the NewTestament was finaUy written in Koine Greek? In spite of Parker's gracious reference to the forthcoming Catholic University edition of Tyndale's tracts of exegesis and polemic, we wUl not include A compendious olde treatyse among his Independent Works. Apart from a debatable Unk to Tyndale, this exemplary edition of Reformation poems and preReformation tracts stands on its own merits. Anne M. O'Donnell, S.N.D. The Catholic University ofAmerica BOOK REVIEWS805 The Society ofJesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England 1541-1588. "Our Way of Proceeding?" By Thomas M. McCoog, SJ. [Studies in Medieval and Ref- ormation Thought, Volume LX.] (Leiden: E. J. BriU. 1996. Pp. xin, 316; 7 plates.) This highly significant book may mark the beginning of a profound shift in the way that Jesuits write the history of their order and in the way they approach the history of EngUsh CathoUcism. A good bit of the credit for compelling the Jesuit historians to so modify theU views must go to recent scholars of early modern EngUsh Catholic politics such as Peter Holmes and Arnold Pritchard. Like Holmes and Pritchard before him, McCoog documents m this book what all parties must finally accept as indisputable fact: that English Jesuits like Robert Parsons worked actively and tirelessly throughout the 1580's to overthrow the poUtical and religious estabUshment of Elizabethan England. According to McCoog, such political activities began no later than mid-1581, or immediately after the coUapse of the Ul-fated 1580-81 mission that resulted in Edmund Campion's execution and Parsons' permanent exile on the Continent. McCoog contends that most of the political activity of the early 1580's, moreover, was focused on Scotland as a means of forcibly reconverting England. Parsons in particular was convinced that James VI might yet be won over to the true faith. Here McCoog is, I think, drawing upon the thesis advanced in my 1994 article on the 1580-81 debacle.' He agrees that this "Scottish strategy," as I called it, lay at the heart of Parsons' plans in the years preceding the Spanish Armada. Yet McCoog is at great pains to say that the original intention of the 1580-81 mission was pastoral. He cites the instructions given to Campion and Parsons by the Jesuit General Everard Mercurian that the missionaries were to limit their actions and conversations to reUgious matters. It was Campion's demise that served as a poUtical epiphany for Parsons, and it marked "a new phase Ui the history of EngUsh Catholics," as weU (p. 184). It also coincided with the demise of the ultra-Protestant earl of Morton and the ascendance of the Catholic duke of Lennox in Scotland, the first of James's three great "favorites." But qualification is in order, for Mercurian's instructions granted exceptions in cases of the Jesuits'"most faithful and trusted friends," and so poUtical conversations were permitted with those of"proven faithfulness and trustworthiness" (pp. 138-139)· Nonetheless, McCoog purports to have found no documentary evidence for any poUtical scheming on the part of Parsons prior to the dramatic events of mid-1581. He need have looked no further than Parsons' own mem- oirs to find it, however. Parsons recaUed many times in the years foUowing the 1580-81 disaster (e.g., in his "political retrospect") that one of the primary reasons that he and Campion had gone to England was to seek a conversion of James VI as a means of restoring CathoUc government and society in England. This goal is evident in Parsons' writings from the late-1570's onward. In short, '"English Catholicism and the Jesuit Mission of 1580-1581," The Historical Journal 37 (1994), 761-774. 806BOOK REVIEWS McCoog is not as yet comfortable with the ultimate implication of his work: that Jesuits like Parsons would not and could not sacrifice reUgious ends to a false modesty regarding the use of poUtical means. But McCoog's ambivalence wUl not minimize the startling importance of his contribution as a Jesuit histo- rian to the history of this period. He has shattered a major taboo and has begun to bring EngUsh Jesuit historians into the mainstream ofTudor-Stuart historiography. Michael L. Carrafiello East Carolina University Apologia del Beneficio di Christo e altri scritti inediti. By Marcantonio FIaminio. Edited by Dario Marcatto. [Fondazione Luigi Firpo, Centro di Studi sul Pensiero Poütico, Studi e Testi 5.] (Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore. 1996. Pp. 225. Lire 50.000 paperback.) The early 1540's in sixteenth-century Italy have long been identified as a crucible for the religious crisis experienced by the spirituali, especiaUy those who foUowed the teachings of the Spaniard, Juan de Valdés. When Valdés died in 1541, many of his disciples, including Marcantonio Flaminio, relocated from Naples to Viterbo, forming a new circle around Cardinal Pole.Thanks to the editor of this important coUection, Dario Marcatto, more light has been shed on Flaminio's close connection to the Beneficio di Christo, his reUgious thought and spiritual devotion, his theological debt to Valdés, and his association with the spirituali at Viterbo and beyond. The Beneficio di Christo—Flaminio's revision of Benedetto Fontanini da Mantova's original—was published in Venice twice in 1543, and quickly became one of the most popular devotional works for the spirituali. Orthodox Catholic authorities, however, soon considered its possession a litmus test for heresy. The Dominican Ambrogio Catharino Politi condemned it as heretical in 1544 in Compendio d'errori et inganni luterani contenuti in un libretto senza nome de Tautore, intitolato "Trattato utilissimo del benefttio di Christo cruciftsso." Shortly after the publication of the Compendio, Flaminio began to write the Apologia del Beneficio di Christo, the central text in this coUection. Marcatto's introduction sets out enough of the Compendio so that the reader understands that Flaminio does not contest each point in his Apologia; rather, he underscores the benefit of Christ's death as the true believer's justification. Through footnotes and paraUel texts, Marcatto points the reader to similar passages in the writings of Juan de Valdés and in Flaminio's other works. The coUection contains two other works and a handful of letters. The Medi- tationi et orationiformate sopra Vepístola di San Paolo a Romani, written in 1542 and dedicated to GiuUa Gonzaga, is an extended prayer and meditation on the first eight chapters of the epistle to the RomansThe Modo che si dee tenere ne Tinsegnare etpredicare il principio della religione Christiana [trattatelli] book reviews807 is a grouping of five shorter pieces, two byValdés and three by Flaminio, on topics including Christian penitence and justification by faith. Four letters foUow between Flaminio, Alvise Priuli, Pietro Carnesecchi, and GiuUa Gonzaga. Taken together, these works show the vitality of reUgious discussion in Italy before the official condemnation by the Council ofTrent in 1547 of the doctrine of justification by faith alone. Much of the excitement generated by this coUection is due to its origin: the Processo Carnesecchi contained in the archives of the Roman Inquisition.That Marcatto has been aUowed to examine—indeed print—these documents, raises the hope that soon these coUections wiU be avaUable more generally. Michelle M. Fontaine University ofArkansas at Little Rock Latin American Roma net Caraibi: L'organizzazione dette missioni cattoliche nette Antitte e in Guyana (1635-1675). By Giovanni Pizzorusso. [CoUection de l'École française de Rome, 207.] (Rome: École française de Rome. 1995. Pp. xv, 366.) This is a scholarly work that exhibits monumental research in an area that has been largely ignored in the literature on this topic. By examining in detaU Catholic missionary efforts in the smaUer Caribbean islands and the coast of South America during the baroque period, Giovanni Pizzorusso has provided a service for scholars who have focused almost exclusively upon the betterknown and more amply documented Mexican and Peruvian experiences. In contrast to the Iberian possessions where the missionary efforts usuaUy did not have to resolve national dUferences, this book shows how the competing monarchical interests in the Caribbean made for a major dUference in the organization of evangelization. Citing an English immigrant to Barbados in the first of four chapters, Pizzorusso describes the Caribbean as "A Babel of AU Nations." He points out that unlike the experience in Spanish America, CathoUc missionaries to the Caribbean had to confront Protestantism, while simultaneously trying to assuage conflicts arising from national and linguistic differences among themselves. Moreover, they had to minister not only to the native peoples indigenous to the Caribbean but also to African slaves. Chapters Two and Three document the disputes between Dominicans and Capuchin Franciscans (and eventuaUy the Jesuits) over matters of ecclesiastical jurisdiction.These disputes were compUcated by rivalries between the French, who had recently asserted political control of many of the islands, and the Spanish, who had established the missions earlier. In Chapter Four, the author evaluates the solution: the maintenance of a centraUzed control over the missions by the Vatican Congregation de Propaganda Fide that proposed creating an Apostolic Vicariate and a seminary for native clergy, Like Laval in Quebec, Canada. 808book reviews That solution was never applied, as King Louis XTV of France intended episcopal appointments as a mode of royal control and, like the Spanish monarch, opposed the erection of any more vicariates in the colonies. Although they were strange bedfellows with the GalUcan aspirations of the French crown, the interests of the religious orders in preserving their own foundations coincided with this opinion. As a result, it was not until 1850 that an episcopal see was erected in this region. Pizzorusso's well documented study supports the view that far from being a timid and passive agency, Propaganda was a creative and visionary force in baroque CathoUcism. OveraU, the author supplies a wealth of detaU and ample citations to sustain his positive view of the Holy See. The drawbacks to the book, ironicaUy, lie in its erudition.The four chapters are really more like four related but independent dissertation-type studies. No doubt European scholars are protected from the dragon of consumerism that increasingly forces academics pubUshing in EngUsh to write books with Uvely prose and the suspense of historical drama. But this book would be easier to read with a bit more dash. We also are not told enough about visionary humanist clerics like Raymond de Breton, O.P., Henri de la Borde, SJ., or Jean-Baptiste Dutertre, O.E, each of whom has contributed mightily to contemporary knowledge of the linguistic, cultural, and historical evolution of these multi-racial and multi-ethnic Caribbean soci- eties. When aU is said and done, however, this is a highly specialized work of great value and an indispensable resource for future research that needs to dispel some unfortunate stereotypes of baroque Catholicism. Anthony M. Stevens Arroyo Brooklyn College Magistrates of the Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighteenth Century Mexico. By William B.Taylor. (Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1996. Pp. xv, 868. $75.00.) Massive is the word which springs to mind in considering WUUam B.Taylor's most recent contribution to colonial Latin American historiography. It is truly as comprehensive a work on the topic as one is likely to enjoy.The fruit of many years in the archives, it wUl stand as a cornerstone for future research on the eighteenth-century Mexican Church.This is the first major study of the Bourbon Church in Mexico, since Nancy Farriss wrote in 1968. At its most basic levelTaylor's work is a view of the Bourbon reforms in Mexico.This broad range of changes which occurred Ln the administrative structure of the Spanish overseas empire is seen through the prism of the clergy and their parishioners. It is a unique undertaking in which the scope and consequences of the changes are analyzed through one of the parts, rather than focusing on the part to draw conclusions about the wholeTaylor has chosen to analyze two dUferent areas in an attempt to come to grips with issues of commonalty. He has BOOK REVIEWS809 focused on the large archdiocese of Mexico, which stretched from Tampico in the north to Acapulco in the south, measuring some 150 mUes wide, and the diocese of Guadalajara, located in western Mexico, nearly reaching SaltiUo in the north, and widening as it flowed to the southwest. Deep withinTaylor's work he seeks to understand four seeming paradoxes of late colonial Mexico (p. 4). How could the colonial system stand for nearly four centuries without a standing army, given that it was based on a relatively rigid social system with Uttle upward mobility and much real inequaUty? Were parish priests of the late colonial world truly separate from the world and at the same time of the world? What then would lead some of these priests to fuUy back an insurgency which could bring about the loss of their own position of privUege? Last, how did anticlericaUsm develop in the region when the Church was not perceived as in decline? The seeking of answers to these questions provides the reader with a deep subtext which runs through the work. This book is divided into four large parts. The first part, consisting of three chapters, sets the stage for the study. It considers the nature of change under the Bourbon reforms, the physical geography of the two regions under consideration, and the nature of local reUgious traditions in the parishes. The second part takes the parish priests as its theme. In six chapters, Taylor studies the process whereby young men became priests in eighteenth-century Mexico. He looks at theU career patterns, their sources of income, their outside occupations as judges and teachers, the aspects of their daUy Ufe and labors, and lastly their occasional faUings. The third part changes the focus to the parishioners and the religious IUe of the parishes. This part has four chapters which detaU the cycle of reUgious obligations and celebrations, the importance of saints and images of the sacred, the importance of sodalities, cofradías, in the IUe of the parish, and the array of lay workers who assisted the priest in his duties. Lastly Taylor takes the interface between the priest and parishioner and looks at the larger colonial world. This section moves through four chapters which study the interplay between local officials and disputes with the priest, leadership which emerges in the pueblos, the interactions between the priests and larger poUtical authorities, and lastly disputes over fees charged for the administration of parochial services. These chapters lead the reader to the Conclusion, which is an analysis of the role of the parish priest in the Independence movements of Mexico. Taylor finds m the poUcies of the Bourbon reformers the seeds which led to the participation of some of the parish clergy in the insurrection for Independence.WhUe previous studies have focused on the upper clergy, and especiaUy their reaction to the loss of the legal privUege of the fuero, Taylor looks to the dynamic of the parish as the key to understanding the reaction of the lower clergy. The metaphor of the parish priest as pastor, father, and judge for his parishioners was subtly undermined by the Bourbons. While the policy Ui Eu- rope largely succeeded in centraUzing power in the state, in the Americas, where the sole representative of the state was often the parish priest, these re- 810BOOK REVIEWS forms in fact eroded the legitimacy of the state. Frequently parish priests could not remain loyal to a poUtical order which did not aUow them to exercise fully what they felt were their moral responsibiUties to their parishioners.While only a small fraction of parish clergy actuaUy became active in the insurgency, the neutrality of the vast majority of the clergy proved to be far more damaging to the Spanish rule in Mexico. In short,Taylor has written a thorough, well-researched, weU-reasoned analysis of the relationship of the parish clergy to their parishioners and to the larger state in eighteenth-century Mexico. It is a study which, in spite of its large scope, reads weU.The arguments and examples flow easUy, carrying the reader along. It is essential reading for anyone studying the history of Mexico on the eve of Independence. John E Schwaller University ofMontana Church and State in Bourbon Mexico.The Diocese ofMichoacán 1 749- 1810. By D. A. Brading. (NewYork: Cambridge University Press. 1994. Pp.xiii, 300.) Church and State in Bourbon Mexico is largely based on material which Brading coUected in Mexico in the late 1970's, before embarking on the reading and "hard writing" that resulted in The FirstAmerica.,This new book, the author explains in his preface, is the concluding volume of his trilogy on Bourbon Mex- ico (the first two studies being Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico and Haciendas and Ranchos in the Mexican Bajío). But Church and State is in fact a dUferent kind of study. It is a coUection of essays on various aspects of church IUe Ui the Diocese ofMichoacán during the last haU-century of Bourbon rule, which includes much new material, and some which has been pubUshed previously (in Chapter 1 2, for example, on the last bishop of Michoacán, Manuel Abad y Queipo, Brading returns to themes which he covered in The FirstAmerica, and indeed some of the text comes directly from there). Although Brading does not pursue a single thesis in Church and State (he rather modestly claims that this study has a more "introductory character" than the preceding volumes and calls for more research into some of the topics covered), there is much useful information in this, his latest contribution.The book is divided into three sections.The first section, entitled "The ReUgious Orders," includes essays on the writings of mendicant chroniclers, on the Oratorians, and on the expansion of the female orders of nuns and beatas. EspeciaUy interesting, however, are the chapters dealing with the causes and consequences of the 1767 Jesuit expulsion and with the controversy surrounding the seculariza- tion of parishes, a measure which had a serious impact on the reUgious orders in Michoacán (as elsewhere in Spanish America) and led to considerable conflict between secular and regular clergy and between bishops and royal patrons—that is, between "the ecclesiastical and civil structures of the Spanish BOOK REVIEWS811 state in Mexico." From this section, we also learn much about the Uves of several prominent clerics, as weU as nuns and beatas, aU of whom Brading treats sympatheticaUy. Indeed, as the author reminds us early on, "one bad priest was apt to generate more episcopal paperwork than ten good priests quietly going about their business" (p. xu). The second and third sections— "Priests and Laity" and "Bishops and Chapter" —include essays on the secular clergy, on confraternities, brotherhoods, parochial income, on popular reUgion, bishops and chapters, tithes and chantries, and on the thinking of the three key clerical figures of the early nineteenth century—Manuel Abad y Queipo, Miguel Hidalgo, and José Maria Morelos. AU these chapters contain much that is informative and useful. In these chapters Brading uses case histories of young men denied entry to the priesthood because of non-white ancestry, shows the growing number of unbeneficed priests residing in the diocese in the decades preceding the outbreak of the 1810 Insurgency, demonstrates the serious inequaUty between the wealthy curas and the under-educated and often unemployed priests, many of whom lived in poverty and were reduced to begging for alms, and explains the ways in which the last generation of Spanish bureaucrats repeatedly sought to curtaU the influence, privUeges, and prerogatives of the Mexican clergy. "At aU points," Brading argues, "the church . . . found its jurisdiction chaUenged and reduced," leading to a growing divide between "the secular and spiritual arms of the monarchy." Popular reUgion, too, came under increasing attack by the end of the eighteenth century. FinaUy, with the Consolidation decree of 1804, church wealth and income also became a target to be plundered by the crown. U there is a central theme running through this study, it is that such repeated attacks on the Church aUenated a substantial portion of the Mexican clergy and contributed to the widespread participation of clerics in the 1810 Insurgency. As the author reminds us at various points in Church and State, the enlightened ministers of the Bourbon period wanted above aU to curtaU ecclesiastical power, no longer viewing the Church "as the mainstay of the crown's authority over society," though it should perhaps have heeded the warnings of Francisco Javier de Iizana y Beaumont, penned in 1809, that "he who has the priests has the Indies." Caroline A. Williams University ofBristol West Indian The Catholic Church in Haiti: Political and Social Change. By Anne Greene. (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press. 1993. Pp. vii, 312. $28.95.) ParadoxicaUy Haiti's history is richer than the country itseU. Not much is scientificaUy known about its religious history, aside from myths created by Hollywood through the distortion of what Voodoo reaUy is. But this poor country is more than this African reUgion. And that is what Greene shows the reader 812book reviews through this book. I would caU this a ground-breaking study of an important part of Haiti's reUgious history. Since the time when the whole of Hispaniola was under Spanish control, the official religion of the colony was Catholicism. This situation did not change after the French took over. One of the main tasks of CathoUcism was to bring into the flock through conversion the substantial slave population of the colony. But for many this ¦was only done in part, since they didn't give up their African beUefs.What we know today as Voodoo is a syncretism of African and European reUgious traditions, Protestantism included. This book presents the presence of the CathoUc Church and Voodoo as the two main reUgions and how they affected and were affected themselves by the political situation of the country through different time periods. The author also studies the Protestant presence and its influence in this struggle. The book has several shortcomings, including repetition. Many times after a subject has been covered, the author repeats it again almost verbatim, and sometimes several times. AdditionaUy at the end of the book, under the subtitle "The Church Elsewhere" she gives detailed information on the Catholic Church in the PhiUppines, El Salvador, and even Colombia which is not pertinent to the discussion. In Chapter 7, which is the last one, Greene loses her objectiveness and draws a picture of Jean-Bertrand Aristide which is quite critical. Aside from these weak aspects I believe the way the author treats the subject, how she is able to analyze the dUferent periods of sUence and outspokenness through which the CathoUc Church passed; the way she presents the struggle between the Catholic Church,Voodoo, Protestantism, and the government; how the three religions allied in a given moment against the government; how each one of them in turn aligned itseU with the government in different periods, is fascinating.To read Greene's book is to give oneseU the opportunity to know a Uttle bit more about how the Haitians have had to struggle against adversity. Floyd McCoy San Juan, Puerto Rico History ofthe Catholic Church inJamaica. By Francis J. Osborne, SJ. (Chicago: Loyola University Press. 1988. Pp. xii, 532. $12.95.) Father Osborne's history is a very important contribution to the knowledge of this Caribbean island. Not much has been written on the reUgious development of Jamaica. It was part of the Spanish empire from the voyages of Columbus untU the English wrested the island from Spain in 1655. This book is centered on the history of the Catholic Church during the Spanish and English periods.The influence of this institution during the Spanish period is so pervasive that most information on the Church is related to the poUtical adrninistration and social development. This primal role makes the book a worthy one. BOOK REVIEWS813 To be able to give the reader a general understanding of the long history of the CathoUc presence in Jamaica, Father Osborne begins with the Arawak Indian period and follows with their evangelization and the establishment of the institutional Church administered by abbots (a unique case in the history of the colonial Church) Ln 15 16. When the island was taken by Protestant England Ui 1655 a new reUgious development took place; the Catholic Church was re- duced to a secondary role in the colony. From that time untU the first half of the nineteenth century, the Church merely survived, administered by charismatic missionary priests. In 1837 the island came under the Vicariate of Jamaica, British Honduras, and the Bahamas.The Jesuits' presence dates from this period. Also, when the island became a diocese in 1887, the first bishop was chosen from that religious order. At present Jamaica has been governed by a Jamaicanborn archbishop since 1971. Under the archdiocese are the suffragan sees of BeUze, Hamilton m Bermuda, Montego Bay, and Nassau. Although there is a significant Catholic population, the Protestant presence outnumbers them. Father Osborne brings together new information, interesting detaUs, and ex- tensive research in this work.An ambitious project, it also has its loopholes.The author sometimes relies too heavUy on a single source of information, as when writing about Bishop Balbuena's presence in the see. Also, new research on the Arawaks' presence in the Caribbean was not utUized by Father Osborne. As a matter of fact, using Peter Martyr as a reliable source for the period is questionable, since he actuaUy wrote a secondhand account. It is my recommendation that the author, in a future edition of this valuable book, should update the bibliographic sources used for this work. Floyd McCoy San Juan, Puerto Rico Far Eastern Japan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses. Edited by John Breen and Mark Williams. (New York: St. Martin's Press. 1996. Pp. xiu, 189. $49.95.) This significant volume brings together ten papers delivered at an international conference on Christianity in Japan held in St. Mary's CoUege, Strawberry HUfTwickenham, England, in 1991 The authors, who include one Japanese, are all well qualified and share a deep interest in their subject. Most have teaching positions at universities in England or Japan. One, a Norwegian, teaches systematic theology at the University of Oslo. Their special competencies vary from language and literature to history and religion. In addition, there is a very helpful introduction by the two editors, John Breen and Mark WUliams, lecturers in Japanese studies at two dUferent British universities, whose papers are also included. Their introduction serves to present the relationship of each of the papers to the general theme of the volume: the encounter of Christianity with Japanese culture from the time of the arrival 814BOOK REVIEWS of the first Christian missionaries at the end of the sixteenth century to the present, a theme which they rightly observe has not received the attention it deserves in the scholarly world. The first four chapters are largely concerned with the initial missionary period.The first chapter, by Stefan Kaiser, presents the Japanese translation of various Christian terminology from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. The second, by Michael Cooper, treats western-style Japanese paintings of both secular and religious subjects during the early period of contact with Christianity. The tfúrd chapter, by Ohashi YukUUro, offers some unusual perspectives on the early Tokugawa persecution.The fourth, by Stephen TurnbaU, identifies the elements of acculturation in a principal text, Tenchi Hajimari no Koto, of the Kakure Kirishitan (underground Christians). The next three chapters are related mainly to the period of restoration. Chapter five, by Joseph Breen, considers the historical significance of the Urakami in- cident as it affected the newly estabUshed Meiji government. Chapter six, by Notto R. Thelle, treats the importance of the Christian encounter with Buddhism from the same period to the present. Chapter seven, by Helen Ballhatchet, considers the conflict between the theory of evolution and Christianity as realized in Japan in the late nineteenth century. The final three chapters are involved especiaUy with the modern era. Chapter eight, by Christal Whelan, examines oral and written sources of the Kakure Kirishitan to present their condition today, Chapter nine, by Mark WUliams, considers the various social forms which Japanese Christianity has adopted to the present. In the last chapter Mark R. Mullins presents the development found in the work of Japanese Christian authors dUected to theU compatriots. The volume is very attractively presented, though one could perhaps have wished for more space between lines for easier reading.There are six pages of plates in black and white offering nine examples of classical Japanese art that point up the encounter between Christianity and Japanese culture. FinaUy, there is an exceUent "Select BibUography." Though not providing the last word on many of the issues raised, the volume offers a good overview and indicates many areas deserving of further study It should certainly be welcomed by aU those with an interest in Christianity in Japan. General Secretariat, Catholic Bishops' Conference ofJapan Robert T. Rush, SJ. Christianity in China from the Eighteenth Century to the Present. Edited by Daniel H. Bays. (Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1996. Pp. xxiü, 483$55.00.) This pathbreaking volume is one of the latest products of the History of Christianity in China Project. Launched Ui 1985, this postdoctoral project en- BOOK REVIEWS815 couraged studies of Christianity that paid special attention to Chinese materials and Chinese participants. Made possible by a grant from the Henry Luce Foun- dation, Inc., it was inspired by the late Dr. John K. Fairbank and directed by Dr. Daniel H. Bays, professor of history in the University of Kansas. During the four years of awards, 1986-1989, thirty-four papers were written and presented in two symposia, held in Lawrence, Kansas.The result has been a number of significant studies, some having aheady appeared as monographs, for instance, The Forgotten Christians of Hangzhou, by D. E. MungeUo (reviewed ante, LXXXII [October, 1996], 747-748). Of the twenty chapters in this book, aU but one were part of the History of Christianity in China Project. Bays has grouped them into four sections, each preceded by a short introduction in which he highUghts what are, in his opin- ion, the significant themes brought out by the authors. Part I offers a more complex and less rigid explanation of the links between Christianity and Chinese society than the interpretative schemes put forward in 1963 by Paul Cohen in China and Christianity and in 1982 by Jacques Gernet in Chine et Christianisme. Contrary to Gernet, who argued that the Chinese were basicaUy unable to understand the essential concepts of Christianity be- cause of their cultural predispositions, the authors in this section, reinforcing the findings of other recent studies, describe Chinese communities that were able to internalize Christianity by imbuing it with their own cultural flavor of belief and behavior. SimUarly these authors modify Cohen's interpretation by showing that, in the countryside in particular, conflicts between Christians and non-Christians had often less to do with the local eUte trying to uphold their status and prerogatives than with the disruption brought by Christian conver- sions and beliefs to the traditional social and cultural integration of the vUlage. Part II shows a clear connection between Christianity and ethnicity whUe Part III focuses on Christianity as an important factor in the shaping of many Chinese women's identity and roles.These two parts contain several examples of exceUent use of interviews. Part FV provides good case studies of the immensely complex and arduous process of making the foreign imported Christian reUgion a domestic product. Most of the leading scholars in the study of Protestant Christianity in China have contributed a chapter. Because of the title of the book and the authors in- volved, one would therefore expect a more thorough description and analysis of contemporary Christianity in China, but chapter 9 on Christianity and Hakka Identity and chapter 20 on Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in Taiwan are too narrowly focused to satisfy the reader. Moreover, as Bays acknowledges, with only four studies and none covering the period after the early 1900's, CathoUcism is underrepresented.This raises several questions: Why are so few American scholars studying Roman CathoUc Christianity in China? Few as they are, why did only three participate Ln the History of Christianity in China Project? What about European and Chinese scholars of Roman CathoUc Christian- 816BOOK REVIEWS ity in China? Were they also invited to submit a proposal and U so, why did they stay away? Overall, this volume is noteworthy for eschewing the usual focus on foreign missionaries and being mostly China-centered. It brings together papers that draw largely on previously unused or underused Chinese sources and reveal many new facets of the history of Christianity in China. As a whole, it is a signUicant contribution to our understanding of the process of inculturation of Christianity that is stUl taking place in China and in many non-Western cultures. Jean-Paul Wiest Centerfor Mission Research and Study at Maryknoll Jesuit Missionary Lettersfrom Mindanao. Volume Two: The Zamboanga-Basilan-Joló Mission. Edited, Translated, and Annotated by José S. ArciUa, SJ. (Quezon City, PhiUppines: Philippine Province Archives of the Society of Jesus. 1993. Pp. xxxü, 564. $30.00.) This is a fine coUection of letters from three missions where the frustrations and dangers faced by Jesuit missionaries far outnumbered their successes in converting Moslems and upland minorities to Christianity. The volume is arranged in three sections (Zamboanga, 1880-1898, BasUan, 1880-1896, and JoIo, 1875-1898), and within each section in chronological order. It is valuable for ethnographic data especiaUy on Subanon culture and BasUan (less so on JoIo and Siassi), for insights into Jesuit resettlement and conversion efforts, for making the acquaintance of some individual Jesuits of great personal character, and, most of aU, for understanding, through then eyes, the dynamics of PhUippine regional history in the late nineteenth century. The editor, José ArciUa, provides useful annotations, especially short biographies of each priest. His translation from Spanish reads smoothly, with only a few awkward moments. He includes four letters on a controversy over the baptism of a high Moslem official in JoIo which are not among the published letters in Spanish. ArciUa does not attempt to hide the fact that his heart is on the side of the priests as they struggle to convert their recalcitrant flock. One wonders U the fathers were actually met with "immense joy" by residents of Isabela, BasUan, and U those residents were, as he says, "liberated for eventual conversion and baptism" (p. xxvi). One wonders, as well, about their decision to ban Zamboangueños from access to books (p. xxvi). The volume also suffers from an annoying lack of good maps to help the reader locate places mentioned in the letters. These caveats aside, ArciUa has provided a rich coUection of original source materials previously not avaUable in EngUsh. The Zamboanga section is the longest, with 69 letters, 42 of these from Juan Quintana (15), Estanislao March (9), and Joaquín Sancho (18). Quintana and March are keen observers of Subanon culture. Sancho is a more mUitant warrior against Moslems; his letters also give vivid accounts of visits among the Sub- BOOK REVIEWS817 anon and of the cholera epidemic in 1889. Pio Pi's letter (#55) is of great interest for its discussion of strategy for conversion and of obstacles in the way of success. The BasUan mission produced only 37 letters, 24 of these by Pablo Cavalleria. With the help of a Tagalog ex-convict, Pedro Cuevas, who had become a local datu, the Jesuits were able to gain some converts, mostly among tribal peoples who then resettled in Isabela or the other towns (#4, 9, 22). But theirs was a "dtfficult" mission (p. 384), and their enmity toward Moslems eventually strained their relationship with the aU-important Cuevas, who was anxious to Uve and let live with the JoIo Sultan and local Moslems (#26). CavaUeria, like Pi1 provides a heart-wrenching description of the cholera epidemic (#17), which kiUed at least 1200 on BasUan. But his most fascinating letter describes the reasons pre- venting Moro conversion, including the government's readiness to work with and recognize local Moslem leaders, the fact that Moslems didn't have to pay tribute, the "ceaseless transit of foreign Moros, who, titled 'Haji,' travel around these islands," and the Chinese traders who "generaUy support Islam and em- brace it U convenient" (#28). Of great interest to scholars today is this conflict of interests and strategies between the Jesuits, Spanish secular authorities, and local Chinese. Letters from the JoIo mission, 66 m aU, 23 from Estanislao March and 20 from Gaspar Colomer, prove to be both the most exciting to read and the most poUtical, although they are not as valuable for ethnographic data as are those from the other missions. Sprinkled throughout are vivid descriptions of the Spanish assault on the JoIo Sultanate and the war that ensued. At times the priests lived literaUy in an armed camp, and they were always in danger of attack by jura- mentados, two of whom badly slashed Father Battlo and another priest in 1 879 (#10-12). FaUing to assuage the fears of most Jolóanos who would run in terror at their approach (#6), the priests tried to work with former Christians cap- tured by Moslems, only to bewaU the fact that most captives chose to stay with their Moslem famiUes (#14). The Moslems, this "bloody and arch-savage Islamic horde" (#27) "nauseating to see" (#23), must not, they avowed, be coddled as the government, through its local Spanish Governor, was doing. That government, which won by force of arms the right to appoint the sultan, then had to arm and help protect him from his Islamic enemies, embroiling Spain in local poUtics whUe the priests looked on with mounting exasperation (#43-45). Unable to agree with their feUow Spaniards (they suspected one Governor General of being pro-RecoUect, #4), the Jesuits found themselves more and more isolated, for they had Uttle faith in Christian FUipino aUies either. They dismissed "indio and mestizo" clergy offhandedly (#4), and then, after "the ManUa incident" of 1896 (the Revolution!), they became suspicious of aU FiUpinos, Christian and otherwise (#50). After a conspiracy was uncovered within the local garrison and nine FUipino officers were executed (#54-55), and after "deportees"(exiled revolutionaries) began to arrive from ManUa, the fathers saw enemies behind every bush. In one of his last letters. Father Colomer summarizes the situation as foUows (p. 538): 818book reviews Joló is hell's antechamber. Here the missionary does not enjoy the comforts which other apostolates promise. From the convento I can see the idols and the lights with which the Chinese honor them. The Christians waUow in the most repugnant vices. . . . The peninsulars barter ... a carabao [for] a Moro woman, or pay her so much a week as though she were a Singer sewing machine. Thanks to José Arcilla's exceUent coUection, the English reader today is able to dweU with Jesuit fathers who Uved a century ago as though they were Uving next door. But the reader who opens this volume expecting to learn ofWestern successes in changing FUipinos wiU be disappointed. The residual strength of PhUippine minority cultures prevails in virtually every letter. Far from being central figures in a colonial enterprise, the priests reveal themselves to be, despite aU their impressive personal conviction and courage, peripheral players in the great drama of late nineteenth-century Philippine history. Ronald K. Edgerton University ofNorthern Colorado NOTES AND COMMENTS Association News The president of the American CathoUc Historical Association, Uta-Renate Blumenthal, upon the recommendation of the first vice-president, David J. O'Brien, has appointed Georgette Dorn of the Library of Congress and Christopher Kauffman of the CathoUc University of America co-chairmen of the Committee on Program for the Association's seventy-ninth annual meeting, which wUl be held in Washington, D.C, onJanuary 8-10, 1999. Those who wish to propose papers or (preferably) complete sessions should write by January 13, 1998, to Professor Kauffman Ln care of the Department of Church History, The CathoUc University ofAmerica,Washington, D.C. 20064; telephone and fax: 202319-5099. Congresses, Conferences, Meetings, Symposia, CoUoquia, and Lectures Under the auspices of The Center for the Book in the Library of Congress in co-operation with the Interpretive Programs Office, the Folger Institute, and the Washington CoUegium for the Humanities a program was held in the Thomas Jefferson BuUding of the Library of Congress on June 4, 1997, to mark the open- ing of an exhibition entitled "Let There Be Light: WUUam Tyndale and the Making of the EngUsh Bible." The speakers were David Scott Kastan of Columbia University and David DanieU of the University of London, and their topics were "The Noyse of the New Bible: ReUgion and PoUtics in Henrician England," and "WUUam Tyndale: Courage and Genius behind the EngUsh Bible." The exhibi- tion, which closed on September 6, included the first printed EngUsh translation of the New Testament of 1526, the Cologne Fragment of 1525 (ten sheets of the same, printed by Peter QuenteU before his press was shut down), and other books and documents from the Library of Congress and the British Library. The exhibition was previously shown at the Huntington Library in San Marino, CaUfornia, and at the New York Public Library. The Library of Congress is offering for sale the British Library's handbook, Let There Be Light: William Tyndale and the Making of the English Bible. The centenary of the death of Father Augustus Tolton (1854-1897), the first black priest born in the United States and founder of the first black CathoUc church in Chicago, who was ordained in Rome on AprU 25, 1886, was cele- brated on July 12-13, 1997, in Quincy, Illinois, where he had attended school 819 820NOTES AND COMMENTS and received the sacrament of confirmation. Cyprian Davis, O.S.B., of the St. Meinrad School of Theology, deUvered an address. Roy Bauer, pastor of St. Peter Church in Quincy and co-chairman of the Father Tolton Centennial PUgrimage, has pubUshed a twenty-eight-page booklet on the priest's IUe entitled "They CaUed Him Father Gus" and has placed a statue of him across from a church haU named in his honor. A symposium commemorating the bicentenary of the founding of Mission San Fernando, Rey de España, was held in the mission church in Mission HiUs, CaUfornia, on September 6, 1997. In the morning papers were read by John R. Johnson of the Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History on "The Indians of San Fernando Mission," by Doyce B. Nunis, Jr., emeritus of the University of Southern California, on "The Friars of San Fernando Mission, 1797-1835," and by David Hornbeck of the CaUfornia State University, Northridge, on "The Economic life of San Fernando Mission." In the afternoon Norman Neuerburg, emeritus of the CaUfornia State University, Domínguez, presented "New Insights into the Convento BuUding: An Archaeological and Historical Résumé," and Francis J. Weber, director of San Fernando Mission, spoke on "San Fernando, Rey de España: Its Role in the New MiUennium." A coUoquim on "Port-Royal et Ie Protestantisme" was held at MontpelUer on September 25-27, 1997. Among the twenty-eight scholars who presented pa- pers were Jacques Gres-Gayer of the Catholic University of America ("L'idée d'ÉgUse chez les jansénistes et chez les protestants") and Otto SeUes of Hamilton, Ontario ("Convulsions à Paris et dans les Cévennes"). The quincentenary of the birth of PhiUpp Melanchthon was commemorated by a lecture given by Matthias Asche of Tübingen in the Universität Nikolakloster in Passau on September 30, 1997, during a meeting of the GeseUschaft zur Herausgabe des Corpus Catholicorum. At the conference on "Time and Space in Women's Lives in Early Modern Europe," which wiU be held on October 8-11, 1997, at the Istituto Trentino di Cultura in Trent, papers will be read by Francesca MedioU of the University of Reading on "Lo spazio del chiostro: clausura, costrizione e protezione nel XVII secólo," and by Anne Jacobson Schutte of the University of Virginia on "Sante and Streghe in Early Modern Italy: Stepsisters or Strangers?" The American Cusanus Society wiU sponsor three sessions on Nicholas of Cusa at the Thirty-third International Congress on Medieval Studies, which wiU be held at Western Michigan State University, Kalamazoo, on May 7-10, 1998. In the first, on "Rhetoric and Reform at the CouncU of Constance,"which is being organized by Thomas M. Izbicki, papers wiU be read by Chris L. Nighman, Christopher BelUtto, and PhiUip Stump; in the second, on "The State of the Study of Late-medieval Exegesis, which is being organized by Lawrence Hundersmarck, papers wUl be read by Peter CasareUa, Gerald Christianson, and Philip Krey; in the third, on "Eckhart and Cusanus," papers wiU be read by Nicholas Largier, Bruce Milem, and Elizabeth Brient. Further information may be obtained NOTES AND COMMENTS821 from the headquarters at the Society at Long Island University, C. W. Post Campus, BrookvUle, New York 11548. The International Society for the Comparative Study of CiviUzations has is- sued a call for papers Ln preparation for its twenty-seventh annual meeting, which will take place at Reitaku University, Kashiwa City, Chiba Prefecture, Japan, on June 11-14, 1998. Papers, panels, round tables, and workshops are sought on the processes, structures, and texts of past and present civilizations, on the theories and methods conducive to civiUzational studies, and most earnestly on the special theme of this meeting, viz., "The Emergence of the Pacific Rim CiviUzations?" Abstracts of proposed papers should be sent by November 15, 1997, to the chairman of the program committee, Midori Yamanouchi Rynn, in care of the Department of Sociology, University of Scranton, Scranton, Pennsylvania 18510-4605; telephone: 717-941-6137; fax: 941-6367; home telephone and fax: 689-4401 . Proposals for papers on any aspect of Quaker history are solicited for the twelfth biennial meeting of the Conference of Quaker Historians and Archivists, which wiU be held at the Stony Run Meeting in Baltimore, Maryland, on June 19-21, 1998. Anyone who wishes to propose a paper should send by December 31,1 997, a one-page abstract of it to John W Oliver in care of the Department of History, Malone College, Canton, Ohio 44709-3897; telephone: 330-471-8100; fax: 330-454-6977. The International Society for the Study of European Ideas will sponsor a workshop entitled "The Holocaust and the Waning of the Modern Narrative" during the conference on "Twentieth-Century European Narratives," which wUl be held at the University of Haifa on August 16-21, 1998. Proposals for papers should be submitted by December 15, 1997, to Donald J. Dietrich in care of the Department of Theology, Boston CoUege, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts 02167; telephone: 617-552-3880; fax: 617-552-0794; e-maU: Donald.Dietrich@bc.edu. An interdisciplinary congress of historical studies under the auspices of the Historical Institute of the Order of the Most Holy Trinity will be held in Rome on September 16-19, 1998, in observance of the eighth centenary of the ap- proval of the rule of the Trinitarians (December 17, 1198). The theme wiU be "La Liberazione dei 'Captivi' tra Cristianità e Islam—Oltre la Crociata e U Gihad: ToUeranza e servizio umanitario." The congress will be divided into five sections: (1) text and context of the Trinitarian rule; (2) the alternatives, the new ways, "prophetism"; (3) poverty, the poor, money, and economic investment; (4) the "postwar" era: captivity and captivi; and (5) the captivi: ransom, re- demption, liberation. Anyone who wishes to present a paper should write its title, state the section to which it pertains, and give a summary and the text by March 31, 1998. Those who present papers wiU be allowed fifteen minutes for the reading, but a longer text may be published in the proceedings (Atti). Accepted papers that for organizational reasons cannot be presented oraUy wUl nevertheless be published in the Atti. The registration fee is $45; it entitles the registrant to a discount of twenty percent on the price of the Atti. Those inter- 822NOTES AND COMMENTS ested should write to the Segreteria Congresso RT (1198), Piazza S. Maria aUe Fornaci 30, 00165 Roma, Italy; telephone: 39.6.631969; fax: 635264. The International Committee of Historical Sciences has selected Oslo, Nor- way, as the site of the Nineteenth International Congress of Historical Sciences, which wiU be held on August 6-13, 2000. Previous congresses have attracted as many as 4,000 participants. The Congress wiU consist of three major themes of one full day each, twenty specialized themes with half a day each, and twentyfive round table discussions. In addition to the regular sessions, twenty-two affiUated international organizations (The International Commission for Comparative Ecclesiastical History included) and eighteen internal committees wiU hold meetings during the Congress. The official languages of the Congress wiU be EngUsh and French; simultaneous translation wUl be provided for aU plenary sessions. Oslo wiU be celebrating its mUlennium at the same time with many concerts, shows, exhibitions, and other cultural attractions. Anyone wishing to be placed on the mailing Ust of the Congress should send his name and address to The Nineteenth International Congress of Historical Sciences, Department of History, Post Office Box 1008 Blindem, N-0315 Oslo, Norway; telephone: (+47) 22 85 69 07; fax: (+47) 22 85 52 78. Causes of Saints In the Cathedral of Notre Dame at Paris on August 22 Pope John Paul II solemnly declared Frédéric Ozanam blessed (see ante [April, 1997], p. 357). At then spring meeting held in Kansas City, Missouri, the National Conference of Catholic Bishops agreed unanimously in a voice vote on June 19 that the cause of Father Michael McGivney (1852-1890), a priest of the Diocese of Hartford and founder of the Knights of Columbus, should be initiated. It was not a formal action of the conference but rather an expression of opinion about the appropriateness of beginning the process in accord with the regulations of the Congregation for the Causes of Saints that require such a consultation prior to the introduction of a cause. Commemorative Postage Stamp The United States Postal Service released in Miami on September 15 a thirtytwo-cent stamp bearing the portrait and name of"Padre Félix Várela." When the chairman of the Postal Service Board, Tirso del Junco, unveUed the design early in August, he commented, "The design is like its subject: modest, understated, powerful in its simpUcity." He also extolled Várela as a "great Hispanic American" and "a saint" who worked "to lift the spirits of the downtrodden." He caUed Várela, who was born in Havana, Cuba, in 1788 and died in St.Augustine, Florida, in 1853, "a great defender of Uberty, but above aU, an exemplary priest." Father Várela, he said, estabUshed the first Spanish-language newspaper in the United States (El Habanero, which he edited from 1824 to 1826), pubUshed a number NOTES AND COMMENTS823 of articles on human rights and reUgious tolerance, and worked toward improving co-operation between Spanish- and EngUsh-speaking Americans. A phUosopher and poUtician, Father Várela spent the last thirty years of his life in the United States, mainly in the Diocese and Archdiocese of NewYork, of which he was vicar general. He estabUshed churches and charitable shelters and engaged in pubUc debates with Protestant ministers. The release of the purple stamp was part of the celebration of National Hispanic Heritage Month. It is the thirty-eighth stamp with a Hispanic theme; it was a sudden addition to the 1997 stamp program, thanks to the influence of Tirso del Junco, a surgeon born Ln Havana, who has been actively advocating the commemoration of more Hispanic figures on stamps. Manuscripts A database containing incipits of Latin manuscripts on phUosophy and theology from the Middle Ages is being developed at the CathoUc University of Louvain-la-Neuve as part of an international project. Nearly 100,000 incipits have been assembled for the "Repertorium Initiorum Manuscriptorum." Those beginning with the letters A, B, and C are now avaUable on disks. Each year a further section of incipits wiU be distributed. Those who would like to receive this year's documentation accompanied by a user's manual should write to Jacqueline Hamesse in care of the Institut Supérieur de Phüosophie, CoUège Cardinal Mercier 14, 1348 Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium; fax: (0) 10 47.82.85; e-maU: accademia.belgio@heUa.stm.it. The subscription price for the letters A, B, and C is $200. Library In December, 1995, W Michael Mathes donated his research Ubrary on the history of colonial Mexico to El Colegio de Jalisco, Zapopan. At that time construction of a separate library buUding to house the 45,000-volume coUection was begun at the coUege. The BibUoteca Mathes was opened on limited hours to researchers in August, 1996, and in April, 1997, cataloguing of modern printed books was placed on Line. The ceremony of inauguration of the BibUoteca Mathes was held on May 27. Cataloguing of the 7,000 rare and colonial Mexican imprints, maps, microfilms, photographs, and sound recordings should be finished by the end of 1997. To maintain fields in which Dr. Mathes specialized, an on-going acquisitions program has been estabUshed. Direction of the Ubrary is under Dr. Mathes, who is assisted by a fuU administrative, reference, and technical staff. Full service including copying and reference correspondence is avaUable. The Ubrary is open to the pubUc from Monday to Friday, from ten o'clock in the morning to seven in the evening. It is located at 5 de Mayo 321, 45100 Zapopan, Jalisco, Mexico; telephone: 633 21 96; fax: 633 65 00; e-maU: http://www.class.udg.mx/-coljal/-bibUo-html. 824NOTES AND COMMENTS Exhibition The Concordia Historical Institute Museum is presenting a special exhibition on the IUe of Philipp Melanchthon in commemoration of the quincentenary of the Reformer's birth. Rare books and documents from the Reformation era are displayed. The exhibition will remain on view through January, 1998. Further in- formation may be obtained by telephone (314-505-7900) or e-mail (chi@tru- com.com). Those who cannot go to the museum but have Internet access may take a "virtual tour" of the exhibition by visiting the Institute's web page at http://www.chi.lcms.org. Grants Among the twenty-six recipients of grants awarded by the New Jersey Historical Commission on AprU 11 were the New Jersey CathoUc Historical Records Commission (South Orange), which received $2,010 for the publication of "New Jersey Catholicism: An Annotated Bibliography," and John Fea of Stony Brook, New York, who was given $8,000 for research on his doctoral dissertation to be entitled "Religion in Southern New Jersey, 1740-1820." Thomas F. O'Connor, ES.C, public services librarian at the Cardinal Hayes Library, Manhattan College, has received a research travel grant from the Cushwa Center for the Study of American Catholicism to examine the significant role played by the CathoUc publishing house of Sheed & Ward in the Catholic intellectual and Uterary revival by introducing European Catholic authors to American Catholics and by fostering CathoUc writers in the United States. Matrix Matrix:A Collection ofResourcesfor the Study of Women's Religious Communities, 500-1500, is now online at http://matrix.divinity.yale.edu. Matrix is a collaborative research project made avaUable on the World Wide Web by an international group of scholars of medieval history, religion, history of art, archaeology, and other disciplines, as weU as Ubrarians and experts in computer technology. Our goal is to document the participation of Christian women in the religion and society of medieval Europe. In particular, we aim to coUect and make avaUable online all existing data about all professional Christian women in Europe between 500 and 1 500 A.D. The project draws on both textual and material sources, primary and secondary, although its basis is unpubUshed archival evidence. It addresses a variety of individuals and groups in medieval Europe, and a range of ecclesiastical institutions, including monastic houses of every size, affiliation, and rule. Our editorial intentions in selecting and presenting material are both scholarly and pedagogical—Matrix is designed for use by scholars, students, and anyone interested in the study of women, medieval Europe, or the history of Christianity. NOTES AND COMMENTS825 Matrix began in the 1980's when a team of medievalists directed by Mary McLaughlin, together with Susanne Wemple, Heath DiUard, and Constance Berman, began to gather data on women's religious communities. Their intent was to produce a three-volume repertoire of monastic communities. The origi- nal project, funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities, produced a vast wealth of information (over 3000 pages) which has remained unpublished in any form. Much of the data was encoded and entered into a now-inaccessible computer database. In 1994, these data were turned over to a new group of scholars for development and publication. Under the stewardship of Katherine GiU, the extraction and pubUcation of the database in electronic format began, first at Mount Holyoke College, and now atYale University and the University of Kansas. A new editorial board, composed of Katherine GUI, Lisa Bitel, and Marilyn Dunn, is now guiding the project, with a larger board of advisors and regional editors assisting. The basis of Matrix is the Monasticon, a repertory of profiles of reUgious women's communities. The Monasticon can be used to find individual histories of communities or can be searched as a database. Matrix also includes Biographies, which contain entries on individual men and women associated with the communities in the Monasticon; a Chartulary of primary source documents; a Bibliography of published and unpubUshed sources; a Glossary; an Archive of articles; and a Visual Library of site plans, images, and maps. Matrix is a project in progress. Unlike a traditional repertory or bibliography, the data are continuously updated, edited, and expanded. AU material in Matrix is refereed by the editorial board, advisors, or regional editors. Much of the original material has been loaded into a database, and a preUminary Monasticon (consisting largely of records of EngUsh communities) has now been launched onto the World Wide Web. The Monasticon is currently being updated, edited, and expanded, and it is planned to launch other parts of Matrix as soon as possible. Matrix is very much a project-in-progress. Contributions, corrections, suggestions, and queries are welcomed. Communications should be addressed to Lisa M. Bitel Ui care of the Department of History, 3001 Wescoe HaU, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas 66045; e-mail: lbitel@falcon.cc.ukans.edu. Publications AU the articles pubUshed in the issue of the Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester for autumn, 1996 (Volume 78, Number 3), are related to the theme "The Church of the East: LUe and Thought." FoUowing an "Introduction" by the guest editors, J. F. Coakley and K. Parry, are these thirteen articles: J. A. McGuckin, "Nestorius and the PoUtical Factions of FifthCentury Byzantium: Factors Ln His Personal DownfaU" (pp. 7-21); S. P. Brock, "The 'Nestorian' Church: A Lamentable Misnomer" (pp. 23-35); A. V. WUUams, "Zoroastrians and Christians in Sasanian Iran" (pp. 37-53); Victoria L. Erhart, 826NOTES AND COMMENTS "The Church of the East during the Period of the Four Rightly-Guided CaUphs" (pp. 55-71); A. Gelston,"The Origin of the Anaphora of Nestorius: Greek or Syr- iac?" (pp. 73-86); Luise Abramowski,"Die Uturgische HomUie des Ps. Narses mit dem Messbekenntnis und einem Theodor-Zitat" (pp. 87-100); J. Habbi, "L'Im- portance de la culture dans l'ÉgUse d'Orient Assyro-Chaldéenne" (pp. 101-110); S. H. Griffith, "The Muslim PhUosopher Al-Kindi and HIs Christian Readers: Three Arab Christian Texts on "The Dissipation of Sorrows'" (pp. 111-127); E. C. D. Hunter, "The Church of the East in Central Asia" (pp. 129-142); K. Parry, "Images in the Church of the East: The Evidence from Cen- tral Asia and China" (pp. 143-162);J.-M. Fiey, O.P., "Comment l'Occident en vint à parler de 'Chaldéens'?" (pp. 163-170); Mar Aprem, "Mar Narsai Press" (pp. 171-178); and J. F. Coakley,"The Church of the East since 1914" (pp. 179-198). ReUcs and reUquaries in the Middle Ages form the theme of aU the articles published in the first issue of Gesta for 1997 (Volume XXXVT). The authors and titles are as foUows: Caroline Walker Bynum and Paula Gerson, "Body-Part ReU- quaries and Body Parts in the Middle Ages" (pp. 3-7); Barbara Drake Boehm, "Body-Part ReUquaries: The State of Research" (pp. 8-19); Cynthia Hahn, "The Voices of the Samts: Speaking ReUquaries" (pp. 20-31); Ellen M. Shortell, "Dismembering Saint Quentin: Gothic Architecture and the Display of ReUcs" (pp. 32-47); Scott B. Montgomery, "Mittite capud [sic] meum . . . ad matrem meam ut osculetur eum: The Form and Meaning of the ReUquary Bust of Saint Just" (pp. 48-64); and Thomas Head,"Art and Artifice in Ottoman Trier" (pp. 65-82). "CathoUcs in a Non-CathoUc World" is the theme of the articles pubUshed in the issue of U.S. Catholic Historian for spring, 1997 (Volume 15, Number Z). The contents foUow: Tricia T. Pyne, "The PoUtics of Identity in EighteenthCentury British America: Catholic Perceptions of Their Role in Colonial Society" (pp. 1-14); LesUe Woodcock Tentler,"Reluctant Pluralists: CathoUcs and Reformed Clergy in Ante-BeUum Michigan" (pp. 15-34); Diane Batts Morrow, "Outsiders Within: The Oblate Sisters of Providence in 1830s Church and Soci- ety" (pp. 35-54); Paul GUes, "CathoUc Ideology and American Slave Narratives" (pp. 55-66); Kathleen Tobin-Schlesinger,"The Changing American City: Chicago CathoUcs as Outsiders in the Birth Control Movement, 1915-1935" (pp. 67-85); and Thomas J. SheUey "'What the HeU is an EncycUcal?': Governor AUred E. Smith, Charles C. MarshaU, Esq., and Father Francis P Duffy" (pp. 87-107). More articles on this theme wiU appear in the next issue. The Canadian CathoUc Historical Association's Historical Studies for 1996 (Volume 62) contains papers read at the 1995 annual meeting of the Associa- tion's EngUsh section. Held at the University of Quebec at Montreal, that meeting was devoted to the theme "ReUgion and Secularism in Canada." The foUowing articles are pubUshed: SheUa Andrew,"SeUing Education: The Problem of Convent Schools m Acadian New Brunswick, 1858-1886" (pp. 15-32); Pasquale Fiorino,"The Nomination of Bishop FaUon as Bishop of London" (pp. 33-46); Paul Laverdure, "Sunday in Quebec, 1907-1939" (pp. 47-61); Peter MacLeod, "CathoUcism, Alliances, and Amerindian EvangeUsts During the Seven NOTES AND COMMENTS827 Years' War" (pp. 63-72); Nicole Neatby, "Student Leaders at the University of Montreal During the Early 1950's: What Did Students Want?" (pp. 73-88); SheUa Ross,"'For God and Canada':The EarlyYears of the CathoUc Women's League in Alberta" (pp. 89-108); and David Seljak,"Why the Quiet Revolution Was Quiet': The Catholic Church's Reaction to the Secularization of Quebec after I960" (pp. 109-124). The second hatf of the volume consists of Études d'histoire re- ligieuse, pubUshed by the Société canadienne d'histoire de l'ÉgUse cathoUque. Three articles are presented: Jean Pirotte,"Les stratégies missionnanes du XLXe au début du XXe siècle: Une mise en perspective générale de l'intérêt pour les missions du Grand Nord canadien" (pp. 9-29); Achiel Peelman, "Les missionnaires oblats et les cultures amérindiennes au 19e siècle: Les Oblats en Oregon (1847-1860)" (pp. 31-47), and Jean de BonvLUe, "Le discours des évêques québécois sur la presse de 1850 à 1914" (pp. 49-70). The issue of Archivo Ibero-Americano for July-December, 1996 (Volume LVI, Numbers 223-224), is an homenaje to Padre José Lerchundi on the centen- ary of his death. After an introduction by the editor on "El Centenario del P. Lerchundi y la Misión de Marruecos en A.I.A." (pp. 481-485) the foUowing articles appear: Mohammed Ibn Azzuz Hakim,"La figura del padre Lerchundi en el seno de la sociedad marroquí" (pp. 487-507); Gaspar Calvo Moralejo,"El P Lerchundi. Notas para su biografía" (pp. 509-537); Bárbara Herrero Muñoz-Cobo, "Novedades en la obra Lingüística del padre José Lerchundi" (pp. 539-551); Ramón Lourido Díaz, "Documentos de la S. C. de Propaganda Fide y la Prefectura ApostóUca de Marruecos en tiempos del P Lerchundi" (pp. 553-591); Ramón Lourido Díaz, "Fuentes documentales y bibUográficas sobre el P. Lerchundi" (pp. 593-598); Ramón Lourido Díaz, "Las Instituciones médico- sanitarias creadas por iniciativa del P. Lerchundi" (pp. 599-630); Ramón Lourido Díaz,"EI padre Lerchundi, puente de enlace entre los arabistas europeos y los intelectuales marroquíes" (pp. 631-658); Ramón Lourido Díaz, "La tipografía his- pano-árabe de la Misión Franciscana de Marruecos" (pp. 659-677); Ramón Lourido Díaz, "El Padre Lerchundi y las pecuUares motivaciones de su acción socio-cultural en Marruecos" (pp. 679-726); Antonio Peteiro, "El padre Lerchundi, hombre de iglesia y renovador de la Misión Franciscana de Marruecos" (pp. 727-755); Miguel VaUecLUo Martín, "Actitudes y reaUzaciones del P. Lerchundi en el campo educativo" (pp. 757-808); and Miguel VaUecLUo Martín, "El P Lerchundi y los Colegios de Misiones de Santiago y Chipiona" (pp. 809-927). The fifth International Congress on the Franciscans in the New World in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was held at the Monasterio Franciscano de la Rábida on April 24-29, 1995. Its proceedings have now been pubUshed in the volume (LVII) of the Archivo Ibero-Americano for 1997 (Numbers 225 and 226 combined). The ponencias y comunicaciones are as follows: M." del Carmen García de la Herrán and M." del Mar Grana Cid, "Notas bibliográficas para el estudio del franciscanismo en la América Contemporánea" (pp. 3-65); Josep Ignasi Saranyana, "Medio siglo de la Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira" (pp. 67-78); Julián Heras, O.F.M., "Principales archivos y bibliotecas de la Orden Franciscana en el Perú actual" (pp. 79-105); M.a del Mar García Roldan, "Expe- 828NOTES AND COMMENTS diciones en el A.G.I, sobre las misiones de Sonora y Sinaloa a comienzos del siglo XLX" (pp. 107-126);AntolínAbad Pérez, O.F.M. ,"Archivo Ibero-Americano y su entronque americanista" (pp. 127-135); Hermenegildo Zamora Jambrina, O.F.M., "Documentos reales relacionados con la Orden Franciscana en los li- bros registro en el último tercio del siglo XVIII y primero del XIX" (pp. 137-261); JuUán Heras, O.F.M., "Restauración y actividades de los Franciscanos del Perú a partir del siglo XLX" (pp. 263-296); Luis Carlos MantUla, O.F.M., "Los franciscanos en la Independencia de Colombia" (pp. 297-337); Luis Olivares Molina, O.F.M.,"El proceso emancipador y los Franciscanos en el Cono Sur, particularmente en Chile" (pp. 339-389); Manuel de Castro y Castro, O.F.M. ,"Franciscanos mexicanos exclaustrados y guerrilleros en el siglo XLX" (pp. 391-419); Carlos de Rueda Iturate, "Envío de misioneros franciscanos a Nueva España (1790-1830)" (pp. 421-432); Rocío de los Reyes Ramírez, "Fray Pedro García de Panés, obispo de Paraguay (1809)" (pp. 433-442); Inmaculada de la Corte Navarro, "Fray Antonio Sánchez Matas, obispo de La Paz (1818-1825)" (pp. 443-450); Marcela Corvera Poiré, "La provincia de San Diego de México en los siglos XIX y XX" (pp. 451-470); Mariano Cuesta Domingo, "Pervivencia de modelos de exploración territorial tras la Independencia de América del Sur" (pp. 471-514); Gaspar Calvo Mondejo, O.F.M. ,"El P. Pedro Gual, apóstol de Hispanoamérica" (pp. 516-540); Odorico Sáiz Pérez, O.F.M., "El P. Andrés Herrero y la restauración de los colegios franciscano-misioneros del Perú y Bolivia (1834-1838)" (pp. 541-564); M.a del Carmen Urbano Delgado, F.F.M., "Presencia de las Franciscanas Misioneras de María en Hispanoamérica (siglo XX)" (pp. 565-607); Felipe Abad León, "La devoción a San Francisco Solano hoy en La Rioja argentina" (pp. 609-637); José Luis del Río Sadornil, "Un pionero del desarrollo en la Amazonia Peruana: el P. Luis Agustín López Pardo" (pp. 639-707); José Martí Mayor, O.F.M., "El P. José M." VUa, misionero y etnólogo" (pp. 709-729); PUar Hernández Aparicio, "El envío de misioneros al Colegio de Propaganda Fide de Moquegua, 1795-1818" (pp. 731-757); Sebastián García, O.F.M., "América en Ia legislación general de la Orden Franciscana (siglos XLX-XX)" (pp. 759-779); Francisco Morales Valerio, O.F.M., "Los Franciscanos ante los retos del siglo XIX mexicano" (pp. 781-807); David Pérez, O.F.M. ,"Los Franciscanos a través del arte en la Audiencia de Charcas" (pp. 809-860); Vicenta Cortés Alonso, "El Padre L. Gómez Cañedo y los Archivos" (pp. 861-872). Numbers 5-6 combined (1997) of the Revue des Ordinations Episcopales contains Usts of the 316 ordinations of bishops that took place throughout the world in 1995 and 1996. The Revue is edited by Charles N. Bransom, Jr., of Mango, Florida. Personal Notices Robert I. Burns, SJ., professor emeritus of the University of CaUfornia at Los Angeles, has been elected Corresponding Member of the Institut d'Estudis Catalans, the official academy of arts and sciences for the Catalan peoples of Spam. NOTES AND COMMENTS829 Frank de la Teja of Southwest Texas State University was given the Carlos Castañeda Award of the Texas Catholic Historical Society at the Society's annual meeting held on March 7, 1997, at St. Edward's University, Austin. Dr. de Ia Teja is editor of the Society's journal, Catholic Southwest. Sister Grace E. Donovan, S.U.S.C, second vice-president of the American CathoUc Historical Association, has left StonehiU CoUege to become international archivist of her congregation, the Holy Union Sisters, in Rome. Keith J. Egan has been appointed to the newly created Joyce McMahon Hank Aquinas Chair of Catholic Theology in Samt Mary's College, Notre Dame, Indiana. WUUam Wolkovich-Valkavicius of Norwood, Massachusetts, was inducted into the Order of Gediminas by the Ambassador of Lithuania, Alfonsas Eidintas, in ex- ecution of a decree of the President of the Republic. The conferral ceremony took place at the Lithuanian Embassy in Washington on August 20, 1997. Father Wolkovich was honored "for his Ufetime historical and musical activities." Obituary Robert F. Byrnes, Distinguished Professor Emeritus at Indiana University, died on June 19 at Ocean Isle, North Carolina, where he was taking part in an annual famUy gathering. In his last book, VO. Kliuchevskii: Historian of Russia (Indiana University Press, 1995), Professor Byrnes quoted a line from Henry Adams: "a teacher affects eternity: he can never tell when his influence stops." The Une he chose for Kliuchevskii is an apt choice for an appreciation of his own IUe and work. A distinguished, much-pubUshed scholar with a long record of achievements both in and out of academia, Robert Byrnes valued especiaUy, and was valued for, his role as teacher, and friend and mentor, for generations of students and many others who never had the privilege of enrolling in a course with him. Born on December 30, 1917, and raised in a small town in up-state NewYork, WatervLUe (a community"civUized,generous,and patriotic," he later recaUed),in a famUy of twelve chUdren, Professor Byrnes cherished aU his IUe the values his parents and teachers exemplified. At Amherst CoUege he benefited, he once wrote, from a "broad Uberal education by immensely dedicated faculty." He entered Harvard University in 1939, intending to pursue an awakening interest in Russian history. Since Harvard offered Uttle in Russian studies, he took his Ph.D. degree in French history. In 1943 he became an analyst for military intelUgence, specializing on the Japanese electronics industry. In 1945 he was offered a oneyear position at Swarthmore CoUege, and an opportunity to teach a course on Russia. Byrnes' career in Russian history proved one of the most distinguished and most significant for the development of Russian studies. He was among the first young scholars invited to the newly founded Russian Institute at Columbia Uni- 830NOTES AND COMMENTS versify. He founded and led the Inter-University Committee on Travel Grants, which in several guises over the years proved vital to the growth of scholarship on Russia and East Europe, fostering, in the face of the deepening Cold War, an ever broader exchange of students and scholars to promote as much dialogue as possible. He founded and directed for many years the Russian and East European Institute at Indiana University, which became one of the leading American centers. He served as the elected president of major scholarly societies, includ- ing the American CathoUc Historical Association (in 1961) and the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies, the main organization for Russian and East European studies in this country. He chaired the Indiana University history department for many years and edited the American Historical Review. He served often as consultant to government agencies, including the Department of Defense and the State Department. His scholarship, presented in twenty books and a great many articles, reviews, and conference papers, contributed to knowledge of Russia in many ways, but none more Important than analysis of the role of inteUectuaI leaders. His 1968 biography of Pobedonostsev doubtless wiU remain a definitive study of conservatism in Old Regime Russia, while his new biography of KUuchevskii richly Uliiminates the fate of Russian moderate Uberalism. Among his many pen- etrating articles, some of the most instructive are appreciations of the Ufe and work of teachers and historians significant in the development of Russian studies in this country, from Archibald Cary CooUdge at Harvard at the turn of the century to the late Donald Treadgold at the University of Washington. Byrnes valued in these men their intelUgence and perseverance but most of aU then integrity and commitment to worthwhile causes. The list of the honors he earned, from Phi Beta Kappa at Amherst in 1939 to Kennan Center FeUow in 1995, is long and distinguished, as are the honorary degrees and trusteeships from many universities and learned societies. Byrnes took special pride in the many students who became themselves distinguished, weU-known figures in academia, government, and the learned professions. He seemed to take equal pride in those who had not become weU known, but who contributed to the weU being of the community in many vocations. He was unfaUing in his cheerfulness and the courtesy he showed to all. FinaUy, he took special pride in his famUy, his wtfe Eleanor, and their seven chUdren and seventeen grandchildren. It was a rare letter to a coUeague, or convention conversation with friends, in which he did not mention them, with evident happiness. Professor Byrnes was a distinguished scholar and a generous coUeague and friend. His influence wiU long be felt in the Uves of those he touched. James T. Flynn College of the Holy Cross PERIODICAL LITERATURE general and miscellaneous Southern Perspectives on Christian History. Frans J. Verstraelen. Neue Zeitschriftfür Missionswissenschaft, 53 (2, 1997), 99-113. "An Airier Aristocracy": The Saints at War. Christopher Holdsworth. Transac- tions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser.,VI (1996), 103-122. La penisola di Alicarnasso m età bizantina (Ia parte). Vincenzo Ruggieri, SJ., Franco Giordano, Alexander Zäh. Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 63 (1, 1997), 119-161. Grafmonumenten Ui de kerk van Sint-Juliaan-der-Vlamingen te Rome. Johan Ickx and Leopold Winckelmans. Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome, LXVII (1997), 225-314. Administratie en archief van het voormaUg norbertinessenklooster van Gempe ('s-Hertogeneiland) in Sint-Joris-Winge: een lang en eeuwenoud verhaal. Stefan Van Lwi. Analecta Praemonstratensia, LXXIII (1-2, 1997), 48-74. The "Dumbarton Oaks Hagiography Project." Reflections of a User. Ugo Zanetti. Analecta Bollandiana, 115 (1-2, 1997), 166-193. Jean Leclercq e U Medio Evo. Gregorio Penco. Studia Monástica, 38 (2, 1996), 401-409. Religione e storia nel pensiero di Omodeo. GUolamo Imbruglia. Rivista Storica Italiana,CTX (Jan., 1997), 198-244. Faith and History: Reflections on the Work of the ASCH. Barbara Brown ZLkmund. Church History, 66 Qune, 1997), 284-302. Writing the History of a Religious Teaching Institute: Guidelines for Research, Sources and Methods (19th and 20th Centuries). Paul Wynants./owma/ of Salesian Studies,Yll\ (Spring, 1997), 91-142. NouveUe proposition d'identification des vestiges découverts sous la basUique Sainte-Marie-Majeure de Rome: un sanctuake de Cybèle. Françoise Van Haeperen. Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome, LXVII (1997), 65-98. Constantine and Jerusalem. E. D. Hunt. Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48 OuIy 1997), 405-424. 831 832periodical uterature The Importance of Bread in the Diet of Monks in the Judean Desert. Yizhar ffirschfeld. Byzantion, YSSH(X, 1996), 143-155. Athanase d'Alexandrie, l'Église et les moines: À propos de la Vie d'Antoine. Annik Martin. Revue des sciences religieuses, 71 (Apr., 1997), 171-188. LaVie d'Hypatius de Gangres (BHG 759a),Jean Malalas et l'impôt du xylélaion. Avshalom Laniado. Analecta Bollandiana, 115 (1-2, 1997), 133-146. Les privilèges du clergé d'après la Lettre 104 de S. BasUe. Jean Gascou. Revue des sciences religieuses, 71 (Apr., 1997), 189-204. Jerome and the Sham Christians of Rome. John Curran. Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48 (Apr., 1997), 213-229. Socrates Scholasticus' Church History: Themes, Ideas, Heroes. Ivan Krivushln. Byzantinische Forschungen, XXIII (1996), 95-107. Un traité syriaque jacobite contre les partisans de Paul de Béth Ukkâmë (564-581). Luc Lontie. Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 63 (1, 1997), 5-51. Beyond Cemetery WaUs: Early Medieval Funerary Topography and Christian Sal- vation. Bonnie Effros. Early Medieval Europe, 6 (1, 1997), 1-23. From Benedict's Rule to Charlemagne's Renaissance: Monastic Education in the Early Middle Ages—and Today. John J. Contreni. American Benedictine Review, 48 (June, 1997), 186-198. Church and Chapel in Medieval England. Nicholas Orme. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser.,VI (1996), 75-102. Die selige Langobardenkönigin Theodelinde— "Brückenbauerin" zwischen getrennten Völkern und Kirchen. Johannes Hofmann. Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 108 (1, 1997), 12-31. Symbolic Expressions of Sanctity: Gertrude of Nivelles in the Context of Merovingian Mortuary Custom. Bonnie Effros. Viator, 27 (1996), 1-10. La Vie de Sainte Madelberte de Maubeuge. Édition du texte (BHL 5129) et traduction française. Paul Bertrand. Analecta Bollandiana, 115 (1-2, 1997), 39-76. St. Austraberta of PavUly in the Anglo-Saxon Liturgy. Alicia Correa. Analecta BoIlandiana,\\5 (1-2, 1997), 77-112. Use of Sources in the Canons of the CouncU of Trullo. Jeremy WUliams. Byzantion, LXVI (2, 1996), 470-488. L'ermite et le prince. Les débuts de la vie monastique à Conques (fin VHP-début LXe siècle). Hervé Oudart. Revue Historique, CCXCVII Qan.-Mar., 1997), 3-39. periodical uterature833 Sight and Church Reform in the Thought ofJonas of Orléans. David F. Appleby. Viator, 21 (1996), 11-33. The Sack of San Vincenzo alVolturno. Richard Hodges. History Today, 47 QuIy, 1997), 19-26. Les peintures du rez-de-chaussée de l'église de Lagami (Haute-Svanéthie). LUia Evseeva. Byzantion, LXVI (1, 1996), 81-100. La Passion de S. Géréon de Cologne (BHL 5446). Une composition d'époque ottonienne. Jean-François Nieus. Analecta Bollandiana, 115 (1-2, 1997), 5-38. The Tale of a Happy Fool: The Vita of St. Philaretos the Merciful (BHG 1511z-1512b). A. Kazhdan and L. F. Sherry. Byzantion, LXVI (2, 1996), 351-362. The Early Abbesses, Nuns and Female Tenants of the Abbey of Holy Trinity, Caen. John Walmsley. Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48 (July, 1996), 425-444. El diplomatari del monestir de Santa Cecilia de Montserrat. ILLAnys 1079-1200. índex. Francesc Xavier Altes i AguUó. Studia Monástica, 38 (2, 1996), 291-400. Le problème de l'attribution d'un texte rouennais du XIe siècle: les Acta archiepiscoporum Rothomagensium. Louis Violette. Analecta Bollandiana, 115 (1-2, 1997), 113-129. The Crusader Lordship of Marash in Armenian CiUcia, 1104-1149. George T. Beech. Viator, 27 (1996), 33-52. Dona dantes et vota voventes. De strichting en dotatie van het norbertijnenklooster te Postel (1128/1138-1179). Arnoud-Jan A. Bijsterveld. Analecta Praemonstratensia,lXXlll (1-2, 1997), 5-47. St Bernard of Clairvaux, the Low Countries and the Lisbon Letter of the Second Crusade. Jonathan PhiUips. Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48 QuIy 1997), 485-497. Richard Lionheart and English Episcopal Elections. Ralph V Turner. Albion, 29 (Spring, 1997), 1-13Ein PrivUeg Papst Innocenz' III. für die Kirche SS. Sergio e Bacco in Rom als QueUe für die mittelalterUche Topographie. Andrea Sommerlechner. Mit- teilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 105 (1-2,1997X30-42. I fondamenti del regime di cristianità al Lionese I (13 luglio 1245). Alberto MeIloni. Cristianesimo nella Storia, XVIII (Feb., 1997), 61-76. Die Verhängung des Kirchenbannes über Graf Meinhard II. von TUoI (1 259-95). Brian A. Pavlac. Veröffentlichungen des Tiroler Landesmuseums Ferdinandeum,75/76 (1995-96), 219-232. Zamora's Nuns in the Oven. Peter Linehan. History Today, 47 (Mar, 1997), 46-51. 834periodical uterature Das Säulenmonument, die Engel- und Prophetendar-steUungen Un letzten BUd der Franzlegende: "Die Befreiung des Häretikers Petrus von AUfe" in der Oberkirche San Francesco in Assisi. Gerhard Ruf. Wissenschaft und Weisheit, 59 (2, 1996), 243-259. The Reader as Author of the User-Produced Manuscript: Reading and Rewriting Popular Latin Theology Ui the Late Middle Ages. Eric H. Reiter. Viator, 27 (1996), 131-169. The Parisian Franciscan Community Ui 1303. WiUiam J. Courtenay Franciscan Studies, 53 (1993), 155-173. The Dedication of the Chora Monastery in the Time of Andronikos II Palaiologos. NataUa Teteriatnikov. Byzantion, LXVI (1 , 1996), 188-207. An Innocent Abroad: The Career of Simon Mepham, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1 328-33. Roy Martin Haines. English Historical Review, CXII (June, 1997), 555-596. L'antica presenza in Roma dei Servi di Maria: da Sant'Eusterio (1331) a San Marcello (1369). Ubaldo Maria Todeschini, O.S.M. Studi Storici dell'Ordine dei Servi di Maria, XLVI Q-Il, 1996), 7-29. La chiesa ed U convento di Santa Maria dei Servi di Ferrara dalla fondazione (1339) al 1424. Francesco Gobbo. Studi Storici dell'Ordine dei Servi di Maria, XLVI (I-II, 1996), 31-126. Conrad of Megenberg:The ParisianYears. WUUam J. Courtenay. Vivarium, XXXV (Mar., 1997), 102-124. "Die ordenung. die daz. Capitel von Zitel . . . hat gemacht" (HS 3, 1 11)· Eine bisher unbekannte Handschrift der Sr. Regula im Archiv der Abtei Lichten- thal. Sr. M. Pia Schindele, O.Cist. Freiburger Diözesan-Archiv, 116 (1996), 79-122. The Vanishing Vision: Late Medieval Crusading. Nigel Saul. History Today, 41 (June, 1997), 23-28. Late Medieval Care and Control of Women: Jean Gerson and His Sisters. Brian Patrick McGuire. Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique, XCII (Jan.-Mar., 1997), 5-36. Dominican Friar, Lay Saint: The Case of Marcolino of ForU. Daniel Bornstein. Church History, 66 Gune, 1997), 252-267. The Opponents of Bishop Pecok. R. M. Bail. Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48 (Apr., 1997), 239-262. Antijudaismus und spätmittelalterUche Bußfrömmigkeit: Die Predigten des Franziskaners Bernhardin von Busti (um 1450-1513). Hans-Martin KUn. Zeitschriftfür Kirchengeschichte, 108 (2, 1997), 147-175. Die Pest—Strafe Gottes oder Naturphänomen? Eine frömmigkeitsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu Pesttraktaten des 15. Jahrhunderts. Thilo Esser. Zeitschriftfür Kirchengeschichte, 108 (1, 1997), 32-57. periodical uterature835 Jean Marchard and Guichard de Rovedis: Clerical Patrons and TheU Manuscripts in Lyons around 1500. EUzabeth Burin. Viator, 27 (1996), 189-214. SIXTEENTH century Feste Uturgiche ed altre "AUegrezze" aU'Annuziata di Pistoia fra U Cinquecento e U Settecento. Davide Maria Montagna, O.S.M. Studi Stortci dell'Ordine dei Servi di Maria,XLYl (J-n, 1996), 127-164. Bosch's "Christ Carrying the Cross." Gordon Marsden. History Today, 41 (Apr, 1997), 15-21. Erasmus of Rotterdam and Judaism: A Reexamination in the Light of New Evi- dence. Hilmar M. Pabel. Archivefor Reformation History, 87 (1996), 9-37. Luther, Emser and the Development of Reformation Anticlericalism. Geoffrey L. Dipple. Archivefor Reformation History, 87 (1996), 38-56. Das Gespann Cochläus/Dietenberger im Kampf gegen Luther. Adotf Laube. Archivefor Reformation History, 87 (1996), 1 19-135. Margareta von Treskow, eine unbekannte Flugschriftenverfasserin der Reformationszeit. Gisela Möncke. Zeitschriftfür Kirchengeschichte, 108 (2, 1997), 176-186. Rural Organization and Receptivity to Protestantism in Sixteenth-Century Europe. Rosemary L. Hopcroft.Journalfor the Scientific Study of Religion, 36 Cune, 1997), 158-181. The Reformation and Parish Morality in Brandenburg-Ansbach-KUmbach. C. Scott Dixon. Archivefor Reformation History, 87 (1996), 255-286. Reformierte Sittenzucht zwischen kommunaler und territorialer Organisation: Graubünden, 16.-18. Jahrhundert. Ulrich Pfister. Archivefor Reformation History, 87 (1996), 287-333. Penitence and Prophecy: George Cavendish on the Last State of Cardinal Wolsey R. H. BritneU. Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48 (Apr., 1997), 263-281. Reformatorischer BUdersturm—Export ins Nichts? Skulpturen zwischen ökonomischer und karitativerVerwertung. Jörg Rosenfeld. Archivefor Ref- ormation History, 87 (1996), 74-89. Paulus Volzius Offenburgensis—Benediktinermönch zwischen Reform und Re- formation. Eugen Hillenbrand. Freiburger Diözesan-Archiv, 116 (1996), 5-20. Der Apostel Thomas in China. Die Herkunft einer Tradition. Jürgen Tubach. Zeitschriftfür Kirchengeschichte, 108 (1, 1997), 58-74. Andersheit und Kommunikation. Das Missionsvertändnis Francisco de Vitorias (tl546). Michael Sievernich. Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft, 53 (2, 1997), 81-98. 836PERIODICAL UTERATURE Calvin and the Libri Carolini. James R. Paytonjr. Sixteenth Century Journal, XXVIII (Summer, 1997), 467-480. The Lectures ofJohn Calvin and the Nature of His Audience, 1555-1564. Peter Wilcox. Archivefor Reformation History, 87 (1996), 136-148. Charity and State Bunding in Cinquecento Florence: Vincenzio Borghini as Administrator of the Ospedale degU Innocenti. PhUip Gaxitt.Journal ofMod- ern History, 69 (June, 1997), 230-270. Ein religiöses Mahnschreiben Kaiser Ferdinands I. Ernst Laubach. Archive for Reformation History, 87 (1996), 90-1 18. Ferdinando dei Medici: la formazione di un cardinale principe (1563-72). Stefano Calonaci. Archivio Storico Italiano, CLIV (JV, 1996), 635-690. The Limitation of Statutes: Elizabethan Schemes to Reform New Foundation Cathedral Statutes. James Saunders. Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48 (July, 1997), 445-467. KonfessioneUe Bildpropaganda des späten 16. Jahrhunderts: Die Nas-FischartKontroverse 1568/71. Harry Oelke. Archive for Reformation History, 87 (1996), 149-200. Paolo Sarpi a MUano giovane coUaboratore del cardinale Carlo Borromeo (1574-1575). Davide Maria Montagna, O.S.M. Studi Storici dell'Ordine dei Servi di Maria, XLVI (I-II, 1996), 245-257. Georges Klontzas et l'image de l'union des églises. Lydie Hadermann-Misguich. Byzantion, LXVI (2, 1996), 346-350. Moral Supervision and Poor ReUef in the Reformed Church of DeUt, 1579- 1609. Charles H. Parker. Archive for Reformation History, 87 (1996), 334-361. FUippo Neri, U santo di Roma. Alessandro Scurani, S.I. Civiltà Cattolica, 148, 1 (Mar. 1,1997), 452-460. San Pietro Canisio. Julius Oswald, S.I. Civiltà Cattolica, 148, 1 (Mar. 15, 1997), 543-557. SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES The Consistory of the Scots Church, Rotterdam: An Aspect of"Civic Calvinism," c. 1600-1800. Rab Houston, Archive for Reformation History, 87 (1996), 362-392. Das Testament und das Glaubensbekenntnis des todkranken 21 jährigen Johann Gerhard (1603): Kritische Edition und Kommentar. Johann Anselm Steiger. Archivefor Reformation History, 87 (1996), 201-254. Loyalty, Religion and State Power Ui Early Modern England: EngUsh Romanism and the Jacobean Oath ofAllegiance. M. C. Questier. HistoricalJournal, 40 (June, 1997X311-329. PERIODICAL UTERATURE837 La lunga stagione della caccia alle streghe in VaUe Leventina. L'opéra repressiva del Magnifico Ufficio di Faido nel XVII secólo. Matteo Scanni. Nuova Rivista Storica, LXXX (Jan-Apr., 1997), 131-158. An Oxford College, Two Parishes and a Tithe-Farmer: The Modernisation of Tithe CoUection. A. W. Purdue. Rural History, 8 (Apr., 1997), 1-19. Un MasanieUo quacchero: James Nayler. Stefano ViUani. Rivista di Storia e Let- teratura Religiosa, XXXIII (1 , 1997), 67-91 . Lo studio di Chieti per la formazione dei chierici neUa corrispondenza dei PP Generali. Osvaldo Tosti. Archivum Scholarum Piarum, XXI (No. 41, 1997), 203-283. The Worcester House Declaration and the Restoration of the Church of England. Barry TiU. Historical Research, LXX Qune, 1997), 203-230. La quereUe des hôpitaux à Nîmes au XVIIe siècle. Jacques Perrier. Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français, 143 (Apr. -June, 1997), 165-173. WiUiam Rogers and His Correspondence. John Fendley. Recusant History, 23 (May, 1997), 285-317. To Make a Martyr. The Popish Plot and Protestant Propaganda. Alan MarshaU. History Today, 47 (Mar, 1997), 39-45. Nicolas RoUand (1642-1678), Claude-François PouUart des Places (1679-1709) et la dévotion à la Sainte-FamiUe.Yves Poutet. Mémoire Spiritaine, No. 5 (1 , 1997), 24-32. Essai sur le charisme spiritain au fil de l'histoire, de 1703 à 1839. HenryJ. Koren. Mémoire Spiritaine, No. 5 (1, 1997), 7-23. Staatsbeamter und kathoUscher Bischof—Joseph Vitus Burg (1768-1833) aus Offenburg zwischen Historiographie und Ideologie. Hubert WoU. Freiburger Diözesan-Archiv, 1 16 (1996), 41-59. Les protestants dans la viUe: Lyon vers 1789. Yves Krumenacker. Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français, 143 (Apr. -June, 1997), 175-186. Dom Joseph Cuthbert Wilks (1748-1829) and English Benedictine Involvement in the Cisalpine Stirs. Geoffrey Scott, O.S.B. Recusant History, 23 (May, 1997), 318-340. Goethes Kritik am Christentum in den Venezianischen Epigrammen (1790). Konrad Rahe. Zeitschriftfür Kirchengeschichte, 108 (2, 1997), 187-212. Le discours de Mirabeau (1749-1791) sur le céUbat des prêtres. Jeroom Vercruysse. Lias, 23 (2, 1996), 261-320. Franz Xaver von Neveu (1749-1828)—Ein Offenburger auf dem Basler Bischofs- stuhl. Marco Jorio. Freiburger Diözesan-Archiv, 116 (1996), 21-40. Incredulità e rigenerazione neUa Lombardia del triennio repubblicano. Luciano Guerci. Rivista Storica Italiana, CLX (1, 1997), 49-120. 838PERIODICAL LITERATURE NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH CENTURIES Una devozione poUtica tra '800 e '900. Daniele Menozzi. Rivista di Storia e Let- teratura Religiosa, XXXIII (1, 1997), 29-65. From Hagiography to History: A Critical Re-examination of the FUst FortyYears of "The Life" of Mother Margaret HaUahan and of Its Manuscript Sources. Stephen H. Hancock. Recusant History, 23 (May, 1997), 341-371. Die KonkordatspoUtik des Kurerzkanzlers und Fürstprimas Karl Theodor von Dalberg und seines Konstanzer Generalvikars Ignaz Heinrich von Wessenberg in den Jahren 1803 bis 1815. Franz Xaver Bischof. Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 108 (1, 1997), 75-92. Wellington and the "Open Queston": The Issue of Catholic Emancipation, 1821-1829. Richard W Davis. Albion, 29 (Spring, 1997), 39-55. SuUa genesi deUe Cinque piaghe di Antonio Rosrnini. Paolo Marangon. Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa, XXXIII (1, 1997), 93-129. Religion, Gender and Education in a Durham Parish during the Early Nineteenth Century. James A. Jaffe. Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48 (Apr, 1997), 282-301. Gladstone and German Liberal Catholicism. Peter C. Erb. Recusant History, 23 (May, 1997), 450-469. 1848: Un clergé démocrate dans les vieiUes colonies françaises. PhiUppe DeUsIe. Mémoire Spiritaine, No. 5 (1, 1997), 136-146. Un réseau ultramontain en France au mUieu du 19e siècle. Daniel Moulinet. Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique, XCII (Jan.-Mar., 1997), 70-125. Newman and "The PhUosophy of Byron." John R. Griffin. Cristianesimo nella Storia,XVm (Feb., 1997), 77-90. The CathoUcs, the Irish Delinquent, and the Origins of Reformatory Schools in Nineteenth Century England and Scotland. John A. Stack. Recusant History, 23 (May, 1997), 372-388. Bishop Turner, the Salford Diocese and Reformatory Provision, 1854-1872. David Lannon. Recusant History, 23 (May, 1997), 389-407. Episcopal Authority and Clerical Democracy: Diocesan Synods in Liverpool in the 1850s. Peter Doyle. Recusant History, 23 (May, 1997), 418-433. Lettre des fiUes du pasteur Jacques Reclus à Zoé Tuyès (Steeg), 1856-1863· Lucien Carrive. Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français, 143 (Apr. -June, 1997), 189-244. Le Père Jules Leman et la fondation du collège de Blackrock, en Irlande. Sean Farragher. Mémoire Spiritaine, No. 5 (1, 1997), 37-62. L'éphémère fondation de Notre-Dame d'Afrique d'après un témoin oculaire. Bernard Ardura. Analecta Praemonstratensia,LXXlll (1-2, 1997), 75-104. Et in Suburbia Ego: Father Bampneld and the Institute of St. Andrew. Stewart M. Foster, O.S.M. Recusant History, 23 (May, 1997), 434-449. PERIODICAL LITERATURE839 DaUe soppressioni aUa rinascita: U sineproprio neUa prospettiva di una "histoUe au ras du sol." Giuseppe Buffon, O.F.M. Antonianum, LXXII (Apr. -June, 1997), 261-301. L'Amitié Batiffol-Lagrange. Bernard Montagnes. Bulletin de Littérature Ecclésiastique, XCVIII Oan.-Mar., 1997), 3-20. Theodor Wacker (1845-1921). Hugo Ott. Freiburger Diözesan-Archiv, 116 (1996), 61-78. La Nunziatura di Parigi. PoUtica e reUgione a fine Ottocento. Laura CivUiini. Nuova Rivista Storica,lXXX (Jan.-Apr., 1997), 101-130. ColoniaUsm, Corporeality and Character: Methodist Missions and the Refashioning of Bodies Ui the Pacific. Richard Eves. History andAnthropology, 10 (1 , 1996X85-138. La provincia Piceno-Piemontese dei Servi di Maria (1890-1899). Franco Maria AzzaUi, O.S.M. Studi Storici dell'Ordine dei Servi di Maria, XLVI (I—II, 1996), 165-220. St. Edmund's CoUege, Ware and St. Edmund's CoUege, Cambridge: Historical Connections and Early Tribulations. V Alan McClelland. Recusant History, 23 (May, 1997), 470-482. Faith in the Nation? The Church of England in the 20th Century. Andrew Chandler. History Today, 41 (May, 1997), 9-15. L'envoi de Prémontrés à Madagascar. Vingt et une lettres du P. Godefroid Madelaine en 1901. Dominique-Marie Dauzet. Analecta Praemonstratensia, LXXIII (1-2, 1997), 105-135. Premiers contacts des spiritains avec les peuples de la région centrale du Nige- ria. Vincent O'Toole. Mémoire Spiritaine, No. 5 (1, 1997), 63-92. Joseph Schmidlin—Deutung und WirkUchkeit. Zum Aufsatz "Zwischen Vision und Sendung" von Horst Rzepkowski. Karl MüUer. Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft, 53 (2, 1997), 115-129. "White Bolsheviks"? The CathoUc Left and the SociaUsts Ui Italy 1919-1920. John M. Foot. HistoricalJournal, 40 Qune, 1997), 415-433. Prisoner of History: The Eastern Orthodox Church in Poland in the Twentieth Century. Edward D. Wynot, Jr. Journal of Church and State, 39 (Spring, 1997), 319-338. Da Paolo Ubaldi a Giuseppe Lazzati: la Letteratura cristiana antica neU'Università Cattolica del S. Cuore. Luigi E Pizzolato.^wwra, LXXI (Jan.-Apr., 1997), 153-180. Monks and Ecumenism: The Case of Lambert Beauduin. Patrick Lyons, O.S.B. American Benedictine Review, 48 (June, 1997), 129-160. Tout ou rien: Soeur IsabeUe Joantéquy (1895-1942). Soeur Paul GUolet. Mé- moire Spiritaine, No. 5 (1, 1997), 93-106. 840PERIODICAL UTERATURE Frömmigkeit und KonfessionaUsmus in der Diaspora. Zur Mission eines adeligen Kapuziners in Lettland (1929-1984). Bernhard Löffler. Archivfür Kulturgeschichte, 79 (1, 1997), 123-151. Metarezension zu ErzbischofJaeger im Dritten Reich. Heribert Gruß. Theologie und Glaube, 87 (2, 1997), 266-278. "Aufhebung" und Weiterleben der theologischen Fakultät Innsbruck (1938-1945): Fakten, Reaktionen und Hintergründe während des Zweiten Weltkriegs. Karl-?. Neufeld. Zeitschriftfür Katholische Theologie, 119 (1, 1997), 27-50. EngUsh CathoUcs and the Proposed Soviet Alliance, 1939· James Flint, O.S.B. Journal ofEcclesiastical History, 48 OuIy 1997), 468-484. Die Bedeutung von Kirche, Religion und christlichem Glauben im Umkreis der Attentäter des 20. Juli 1944. Christoph Strohm. Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 108 (2, 1997), 213-235. U gesuita Giovanni Fausti secondo la testimonianza del p. Giuseppe Valentini. Vincenzo Poggi, S.I. Civiltà Cattolica, 148, II (Apr. 5, 1997), 43-52. "Hofprediger der Demokratie" Evangelische Akademien und poUtische BUdung in den Anfangsjahren der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Leonore Siegele- Wenschkewitz. Zeitschriftfür Kirchengeschichte, 108 (2, 1997), 236-252. Women and the Significance of ReUgion in Australia. Roger C. Thompson. Sins of Omission? Women in the History of Australian ReUgion and ReUgion in the History of Australian Women. A Reply to Roger Thompson. Anne O'Brien. Australian Historical Studies, 28 (Apr, 1997), 1 18-135. AMERICAN AND CANADIAN Roman CathoUcs, Not Papists: Catholic Identity in Maryland, 1689-1776. Beatriz Betancourt Hardy. Maryland Historical Magazine, 92 (Summer, 1997), 139-161. A Plea for Maryland CathoUcs Reconsidered. Tricia T. Pyne. Maryland Historical Magazine, 92 (Summer, 1997), 163-181. New Divinity Schools of the Prophets, 1750-1825: A Case Study in Ministerial Education. David W Kling. History of Education Quarterly, 37 (Summer, 1997), 185-206. From Linares to Galveston: Texas in the Diocesan Scheme of the CathoUc Church to the Mid-Nineteenth Century. Patrick Foley. Catholic Southwest, 8 (1997), 25-44. EUzabeth Seton—Mission of Education: Faith and Willingness to Risk. Betty Ann McNeU, D.C. Vincentian Heritage,XVU (3, 1996), 185-199- The Sisters of Charity in Cincinnati: 1829-1852. Judith Metz, S.C. Vincentian Heritage,xyil (3, 1996), 201-244. PERIODICAL UTERATURE84 1 An HeU or a Rebel? Charles Grandison Finney and the New England Theology. AUen C. Guelzo.Journal of the Early Republic, 17 (Spring, 1997), 61-94. Wilhelm Lohe. (Jerhard H. Mundinger. Concordia Historical Institute Quarterly, 70 (Spring, 1997), 2-19. RudoU Lange's Letter Written One Year before the Founding of the Missouri Synod. Edward J. Arndt. Concordia Historical Institute Quarterly, 70 (Spring, 1997), 21-37. EarlyYears of C. A. T. SeUe: An Autobiography. William H. Nielsen and George R. Nielsen (Trans, and Ed.). Concordia Historical Institute Quarterly, 70 (Summer, 1997), 53-69. Ulysses S. Grant, Nativist. Tyler Anbinder. Civil War History, 43 (June, 1997), 119-141. They Ventured to Texas: The European Heritage of Women ReUgious in the Nineteenth Century. M. Monica LaFleur, C.C.V.I. Catholic Southwest, 8 (1997), 45-64. Reclaiming the Land of the Bible: Missionaries, Secularism, and EvangeUcal Modernity. Ussama Makdisi. American Historical Review, 102 (June, 1997), 680-713. "Among These American Heathens" : CongregationaUst Missionaries and African American Evangelicals during Reconstruction, 1865-1878. Karin L. Zipf. North Carolina Historical Review, LXXIV (Apr. , 1 997), 111-134. A Conflict of Associations: The National Camp-Meeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness Versus the Methodist Episcopal Church. A. Gregory Schneider. Church History, 66 (June, 1997), 268-283. Sin and Grace on the Cattlemen's Frontier. Thomas W. Spalding, CEX. Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, 107 (FaU-Winter, 1996), 65-75. Sargent's Truncated Triumph: Art and Religion at the Boston PubUc Library, 1890-1925. Sally M. Promey Art Bulletin, LXXLX (June, 1997), 217-250. Segregated CathoUcism: The Origins of Saint Katharine's Parish, New Orleans. Douglas J. Slawson. Vincentian Heritage,XYll (3, 1996), 140-184. The Founding and Early Expansion of the Salesian Work in the San Francisco Area from Archival Documents, Part II: Early Expansion (1897-1910). Arthur J. Lenti, S.D.B. Journal of Salesian Studies, VIII (Spring, 1997), 21-90. Canada: Naissance de la province spiritaine. Gaétan Renaud. Mémoire Spiritaine,Kio. 5 (1, 1997), 107-135. A Very FuU and Happy Life: Kathleen Thompson Norris and Popular Novels for Women. Una M. Cadegan. Records ofthe American Catholic Historical So- ciety ofPhiladelphia, 107 (Fall-Winter, 1996), 19-38. 842PERIODICAL UTERATURE An AUiance of Convenience: Independent Exhibitors and Purity Crusaders Bat- tle HoUywood, 1920-1940. David A. Horowitz. The Historian, 59 (Spring, 1997X553-572. Segregation and Desegregation at The CathoUc University ofAmerica. C. Joseph Nuesse. Washington History, 9 (Spring/Summer, 1997), 54-70. Thinking on One's Own: CathoUcism in the American InteUectual Imagination, 1928-1960. John T. McGreevy. Journal of American History, 84 Qune, 1997), 97-131. Paul Hanly Furfey: Insights from a Spiritual PUgrimage. Bruce H. Lescher. Records of theAmerican Catholic Historical Society ofPhiladelphia, 107 (FaU-Winter, 1996), 39-63. From the Ranks of the Ordinary People: Father Cox and Pittsburgh in the 1940s. SaUy Witt. Pittsburgh History, 80 (Summer, 1997), 52-59. EvangeUst Percy Crawford and The King's CoUege in Delaware, 1941-1955. Gerald F. Vaughn. Delaware History, XXVII (Spring-Summer, 1996; FaUWinter, 1996-97), 19-41. In the Court of the "Queen of Sciences." Sandra Yocum Mize. Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, 107 (FaU-Winter, 1996X1-18. The ReUgious Sculpture of Charles Umlauf. Francine Carraro. Catholic Southwest,» (1997), 65-88. The Relationship ofWerner Elert and America. Lowell C. Green. Concordia Historical Institute Quarterly, 70 (Summer, 1997), 75-93. A Catholic for President? John E Kennedy and the "Secular" Theology of the Houston Speech, I960. Mark S. Massa, Séjournai of Church and State, 39 (Spring, 1997), 297-317. The CathoUc Archives at San Antonio: Twenty-Five Years of Preserving the Historical Treasures of the Church in South Texas. Robert D. KinnaUy Jr. Catholic Southwest, 8 (1997), 89-1 16. LATIN AMERICAN Bartolomé de Las Casas. Eine advokatorische Ethik im Disput um die Legitimität der spanischen Conquista. Matthias Gillner. Theologie und Glaube, 87 (2, 1997), 245-259. Los últimos denigradores residuales de Las Casasjuan Luis BeceUo Garciajean Dumont, Enrique Díaz Araújo. Isacio Pérez Fernández, O.P Studium, XXXVII (1, 1997), 61-107. La buena nueva de la revolución del poncho. Agustín Bravo Muñoz. Cristianesimo nella Storia,XNUl (Feb., 1997), 91-134. Libertaçao e alteridade—25 anos de historia da Teología da Libertaçâo. José Ramos Regidor. Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira, LVII (Mar., 1997), 1 18-138. OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED [Books that were sent to scholars to be reviewed but of which no review has been received are indicated by an asterisk.] Archivi (GIi) dei partiti politici.Atti dei seminari di Roma, 30 giugno 1994, e di Perugia, 25-26 ottobre 1994. [PubbUcazioni degU Archivi di Stato, Saggi 39] (Rome: Ministero per i beni culturaU e ambientaU, Ufñcio cen- trale per i beni archivistici. 1996. Pp. 419. Paperback.) Archivi (GIi) per la storia dell'alimentazione. Atti del convegno PotenzaMatera, 5-8 setiembre 1988. Vols. I-III. [PubbUcazioni degU Archivi di Stato, Saggi 34.] (Rome: Ministero per i beni culturaU e ambientaU, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici. 1995. Pp. 717; 719-1359; 1361-2029. Paperback.) "Atkin, Nicholas. Church and Schools in Vichy France, 1940-1944. [A Garland Series of Outstanding Studies and Dissertations: Modern Europena History: France.] (NewYork: Garland PubUshing, Inc. 1992. Pp. xiv, 269. $63.00.) Aubert, R. (Ed.). Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Géographie Ecclésiastiques. Fascicule 150: Iriberri-Isle; Fascicule 151: Isle-Izvorov; Fascicules 152-153: Izvorov-Japon. (Paris: Letouzey et Ané. [1995; 1996; 1997.] Col. 1-256; 257-512; 513-1024. 265 FE; 288 FE; 535 FF. paperback.) Autorité (L) et les autorités en régime de civilisation chrétienne. Tome XVIII: L'Hérésie, Documents de travail, 1994-1995; and Tome XLX: La Tolérance, Documents de travail, 1995-1996; Séminaire de Bernard Plongeron, Cycle des études du doctorat. (Paris: Institut CathoUque de Paris. 1995; 1996. Pp. 178; 169. Paperback.) Bidischini, Elisabetta, and Leonardo Musci (Eds.). Guida agit archivi storici dette Camere di commercio italiane. [PubbUcazioni degU Archivi di Stato, Strumenti CXXVII, Unione italiana deUe Camere di Commercio, industria, artigianato e agricoltura.] (Rome: Ministero per i beni culturaU e ambien- taU, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici. 1996. Pp. 194.) Bologna, Marco (Ed.). GIiArchivi Pallavicini di Genova, II: Archivi aggregati. [PubbUcazioni degU Archivi di Stato, Strumenti CXXVIII, Atti deUa Società Ligure di Storia Patria, Nuova Serie, Vol. XXXV (CLX), Fase. IL] (Rome: Mi- nistero per i beni culturaU e ambientaU, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici. 1996. Pp. 473. Paperback.) Carucci, Paola, Fabrizio Dolci, and Mario Missori (Eds.). Volantini antifascisti nette carte délia Pubblica sicurezza (1926-1943). [PubbUcazioni degU 843 844OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED Archivi di Stato, Strumenti CXXIV, Archivio Centrale deUo Stato.] (Rome: Ministero per i beni cultural! e ambientaU, Ufficio centrale per i beni ar- chivistici. 1995. Pp. 241. Paperback.) "Clark, Elizabeth A. The Origenist Controversy: The Cultural Construction of an Early Christian Debate. (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1992. Pp. xU, 287. $45.00.) "Cummins,J. S. A Question ofRites: Friar Domingo Navarrete and theJesuits in China. Brookfield,Vt.: Scolar Press. 1993. Pp. xvi, 349. $67.95.) "Dodson, Michael, and Laura Nuzzi O'Shaughnessy. Nicaragua's Other Revolu- tion: Religious Faith and Political Struggle. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 1990. Pp. xii, 279. $39.95 cloth; $12.95 paper.) Errera, Andrea. Arbor Actionum: Genere letterario e forma di classificazione dette azioni nella dottrina dei glossatori. [Archivio per la storia del Diritto, medioevale e moderno, 1.] (Bologna: Monduzzi Editore. 1995. Pp. xvU, 406.) FeUoni, Giuseppe (Ed.). Inventario delTArchivio del Banco di San Giorgio (1407-1805),\ol. IV: Debito pubblico, Tomo 7 and Tomo 8. [PubbUcazioni degli Archivi di Stato, Archivio di Stato di Genova.] (Rome: Ministero per i beni culturaU e ambientaU, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici. 1996. Pp. 374; 403. Paperback.) Fin du monde et signes des temps: Visionnaires etprophètes en France méridionale (fin XIIF-début XV' siècle). [Cahiers de Fanjeux, CoUection d'Histoire reUgieuse du Languedoc aux XHP et XIVe siècles, 27.] (Toulouse: Éditions Privat. 1992. Pp. 396. 155 F. paperback.) Contents: I. "L'attente es- chatologique autour de 1300": Edith Pasztor, "L'apport de Raoul ManseUi à l'histoire de l'eschatologie médiévale" (pp. 21-31); Paul Amargier, "Robert d'Uzès revisité," Annexe, "Les testaments de Robert d'Uzès (1293)" (pp. 33-47); GLuUa Barone,"L'oeuvre eschatologique de Pierre Jean-Olieu et son influence. Un bUan historiographique" (pp. 49-61); Roberto Rusconi,"A la recherche des traces authentiques de Joachim de Flore dans la France méridionale" (pp. 63-80); Claude Carozzi, "Extase et visions chez Frère Roger de Provence" (pp. 81-105); Francesco Santi,"La vision de la fin des temps chez Arnaud de VUleneuve. Contenu théologique et expérience mystique" (pp. 107-127); Hélène Millet et Dominique Rigaux, "Aux origines du succès des Vaticinia de summis pontificibus" (pp. 129-156);II. "Crise et espoU de renouveau de la papauté d'Avignon au Grande Schisme": Louis Boisset, "Hommage à Madame Jeanne Bignami Odier" (pp. 159-170); Sylvie Barnay "L'univers visionnaire de Jean de RoquetaLUade" (pp. 171-190); MartmAureU,"Eschatologie,spirituaUté et poUtique dans la confédération catalano-aragonaise (1282-1412)" (pp. 191-235); Colette Beaune,"Perceforêt et Merlin. Prophétie, Uttérature et rumeurs au début de la guerre de Cent-Ans" (pp. 237-255); Jean-Patrice Boudet, "La papauté d'Avignon et l'astrologie," Appendice: "Epístola magistri Johannis de Mûris ad dementem sextum" (pp. 257-293); André Vernet, "Les visions cos- OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED845 miques d'Opicinius de Canistris" (pp. 295-307); Matthew Tobin, "Les visions et révélations de Marie Robine d'Avignon, dans le contexte prophétique des annés 1400" (pp. 309-329); Bernard Montagnes, "Prophétisme et eschatologie dans la prédication méridionale de saint Vincent Ferrier"(pp. 331-349). "Flaxman, Radegunde. A Woman Styled Bold: The Life of Cornelia Connelly, 1809-1879. (London: Darton, Longman and Todd. 1991. Pp. xvi, 363. £30.00.) Fonti archivistiche e ricerca demográfica. Atti del convegno internazionale, Trieste, 23-26 aprile 1990. Vols. I and II. [PubbUcazioni degU Archivi di Stato, Saggi 37.] (Rome: Ministero per i beni culturaU e ambientaU, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici. 1996. Pp. 723; 725- 1498. Paperback.) Fonti e problemi delta política coloniale italiana. Atti del convegno Taormina-Messina, 23-29 ottobre 1989. Vols. I and II. [PubbUcazioni degli Archivi di Stato, Saggi 38.] (Rome: Ministero per i beni culturaU e ambien- taU, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici. 1996. Pp. 631; 633-1277. Paperback.) Fordjohn T, C. S.C. (Ed.). Religious Liberty: Paul VI and Dignitatis Humanae. A Symposium Sponsored by The Istituto Paolo VI and The Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C, 3-5 June 1993. [PubbUcazioni deU'Istituto Paolo VI, 16.] (Brescia: Istituto Paolo VI; Rome: Edizioni Studium. 1995. Pp. vüi, 202. Lire 40.000 paperback.) "Franchi, Antonino. Il Conclave di Viterbo (1268-1271) e Ie sue origini. (Assisi: Distributed by Edizioni Porziuncola. 1993. Pp. 125.) "Gameson, Richard (Ed.). The Early Medieval Bible:Its Production, Decoration and Use. [Cambridge Studies in Palaeography and Codicology] (NewYork: Cambridge University Press. 1994. Pp.xiv, 242. $64.95.) "Gerrish, B. A. Continuing the Reformation: Essays on Modern Religious Thought. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1993. Pp. xvi, 283. $49.00 cloth; $19.95 paper.) Kremer, Klaus, and Klaus Reinhardt (Eds.). Unsterblichkeit und Eschatologie im Denken des Nikolaus von Kues. Akten des Symposions in Trier vom 19- bis 21. Oktober 1995. [MitteUungen und Forschungsbeiträge des Cusanus-GeseUschaft, 23] (Trier: Paulmus-Verlag. 1996. Pp. xv, 200. DM 58 paperback.) Kulczycki, John J. The Polish Coal Miners' Union and the German Labor Movement in the Ruhr, 1902- 1934:National and Social Solidarity. (New York: Berg. 1997. Pp. xv, 283. $46.00.) "Lefebvre, Philippe. Les pouvoirs de la parole: L'Église et Rousseau (1 7621848). (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf. 1992. Pp. 491. 195 F paperback.) Magistère e pietà mariana in Giovanni Battista Montini-Paolo VI. Giornata di Studio in collaborazione con TIstituto Superiore Marchigiano di Scienze Religiose "Redemptoris Mater!' Loreto, 6 maggio 1995. [Pubbli- 846OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED cazioni deU'Istituto Paolo VI, 18.] (Brescia: Istituto Paolo VI; Rome: Edizioni Studium. 1996. Pp. 117. lire 25.000 paperback.) "Not siamo Chiesa": Un Appelle dal popólo di Dio: "Pitt democrazia nella Chiesa." Il dibattito in corso sul grande movimento popolare nella Chiesa cattolica. Introduction by Luigi Sandri. [Nostro tempo, 54.] (Turin: Claudiana. 1996. Pp. 239. Lire 28.000 paperback.) "Ocker, Christopher.Johannes Klenkok.A Friar's Life, c. 1310-1374. [Transactions of the American PhUosophical Society Volume 83, Part 5.] (PhUadel- phia: The American PhUosophical Society. 1993. Pp. vüi, 116. $15.00 Paperback.) Rabinow, Paul. Essays on the Anthropology of Reason. [Princeton Studies in Culture/Power/History.] (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. 1996. Pp. xvU, 190. $14.95 paperback.) "Richard, Jean, and Louis O'NeiU (Eds.). La question sociale hier et aujourd'hui: Colloque du centenaire de "Rerum Novarum." 12 au 17 mai 1991, Université Laval, Québec. (Sainte-Foy, Québec: Les Pressses de l'Université Laval. 1993. Pp. x,6l4. 49$ Can.) Taft, Robert E, SJ. (Ed.). The Christian East: Its Institutions & Its Thought. A Critical Reflection. Papers of the International Scholarly Congress for the 75th Anniversary of the Pontifical Oriental Institute, Rome, 30 May-5 June 1993. [OrientaUa Christiana Analecta, 251.] (Rome: Pontificio Istituto Ori- entale. 1996. Pp. 704. Paperback.) Contents: I. Studying the Eastern Christian Churches: Major Papers: Vittorio Peri, "L'Oriente cristiano' a Roma neU'ultimo secólo" (pp. 21-54); Carmelo Capizzi, S.J.,"La poUtica religiosa ed ecclesiastica di Giustiniano" (pp. 55-84); Emmanuel Lanne, O.S.B. ,"Un christianisme contesté: l'Orient cathoUque entre mythe et réaUté" (pp. 85- 106); Christian Hannick,"ChristUch-orientalisches Denken Ln slavischer Umformung—Traditionsbewahrung und Entwicklung eigener Züge" (pp. 107-128); Michel van Esbroeck, SJ., "Perspectives pour l'étude des Églises du Caucase" (pp. 129-144); André de HaUeux, O.F.M., "Vingt ans d'étude critique des ÉgUses Syriaques" (pp. 145-180); Ugo Zanetti, S.J.,"Les chré- tientés du NU: Basse et Haute Egypte Nubie, Ethiopie" (pp. 181-216). Com- municatons:Vincenzo Poggi, S.J.,"I primi professori del Pontificio Istituto Orientale" (pp. 217-244); IL Eastern Christian ReUgiosity Expressed and Lived: Liturgy, Art, SpirituaUty, Popular ReUgosity: Major Papers: George T Dennis, SJ., "Popular ReUgious Attitudes and Practices in Byzantium" (pp. 245-264); Gabriele Winkler,"Der armenische Ritus: Bestandsaufnahme und neue Erkenntnisse sowie einige kürzere Notizen zur Liturgie der Georgier" (pp. 265-298). Communications: Massimo Bernabö, "Tradizioni siriache neUe miniature degli Ottateuchi bizantini" (pp. 299- 3 12); Pauline DonceelVoûte, "La mise en scène de la Uturgie au Proche Orient rVe-LXe s.: les 'provinces Uturgiques' " (pp. 313-338); Cesare Giraudo, S.J.,"Anafore d'Orienté per le Chiese d'Occidente" (pp. 339-352); Habtemichael-Kidane, "U 'Deggwa' —Ubro Uturgico deUa Chiesa d'Etiopia" (pp. 353-388); Adriana OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED847 Mitescu, "La spirituaUtà del sigiUo e del sacramento eucaristico negli 'Insegnamenti del principe Neagoe Basarab' e U 'Liturgijar' di Macarte" (pp. 389-426); Ionna Zervou-Tognazzi, "Testimonianza apostólica e iconiche anatiposis" (pp. 427-434); III. institutions and Social Structures Ln the Christian East: Major Papers: Angeliki E. Laiou, "The Church, Economic Thought and Economic Practice" (pp. 435-464); Spyros N. Troianos, "Ostkirche und profanes Recht" (pp. 465-484); Alexander Kazhdan,"Constanti- nopoUtan Synaxarium as a Source for Social History of Byzantium" (pp. 485-516); Communications:Jan Sergiusz Gajek, M.I.C.,"La realta ecclesiale neUa Comunità degli Stati Indipendenti—sfida aUa teología ecuménica" (pp. 5 17-530); IV: Eastern Christian Theology: Official Doctrine, Historical Reality, Modern Hermeneutics: Major Papers: Gerhard Podskalsky, S.J., "Ostkirchliche Theologie in der Westkirche: Alternative (Antithese), Annex oder AUheUmittel?" (pp. 53 1-542); Hans-Joachim Schulz, "Die Pneumatologie des hl. BasiUus: Impuls zur Neubesinnung auf die hermeneutische Struktur der Theologie und der kirchlichen Lehrverkündigung als be- kenntnis- und liturgiebezogene Schriftauslegung" (pp. 543-564); Dorothea Wendebourg,"'Pseudomorphosis' —ein theologisches UrteU als Axiom der kirchen- und theologie-geschichtUchen Forschung" (pp. 565-590); Communications: Dimitry Afinogenov,"Iconoclasm and Ecclesiastical Freedom: Two Approaches in Ninth-Century Byzantium" (pp. 591-612); Miguel Ma Garijo-Guembe, "Die Komplementarität der Traditionen als methodisches Prinzip für den Dialog zwischen Orthodoxie und KathoUzismus" (pp. 613-630); Gorazd Kocijanlii, "He Who Is and Being: On the Postmodern Relevance of Eastern Christian Apophaticism" (pp. 631-650); SUvia Ronchey "Il Martirio di San PoUcarpo e gU antichi Atti dei martiri da Baro- nio a oggi: dottrina ufficiale e realtà storica" (pp. 651-670); V The Prize- Winning "Joseph Essay": MaxweU E. Johnson, "The Archaic Nature of the Sanctus, Institution Narrative, and Epiclesis of the Logos m the Anaphora Ascribed to Sarapion of Thmuis"(pp. 671-702). "Van AUen, Rodger. Being Catholic: Comonweal, From the Seventies to the Nineties. (Chicago: Loyola University Press. A Campion Book. 1993. Pp, xx, 203. $12.95 paperback.) Vauchez, André (Ed.). La religion civique à l'époque médiévale et moderne. (Chrétienté et Islam). Actes du coUoque organisé par le Centre de recherche "Histoire sociale et cultureUe de l'Occident. XIF-XVIIP siècle" de l'Université de Paris X-Nanterre et l'Institut universitaire de France (Nanterre, 21-23 juin 1993). [CoUection de l'École française de Rome, 213-] (Rome: École française de Rome. 1995. Pp. vi, 571. Paperback.) Partial contents: Michel Sot,"La topographie religieuse et la référence aux origines de l'égUse de Reims au Xe siècle" (pp. 9-19); Evelyne Patlagean,"L'éntrée de la Sainte Face d'Édesse à Constantinople en 944" (pp. 21-35); Roberto Leggero, "Il diavolo, le reUquie e la rifondazione di Lodi" (pp. 37-45); Andrea TUatti, "DaU'agiografia aUa cronaca. Le Inventiones degU antichi patroni padovani fra interpretazione storiografica e svüuppo di una coscienza 848OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED cívica (secc. XI-XII)" (pp. 47-64); Antonio Rigon, "S. Antonio da 'Pater Padue' a 'Patronus civitatis'" (pp. 65-76); Anna Benvenuti,"I culti patronali tra memoria ecclesiastica e costruzione dell'identità cívica: I'esempio di Firenze" (pp. 99-118); Noël Coulet, "Dévotions communales: MarseiUe entre samt Victor, saint Lazare et saint Louis (XIIP-XV' siècle)" (pp. 119133); Jacqueline HadziiossU, "L'ange custode de Valence" (pp. 135-151); Franco Cardini, "Crociata e religione cívica nell'ItaUa médiévale" (pp. 155-164); Pierre Kerbrat, "Corps des saints et contrôle civique à Bologne du XIP siècle au début du XVIe siècle" (pp. 165-185); Daniel Bornstein,"Le ConseU des Dix et le contrôle de la vie religieuse àVenise à la fin du Moyen Âge" (pp. 187-200); Giuseppina De Sandre Gasparini, "L'amministrazione pubblica dell'evento reUgioso: qualche esempio deUa Terraferma véneta del secólo XV" (pp. 201-217); Cécile Caby,"Culte civique et inurbamento monastique en Italie à la fin du Moyen Âge. Le culte de b. Parisio de Trévise"(pp. 219-234); Michelle Fournie, "Confréries, bassins et fabriques dans le Sud-Ouest de la France: des oeuvres municipales" (pp. 245-263); Marina Montesano, "Aspetti e conseguenze deUa predicazione civica di Bernardino da Siena" (pp. 265-275); Darnel Russo, "ReUgion civique et art monumental à Florence au XIVe siècle. La décoration peinte de la salle ca- pitulaire à Sainte-Marie-NouveUe" (pp. 279-296); Patricia H. Labalme, "ReUgious Devotion and Civic Division Ui Renaissance Venice: The Case of Lorenzo of Giustiniani" (pp. 297-308); Stanislaw Bylina,"La religion civique et la religion populaire en Pologne au bas Moyen Âge" (pp. 323- 335); Bernard ChevaUer,"La religion civique dans les bonnes viUes: sa portée et ses limites. Le cas de Tours" (pp. 337-349); Jean-Michel Matz, " Le développement tardU d'une religion civique dans une vUle episcopale. Les processions à Angers (v. 1450-V.1550)" (pp. 351-366); Giulia Barone, "Le culte de Françoise Romaine: un exemple de religion civique?" (pp. 367-373); Paolo GolineUi,"Quando il santo non basta più: simboli cittadini non reUgiosi nell'Italia bassomedievale" (pp. 375-389); Dominique de CourceUes, "Les goigs dans l'économie paroissiale des diocèses catalans des XVIe et XVIP siècle" (pp. 391 -399); Joanna Cannon, "Marguerite et les Cortonais: iconographie d'un 'culte civique' au XIVe siècle" (pp. 403-413); Christian de Mérindol, "Iconographie du sceau de ville en France à l'époque médiévale et religion civique" (pp. 415-428); Catherine Vincent, "Lieux de piété et lieux de pouvoir à Poitiers entre le XIIP et le XVe siècle: la confrérie du Corps de ville dite aussi du Cent" (pp. 429-444); Martial Staub, "Eucharistie et bien commun. L'économie d'une nouveUe pratique fondatrice à l'exemple des paroisses de Nuremberg dans la seconde moitié du XVe siècle: sécularisation ou religion civique?" (pp. 445-470); Marc Venard,"La religion civique exprimée par l'image. Les saints tutélaires et pro- tecteurs de l'ancienne cité d'Avignon" (pp. 471-479); Pierre Ragon, "Images miraculeuses, culte des saints et hispanité dans le Mexique colo- nial (1648-1737)" (pp. 481-495); Henri Bresc, "Conclusions" (pp. 497511); Anne Benvenuti Papi, "BibUographie sur les formes de l'identité civique à travers les cultes locaux dans l'Italie communale" (pp. 513-515). OTHER BOOKS RECEIVED849 "Vazquez Janeiro, Isaac, O.F.M. (Ed.). Caeli novi et terra nova: La evangelización del nuevo mundo a través de libros y documentos anteriores al 1600 existentes en el archivo y en la Biblioteca del Vaticano. Exposición conmemorativa, Sala Sixtina de la Biblioteca Vaticana (12 mayo- 12 octubre 1992). (Vatican City: Ciudad del Vaticano, BibUoteca Apostólica Vaticana. 1992. Pp. 258.) VitaU, Stefano, and Piero Giordanetti (Eds.). Archivio Rodolfo Mondolfo. Inventari. [PubbUcazioni degli Archivi di Stato, Strumenti CXXVI.] (Rome: Ministero per i beni culturaU e ambientaU, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici. 1996. Pp. 750. Paperback.) WUson, Thomas R. St. Bernard Church, Mount Lebanon, Pennsylvania. Photography by Edward A. Massery assisted by Alexander Denmarsh. Design and art direction by Joseph Nicholas Kravec. (Mt. Lebanon, Pa.: St. Bernard Church. 1995. Pp. 255.) Winkler, Gerhard (Ed.). Bernhard von Clairvaux: Sämtliche Werke, lateinisch/ deutsch, Band VII. (Innsbruck: Tyrolia-Verlag. 1996. Pp. 776. DM 134.)